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Becoming Dagongmei: Body, Identity and Transgression in Reform China

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Becoming Dagongmei: Body, Identity and Transgression in Reform China Becoming Dagongmei: Body, Identity and Transgression in Reform China A thesis submitted for Ph.D. degree PUN Ngai Department of Anthropology and Sociology School of Oriental and African Studies University of London January 1998 ProQuest Number: 10672734 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10672734 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Abstract My study focuses on the working lives of Chinese women in the light of China’s attempt to incorporate its socialist system into the world economy in the Reform era. My cardinal concern is the formation of a new social body - dagongmei - in contemporary China. The great transformation experienced during the reform era creates significant social changes, and the lives of dagongmei are the living embodiments of such paradoxical processes and experiences. The first part of my thesis looks at how the desire of the peasant girls - the desire of moving out of rural China to the urban industrial zones - is produced to meet the demands of industrial capitalism. The second part, based on an ethnographic study of an electronic factory in Shenzhen, studies the processes of constitution of the subject - dagongmei - in the workplace. First, I look at the disciplines and techniques of the production machine deployed over the female bodies, and see how these young and rural bodies are turned into docile and productive workers. Secondly, the politics of identity and differences is analyzed, to see how the existing social relations and local cultural practices are manipulated to craft abject subjects. Thirdly, the processes of sexualizing the abject subjects in relation to cultural discourses and language politics is unfolded. The final part examines the relation of domination and resistance inside the workplace. Dream, scream and bodily pain are seen as the actual form of struggle against the enormous power of capitalist relations in Chinese society. In short, my study explores the process, the desire, the struggle of young rural girls to become dagongmei ; and in the rite of their passages, unravels how these female bodies experience the politics and tension produced by a hybrid mixture of the state socialist and capitalist relations. Table of Contents Page Chapter I Introduction: the Poetics of Becoming Dagongmei 1 Chapter II A Changing Society of Shenzhen: Making of the New Chinese Working Class 39 Chapter III The Production of Desire: Leaving the Village 75 Chapter IV Social Body, the Art of Discipline and Resistance 118 Chapter V Becoming Dagongmei : Manufacturing Identities 160 and the Politics of Differences Chapter VI Sexualizing Female Subjects: Feminine Bodies and 190 Multiple Identities Chapter VII Scream, Dream and Transgression in the Workplace 232 Chapter VIII The Politics of Experiences: Writing or not 271 Bibliography 281 Appendix 308 Glossary 316 ii Acknowledgment Since I embarked on my doctoral study, many people have been indispensable to me. First of all, I would like to express my special gratitude to Professor Elisabeth Croll, who, as a specialist in China studies and my supervisor, has provided me with invaluably intellectual insights and most appropriate guidance. Without her unfailing support and encouragement, the thesis would not have been completed. I am also very grateful to Dr. Nancy Lindisfame who, has been a constant source of critical and reflective ideas, and shared all my difficulties and pains throughout the process of thinking and writing. I would also like to thank Dr. Mark Hobart and Dr. Kevin Latham, who provided many stimulating discussions and suggestions, and Dr. Johnathan Neale, who read all the chapters and helped me polish the English. I must also thank Dr. Ng Chun-hung, Dr. Yip Hon-ming and Dr. Lee Ching- kwan, my teachers in Hong Kong, who provided constant support and understanding, especially when I felt lost in a foreign country. Many thanks should be given to my friends and colleagues who inspired, read and commented on chapters of the thesis, and most important of all, provided me with warmth and love in the course of writing up this thesis: Anita Chan, Vivien Leung, Fion Kwok, Ng Siang Ping, Chen Yu, Karen Hui, Bonnie Pang, Esther Wong, Ku Hok-bun, Jens Franz, Puk Wing-kin and Paul Wong. I owe special thanks to Juan who gave me invaluable inspiration in beginning to formulate the thesis. I am also grateful to my mother and my two brothers who always support me in time of difficulties. Last but not the least, I want to thank Mr. Chou, the Director of Meteor Electronic Company Ltd., for his permission for me to do research in the factory, and all the women workers who gave me their warmest friendship and trust. Their inspiration extends well beyond the concern of this study. All names used in the thesis are pseudonyms. The study was made possible by a three-year fellowship from the Commonwealth Scholarship Commission in the United Kingdom. Chapter 1 Introduction: the Poetics of BecomingDagongmei A big and prosperous China in the 21st century is first dreamed in the West, then re-dreamed by the Chinese elite. It is a misfortune of our epoch. What is more tragic is the calling of the young generation of our daughters not only to live, but work out for the project of the dream1. Gaze/Gate: On the Day o f Recruiting Labour 4 th March 1996 It was Monday, a week after the Chinese New Year holiday and a day that rural migrant girls looked in hope for chances to enter a factory in the Shenzhen Special Economic Zone (SEZ). At one o'clock after lunch, the factory gate was surrounded by a crowd of people crushing to the door hoping to get in for an interview. There were more than two hundred people, most of them were female and only a few male. Judging by their appearance, it was easy to see that they were the mang liu, blind nomads among the first migration wave that came yearly, immediately after the Chinese New Year, to hunt for jobs in the city. The Economic Reform launched by the Chinese state in the early 1980s decided not only to open the door of the country to foreign capital, but also the urban door to the rural people. The whole society then began to ride on top of a great movement: a movement of the economic system, a movement of political ideology, a movement of everyday living culture, and a movement of real people. These movements create the new hopes, new dreams, new desires and new politics that are my cardinal concerns. It was a day important not merely for the migrant rural girls finding chances to become dagongmei , working girls, but also for providing ways for a novice and native anthropologist learning to make sense of her own society out of its impossibility. The factory where I worked in Shenzhen during 1995 and 1996 was an electronic company owned by Hong Kong capital. For anonymous and aesthetic reasons, I named it Meteor Electronic Company Limited. Meteor, a kind of shooting star, evoked the figuration of rapid change and the epic shifting of contemporary Chinese society. 1 My own words. Three uniformed factory guards, male, tall and strong, each holding an electric stick and standing beside the gate, tried to maintain an order in the crowd that seemed impossible. Two ladies, Ying and Jun, the staff of Personnel Department, stood at the entrance examining the certificates the job-seekers held. I stood behind Ying and Jun, who worked busily and tried to explain the situation to me at the same time. Ying We didn’t do ads in the newspaper or on street notice boards. We just spread out the news on the shopfloor that we were going to recruit labour this afternoon. Now here come so many people we can’t handle them. Every year is like this. Pun Where do they come from? Ying Oh, provinces all over the country. But anyway, I am sure they are people who have relationships with our factory. Maybe relatives, or co­ villagers or peers of our factory workers. Ying and Jun checked four kinds of certificates: 1. Shenzhen SEZ Permit 2. Identity Card 3. Certificate for Secondary School Graduation 4. Certificate for the Unmarried Ying Our priority goes to the Guangdong local workers, aged over 16, but better 18 to 23, single and with a high middle school education. Jun Nowadays, people can easily buy a school certificate at a low price. So it is difficult for us to tell the real from the fraud. We need to judge not only from the certificates, but also from their appearances. It was not the first time that I heard the story that people could easily buy school certificates from some schools. Following Jun’s eyes, I looked at the crowd as well, focusing on their faces and bodies. They were so different, some tall, some short, some thin, some fat, and some had a more urban-look than the others. Whatever appearance they gave, the whole crowd concentrated their gaze in my direction. The only direction, the gaze of the factory, where gaze and gate met, absorbing all kinds of expectations into one flow of desire: the desire for factory life.
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