Juana of Austria: Courtly Spain and Devotional Expression

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Juana of Austria: Courtly Spain and Devotional Expression Juana of Austria: Courtly ROSA HELENA Spain and Devotional CHINCHILLA Expression Dans la péninsule ibérique, le rôle de mécène culturel joué par l’infante Juana d’Autriche se signale par l’esprit de liberté et de tolérance qu’elle sut imposer pour mettre un terme aux persécutions dont souffraient certains écrivains tels François Borgia et Jorge de Montemayor. Par cette protection, elle infl uença l’esthétique de cour en l’orientant vers une plus forte et nouvelle dévotion. s regent of Spain from 1554 to 1559, when her brother Phillip left to Aseek the thrones of England or Flanders, the Infanta Juana of Austria (1535–1575) zealously encouraged her courtiers to infuse religion into court- ly life.1 Youngest daughter of Charles V and Isabel of Portugal, Juana wed Prince João of Portugal in 1552, and after his death in 1554 she gave birth to the future king of Portugal, Sebastian. In her court Juana patronized men of letters, most prominently Fray Luis de Granada, Francis Borgia, and Jorge de Montemayor, whose writings propagated the idea of religious reform. Al- though at the end of Juana’s regency such religious thinkers were persecuted by the Inquisition, they impacted the literary milieu in spite of the Inquisi- tion’s prohibitions, and the ideas of their literary contributions slowly became the norm. The ideal Juana achieved as pious and sober regent infl uenced the courts of Isabel de Valois and Ana of Austria, third and fourth wives of Phil- lip II of Spain, as well as Phillip himself and his eldest daughter the Infanta Clara Eugenia, later regent of Flanders. Juana’s court played a pivotal role in determining the literary tastes of the second half of the sixteenth century, and the devotional courtly ideals made famous by her brother Phillip II. Juana, most commonly known as Princess of Portugal or simply La Princesa, was in the center of the hereditary maelstrom over who should gov- ern Portugal and Spain. When João III of Portugal died in 1557, Charles V helped his own sister Catalina to become regent of Portugal, and thereby Renaissance and Reformation / Renaissance et Réforme, XXVIII, 1 (2004) /21 22/ Renaissance and Reformation / Renaissance et Réforme squelched Juana’s claim as mother of the legitimate heir.2 Juana’s brief re- gency ended abruptly with Phillip’s fi nal decision in 1559, after courting the crowns of England and Flanders, to return to Spain. Juana maneuvered until her death to retain her pious status of widowhood, despite repeated rumors of marriage alliances in the 1560s. Phillip kept Juana at his side as an ally in political concerns, and he entrusted her to oversee the education of his ado- lescent wives and young children. The two most important religious men in Juana’s court, beginning in 1552, were Francis Borgia (later Saint Francis Borgia) and Fray Luis de Granada, who taught the young princess that her principal earthly duty was to seek her own salvation and that of her subjects. Through the religious teach- ings of these men she helped her subjects follow a path of redemption, and in their estimate this was her greatest power. Personally, she strived for an example of queenly austerity and devotion, as noted by all her biographers. Her dress after 1554 was always black, at fi rst an outward sign of mourning, but later a trademark of her pictorial depiction by all the court painters, as is evident in the portraits by Sánchez Coello, Sebastián de Moro, and Sofonisba de Anguissola.3 Descriptions of contemporary eye witnesses, like Catherine de Medici’s French ambassadors and Phillip’s court historians, in such public events as the crowning of the Infante Carlos, all emphasize her dress and manner as austere in its colour.4 Juana’s direct infl uence on the creative process of these writers is dif- fi cult to document, except through her authorization in the publication of their books. Although royal privilege may seem a routine matter under nor- mal circumstances, the dynamics of publishing in the 1550s warrants par- ticular attention. Ministers who represented Prince Phillip (the future Phillip II), Queen Juana I, the Emperor Charles V, and the Princess Juana were all possible sources of royal authorization. Books of chivalry tended to be au- thorized by Charles V, such as Garrido de Villena’s El verdadero suceso de la famosa batalla de Roncesvalles (Valencia: Mey Flandro, 1555). Compila- tions of law and Castilian histories were authorized by Queen Juana I, such as Leyes de Toro (Medina del Campo, 1555). An assortment of different genres have permission signed “El Príncipe” (Phillip was the legal heir to Castile after Charles V offi cially abdicated in 1555 after Juana I’s death) even as late as 1558, such as Capítulos y leyes (Valladolid: Martínez). Yet another group bears the permission of “La Princesa,” including publications originating in Valladolid, Lisbon, and Valencia. Among these are the publications by Fray Luis de Granada, Francis Borgia, and Jorge de Montemayor. 5 In 1551 Fray Luis de Granada, a Dominican reformist who shared many of the Jesuit order’s pious ideals, came to Evora, Portugal, where the royal Rosa Helena Chinchilla / Juana of Austria /23 court resided. He gave religious instruction to the royal family that included Juana of Austria, as well as Queen Catalina, Charles V’s youngest sister, and her daughter, the Infanta Isabel. Borgia (after the summer of 1553) and Fray Luis served the royalty as confessors and religious guides. Consequently the Portuguese royal family was the fi rst to patronize and personally espouse the ideals of Catholic reform in the middle of the sixteenth century. The most im- portant texts to the new religiosity were guides for a path of salvation access- ible in vulgar language. Especially important were the spiritual contempla- tion of Christ’s life, meditation through constant prayer, frequent confession and communion. The meditative stance of such religious practices helped to name this religious reform the “recogidos” (i.e. the withdrawn). Fray Luis de Granada published in Portugal his Castilian Guide to the Sinner (Lisbon: Juan Blavio de Colonia, 1556), dedicated to Juana’s mother- in-law Queen Catalina of Portugal and bearing the royal privilege of the Prin- cess Juana.6 Such a letter is noteworthy because no other publication by Fray Luis carries this permission by the Spanish Regent, and the letter thus testifi es both to the patronage relationship between them, and to the book’s intended Castilian circulation. The fi rst part guides the reader through forms of medi- tation and prayer, while the second refl ects on Christ and presents essentially a vita Christi, considered by A. Huerga to be one of the most important and original contributions by Granada.7 The third part is a confessionary guide. Earlier, Granada had published Libro de la oración y la meditación (Sala- manca: Andrea de Portonaris, 1554). Juana admired Fray Luis de Granada in Evora where she fi rst knew him in the Portuguese Court and invited him to Spain while she was regent, although he only came to Valladolid in 1559 to defend his writings before the Inquisition.8 In the correspondence of that year Juana is named as one of the few people willing to speak on his behalf. 9 During her two years residence in Portugal, Juana depended on her principal religious advisor, Francis Borgia, a Jesuit, who became the most important infl uence on the young princess. M. Bataillon’s description of the religious atmosphere in the Princess’ Portuguese court reveals that Juana re- quested twice daily visits from Borgia for religious guidance.10 This severe daily regiment suggests an extreme devotional attitude of prayer common to a movement associated with the recogidos. Borgia also devised moral games to teach and entertain Juana’s courtiers, for example card games depicting virtues and vices. Borgia, a cousin to Charles V and confessor to Juana’s mother Isabel until her death in 1539, had known Juana since childhood. In the intervening years Borgia had met Ignatius of Loyola and had become a member of the Jesuit order. He established an important group of fi fteen new Jesuit colleges 24/ Renaissance and Reformation / Renaissance et Réforme in Portugal and Spain between 1551 and 1559, undoubtedly aided by the monarchs and regents of these kingdoms.11 Francis Borgia followed Juana back to Spain when she accepted the Regency. In his correspondence with Ignatius of Loyola and other Jesuits he argues succinctly that alliance with the Spanish monarchs serves the interests of the Jesuits. He hopes that the aid of either Juana or Phillip will secure the fortunes of the Jesuits in Spain.12 Borgia was aware that the Order and the new Catholic reforms had many enemies in Spain, but he valued dissemina- tion of doctrine in a form that was accessible to non-Latin readers, principally the female nobility. Borgia’s help was invaluable to Juana in times of per- sonal and political crisis, as their correspondence attests. After the establish- ment of Juana’s Castilian courts in Toros and Valladolid, Francis Borgia acts to inform Charles V regarding Queen Juana I’s failing health and news of her eventual death.13 At her grandmother’s death in 1556 and her father’s in 1558, Juana turned to Borgia for personal consolation and advice.14 Borgia authored Las obras muy deustas y prouechosas para qualqui- er fi el Christiano (Antwerp: Martin Nuncio, 1556), an eclectic collection of prayers and a religious guide. Although Borgia disclaimed authorship in post-1559 correspondence, it is still thought to be a compilation by one of his followers and a refl ection of his teachings.
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