DOCSLIB.ORG

PS 0188-‐12 Chinese Foreign Policy

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
PS 0188-‐12 Chinese Foreign Policy 1 PS 0188-12 Chinese Foreign Policy Professor Michael Beckley Spring 2015 Office: Packard Hall, 307 Tu/Th 3-4:15pm Hours: Th 1:-2:30pm This undergraduate lecture course provides a comprehensive introduction to the foreign policy of the People’s Republic of China. All of the required readings are posted on Trunk. Grades will be determined as follows: • Map Test 10% • Midterm 40% • Final 50% The Midterm and Final exams will consist of a series of identification questions, short answer questions, and essays. The final exam covers all of the course material, including the readings and lectures prior to the midterm. Make-up exams will not be granted without a note from the Dean or a doctor. The Map Test will take place on March 5. You will be given a blank map and be asked to fill in the names of some (aka “most”) of the countries, territories, and bodies of water listed below. Countries Territories Waters Afghanistan Myanmar/Burma Diaoyu Islands Andaman Sea Australia Nepal Hong Kong East China Sea Bhutan New Zealand Paracel Islands Gulf of Thailand Cambodia North Korea Spratly Islands Sea of Japan India Pakistan Taiwan South China Sea Indonesia Philippines Tibet Strait of Malacca Japan Russia XinJiang Yangzi River Kazakhstan Singapore Yellow River Kyrgyzstan South Korea Laos Tajikistan Malaysia Thailand Mongolia Vietnam 2 January 15: Course Intro January 20: The External Drivers of Chinese Foreign Policy • Susan Shirk, Fragile Superpower, chap. 1. • John Mearsheimer, Tragedy of Great Power Politics (2014), ch. 10, Can China Rise Peacefully? January 22: The Internal Drivers of Chinese Foreign Policy • Susan Shirk, Fragile Superpower, chap. 3. • Wang Yuan-Kang, Harmony and War: Confucian Culture and Chinese Power Politics (New York: Columbia, 2010): 101-144 • “Xi Who Must Be Obeyed,” Economist, September 20, 2014 • “The Power of Xi Jinping,” Economist, September 20, 2014 January 27: Internal Dissent, Tibet, Xinjiang, and Hong Kong • Timothy Beardson, Stumbling Giant, chap. 8. • “Unrest in Hong Kong: It’s Not Over,” Economist, December 20, 2014 • Melvyn C. Goldstein, “The Dalai Lama’s Dilemma,” Foreign Affairs (January/February 1998), pp. 83-97 • Brian Fishman, “Al-Qaeda and the Rise of China,” Washington Quarterly, (Summer 2011), pp. 47-62. January 29: Taiwan I • James Mann, China’s About Face, chaps. 17-18. • Alan Wachman, Geostrategic Rationales For China’s Territorial Integrity (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007), chaps. 7-8. February 3: Taiwan II • Bruce Gilley, “Not So Dire Straits,” Foreign Affairs, 89/1 (Jan/Feb 2010). • John Mearsheimer, “Taiwan’s Dire Straits,” National Interest (March/April 2014). February 5: Cold War I: 1945-1971 • Chen Jian, Mao’s China and the Cold War, chaps. 1-3, 9. February 10: Cold War II: 1971-1991 • James Mann, About Face, chaps. 1-8. February 12: The United States I • James Mann, About Face, chaps. 9-16. February 17: The United States II • Avery Goldstein, “China’s Real and Present Danger: Now Is the Time for Washington to Worry,” Foreign Affairs, Vol. 92, No. 5 (September/October 2013), pp. 3 136-145. • Kenneth Lieberthal and Wang Jisi, Addressing U.S.-China Strategic Distrust, (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 2012). February 24: Korea • David Shambaugh,“China and the Korean Peninsula: Playing for the Long Term,” The Washington Quarterly, Vol. 26, No. 2 (Spring 2003), pp. 43-56 • Sunny Seong-hyon Lee, “Chinese Perspectives on North Korea and Korean Unification,” KEIA, Vol. 6 (2013). February 26: Japan • Susan Shirk, Fragile Superpower, chap. 6. • Richard Katz, “Mutual Assured Production: Why Trade Will Limit Conflict between Japan and China,” Foreign Affairs, Vol. 92, No. 4 (2013). • James Reilly, “A Wave to Worry About? Public Opinion, Foreign Policy and China’s Anti-Japan Protests,” Journal of Contemporary China, Vol. 23, No. 86 (2014). • Wu Xinbo, “The End of the Silver Lining: A Chinese View of the U.S.-Japanese Alliance,” The Washington Quarterly 29:1 (Winter 2005-2006), pp. 119-130 March 3: South, Central, and Southeast Asia • Gregory B. Poling, The South China Sea (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2014), chaps. tbd. • Thant Myint-U, Where China Meets India: Burma and the New Crossroads of Asia, chaps. tbd. • “China in Central Asia: Rising China, Sinking Russia,” Economist, September 14, 2013). March 5: Map Test March 10: No Class, Study for Midterm March 12: Midterm March 24: Beyond Asia I: Diplomatic Interests • David Shambuagh, China Goes Global, pp. 45-61, 86-94, 105-155. • Robert Sutter, Chinese Foreign Relations, chap. 11. March 26: Beyond Asia II: Economic Interests • David Shambuagh, China Goes Global, chap. 5. • Jon B. Alternman and John W. Garver, The Vital Triangle: China, the United States, and the Middle East (Washington, DC: CSIS, 2008), pp. 10-53 • Eric Farnsworth, “The New Mercantilism: China's Emerging Role in the Americas,” Current History (February 2011), pp. 56-61. • Li Anshan, “China’s New Policy to Africa,” in Robert Rotberg, ed., China Into Africa: Trade, Aid, and Influence (Washington, DC: Brookings, 2008), pp. 21-49 4 March 31: Economic Policy I • Daniel Drezner, “Bad Debts: Assessing China’s Financial Influence in Great Power Politics,” International Security, Vol. 34, No. 2 (Fall 2009): 7-45 • Ken Miller, “Coping with China’s Financial Power,” Foreign Affairs (July/August 2010). • James Reilly, “China’s Unilateral Sanctions,” Washington Quarterly, Vol. 35, No. 4 (Fall 2012). April 2: Economic Policy II • Edward Steinfeld, Playing Our Game, (Oxford University Press), 2, 4, 5. • Timothy Beardson, Stumbling Giant, chap. 7. • “Dealing with Denial: America’s Concessions Are More Real Than China’s,” Economist, November 13, 2014. April 7: Military Policy I: Capabilities • Evan Braden Montgomery, “Contested Primacy in the Western Pacific: China’s Rise and the Future of U.S. Projection,” International Security, Vol. 38, No. 4 (Spring 2014). April 9: Military Policy II: Missions • David Shambaugh, China Goes Global, chap. 7. April 14: Soft Power and Human Rights • David Shambuagh, China Goes Global, chap. 6. • Jospeh S. Nye, “What China and Russia Don’t Get About Soft Power,” Foreign Policy, (April 29, 2013). • Trefor Moss, “Soft Power? China Has Plenty,” The Diplomat (June 4, 2013). April 16: Final Review session April 21: Study for Final April 23: Final .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Contemporary China: a Book List
    PRINCETON UNIVERSITY: Woodrow Wilson School, Politics Department, East Asian Studies Program CONTEMPORARY CHINA: A BOOK LIST by Lubna Malik and Lynn White Winter 2007-2008 Edition This list is available on the web at: http://www.princeton.edu/~lynn/chinabib.pdf which can be viewed and printed with an Adobe Acrobat Reader. Variation of font sizes may cause pagination to differ slightly in the web and paper editions. No list of books can be totally up-to-date. Please surf to find further items. Also consult http://www.princeton.edu/~lynn/chinawebs.doc for clicable URLs. This list of items in English has several purposes: --to help advise students' course essays, junior papers, policy workshops, and senior theses about contemporary China; --to supplement the required reading lists of courses on "Chinese Development" and "Chinese Politics," for which students may find books to review in this list; --to provide graduate students with a list that may suggest books for paper topics and may slightly help their study for exams in Chinese politics; a few of the compiler's favorite books are starred on the list, but not much should be made of this because such books may be old or the subjects may not meet present interests; --to supplement a bibliography of all Asian serials in the Princeton Libraries that was compiled long ago by Frances Chen and Maureen Donovan; many of these are now available on the web,e.g., from “J-Stor”; --to suggest to book selectors in the Princeton libraries items that are suitable for acquisition; to provide a computerized list on which researchers can search for keywords of interests; and to provide a resource that many teachers at various other universities have also used.
    [Show full text]
  • No to the “Three Noes”
    Published by: International Committee for Human Rights in Taiwan Taiwan : 4Fl., 5 Ching-tao East Rd., TAIPEI, Taiwan Europe : P.O. Box 91542, 2509 EC THE HAGUE, The Netherlands Canada : P.O. Box 69510, 5845 Yonge Street, WILLOWDALE, Ont. M2M 4K3 U.S.A. : P.O. Box 15182, CHEVY CHASE, MD 20825 International edition, June 1998 Published 6 times a year ISSN number: 1027-3999 81 No to the three noes Let the world say yes to Taiwan As Mr. Clintons visit to Beijing is getting closer, the U.S. press and Congress have focused attention on the new scandals in which Mr. Clinton finds himself embroiled, such as donations originating in the Chinese Army, export waivers for Loral satellites to China in exchange for campaign donations, and the leakage of sensitive space technology to the Chinese military. There is one issue which is receiving less attention, but which Taiwanese and Taiwanese-Americans consider vital: the safety and security of our homeland Taiwan, and its future as a free and independent nation. We are therefore deeply concerned by Mr. Clintons apparent acquiescence in the so-called three noes. We wish to state clearly that any reiteration oral or written or even any acknowledgement of the three noes by the Clinton Administration amounts to a betrayal of Taiwan and its future as a free, democratic and independent nation. It would embolden China to move even more aggressively in isolating Taiwan, and would limit Taiwans options in future negotiations. It should be crystal clear to Mr. Clinton that the three noes are a violation of the Senator Torricelli with a message for the White House Taiwan Communiqué -2- June 1998 basic principles of democracy and self-determination, for which the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Course Correction: Toward an Effective and Sustainable China Policy
    COURSE CORRECTION: TOWARD AN EFFECTIVE AND SUSTAINABLE CHINA POLICY Task Force Report Orville Schell and Susan L. Shirk, Chairs February 2019 COURSE CORRECTION: Toward an Effective and Sustainable China Policy 1 COURSE CORRECTION: TOWARD AN EFFECTIVE AND SUSTAINABLE CHINA POLICY Task Force Report Orville Schell and Susan L. Shirk, Chairs February 2019 AsiaSociety.org/USChinaTaskForce PARTNER2 COURSE CORRECTIONORGANIZATIONS: Toward an Effective and Sustainable China Policy The Center on U.S.-China Relations was founded in 2006 and is based at Asia Society’s New York headquarters. The center undertakes projects and events which explore areas of common interest and divergent views between the two countries, focusing on policy, culture, business, media, economics, energy, and the environment. The 21st Century China Center was established in 2011 at the University of California San Diego School of Global Policy and Strategy. It is a leading university-based think tank that uses original research to anchor major policy discussions on China and U.S.-China relations. IN COLLABORATION WITH The Annenberg Foundation Trust at Sunnylands is an independent nonpartisan, nonprofit organization dedicated to convening global leaders in the public, private, and nonprofit sectors to promote world peace, facilitate international agreement, and seek solutions to the most difficult challenges facing the world today. © 2019 Asia Society. All rights reserved. Asia Society Center on U.S.-China Relations 725 Park Avenue New York, NY 10021 212-288-6400 AsiaSociety.org/ChinaCenter The Asia Society Center on U.S.-China Relations and the Asia Society take no institutional positions on matters of public policy and other issues addressed in the reports and publications they sponsor.
    [Show full text]
  • Global Forum of Chinese Political Scientists 全球華人政治學家論壇 Global Forum of Chinese Political Scientists
    全球華人政治學家論壇 Global Forum of Chinese Political Scientists 全球華人政治學家論壇 Global Forum of Chinese Political Scientists 簡介 Overview 全球華人政治學家論壇（華人論壇）是一個全球性的松散型學術社團，是爲了適應近年來在 世界各地興起的“中國熱”和反映全球華人學者在政治學和國際關係領域的學術成就而建立 的。 A loosely organized world-wide professional community, the Global Forum of Chinese Political Scien- tists was founded in 1999 in response to the greater need for understanding of the rise of China. Its establishment was a manifestation of scholarly achievements by Chinese political scientists around the globe. 宗旨 Mission 華人論壇的宗旨有以下三項： 第一， 促進和加強全球各地華人社會和學術領域裏對於政治科學和中國研究的發展。 第二， 運用政治科學的知識來推動對各個華人地區的政治、經濟、社會、以及中國對外關 係的研究。 第三， 建立和加強全球性的華人政治學專業人士之間的網絡聯係和學術交流。 -To strengthen the field of political science and China studies within the Chinese communities of the Chinese Mainland, Taiwan, Hong Kong and those in the US, Japan, and other regions. -To utilize the knowledge of political science and apply it to the reality of greater China and China’s relations with the external world. -To establish and strengthen professional networks throughout the world. 歷史 History 華人論壇的首屆大會于1999年在華盛頓地區的馬裏蘭大學召開。40多位華人學者出席了會 議。其中大部分人是從事政治學研究與教學的專家學者。 自1999年以來，華人論壇組織了幾十次學術活動，包括大型國際會議和小型圓桌會議等 等。參加的學者有的來自中國大陸，臺灣，香港，澳門，也有的來自日本，韓國，新加坡， 澳大利亞，英國和美國。 The inaugural conference was held in September, 1999, in the Washington, DC area at the University of Maryland campus. More than forty Chinese scholars, primarily political scientists, attended this conference. From 1999 to the present, the Global Forum has sponsored several dozen academic activities includ- ing conferences,
    [Show full text]
  • Is China Corporatist?
    IS CHINA CORPORATIST? by JUDITH M. NORTON (Under the direction of Howard J. Wiarda) Abstract The purpose of this dissertation is to investigate the character of the Chinese political system writ large. Generally speaking, previous scholarly work on the Chinese political system consists of divergent conclusions; but perhaps what is more important is the debate about the form of the system not only remains inconclusive but also has faded into the background. In its place, studies consisting of narrow topics focusing on China have emerged, and they generally have no lessons learned for the larger picture. This trend is puzzling because China is gaining in prominence in the international system, but concomitantly less and less scholarly work is being conducted on the Chinese political system broadly construed. Since domestic systems drive a country’s behavior in the international system, this study aims to address this gap by examining the broad research question of: what factors explain the form of the contemporary Chinese political system? This study, however, unlike previous studies that perhaps undervalue sociopolitical cultural variables, specifically examines Chinese culture and history to investigate the character of the system. The study advances the theory that the Chinese elite used historical corporatism to facilitate China’s transition from the imperial era to the contemporary era – meaning they meshed traditional elements with modern features – and as a result of taking this approach the modern system contains many features from the imperial system. Moreover the leadership continues to leverage forms of corporatism to achieve an eastern holistic order, or perhaps more aptly put, a system more reflective more of Chinese history and culture as opposed to copying another system.
    [Show full text]
  • How Censorship in China Allows Government Criticism but Silences Collective Expression GARY KING Harvard University JENNIFER PAN Harvard University MARGARET E
    American Political Science Review Page 1 of 18 May 2013 doi:10.1017/S0003055413000014 How Censorship in China Allows Government Criticism but Silences Collective Expression GARY KING Harvard University JENNIFER PAN Harvard University MARGARET E. ROBERTS Harvard University e offer the first large scale, multiple source analysis of the outcome of what may be the most extensive effort to selectively censor human expression ever implemented. To do this, we have W devised a system to locate, download, and analyze the content of millions of social media posts originating from nearly 1,400 different social media services all over China before the Chinese government is able to find, evaluate, and censor (i.e., remove from the Internet) the subset they deem objectionable. Using modern computer-assisted text analytic methods that we adapt to and validate in the Chinese language, we compare the substantive content of posts censored to those not censored over time in each of 85 topic areas. Contrary to previous understandings, posts with negative, even vitriolic, criticism of the state, its leaders, and its policies are not more likely to be censored. Instead, we show that the censorship program is aimed at curtailing collective action by silencing comments that represent, reinforce, or spur social mobilization, regardless of content. Censorship is oriented toward attempting to forestall collective activities that are occurring now or may occur in the future—and, as such, seem to clearly expose government intent. INTRODUCTION Ang 2011, and our interviews with informants, granted anonymity). China overall is tied with Burma at 187th he size and sophistication of the Chinese gov- of 197 countries on a scale of press freedom (Freedom ernment’s program to selectively censor the House 2012), but the Chinese censorship effort is by Texpressed views of the Chinese people is un- far the largest.
    [Show full text]
  • SUSAN SHIRK “The Return to Personalistic Dictatorship in China”
    JOIN US! SUSAN SHIRK UC SAN DIEGO SCHOOL OF GLOBAL POLICY AND STRATEGY “The Return to Personalistic Dictatorship in China” WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 2015 RECEPTION 5:30, DINNER 6:00, LECTURE 6:45PM MMC ATHENAEUM, CMC After Mao Zedong's death, his successor, Deng Xiaoping, declared that China needed to move away from "over-concentration of authority" and establish a more institutionalized system of governance. Yet under Xi Jinping, China is moving back to personalized dictatorship. What explains this trend and what are its implications for China's future? Susan Shirk is one of the most influential experts working on U.S.-China relations and Chinese politics. She previously served as deputy assistant secretary of state (1997- 2000), responsible for U.S. policy toward China, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Mongolia. She founded and continues to lead the Northeast Asia Cooperation Dialogue, an unofficial forum for discussions of security issues. Her book “China: Fragile Superpower” helped frame the policy debate on China policy in the U.S. and other countries. Her articles have appeared in leading academic publications in the fields of political science, international relations and China studies, and her views on a range of issues relating to modern Chinese politics are highly sought. Reservations may be made online at www.cmc.edu/mmca/ or via email to [email protected] Reservations are not required to attend the presentation only (6:45) Reservation Deadline Friday, November 6th Mailing: 850 Columbia Ave, Kravis Center 3rd Fl, Claremont, California 91711-6420 (909) 621-8213 Member of The Claremont Colleges Mailing: 850 Columbia Ave, Kravis Center 3rd Fl, Claremont, California 91711-6420 (909) 621-8213 Member of The Claremont Colleges .
    [Show full text]
  • Evidence from Labor Law and Enforcement in Post-Reform China
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO The Politics of Labor Protection in Authoritarian Systems: Evidence from Labor Law and Enforcement in Post-Reform China A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirement for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Christina Chen Committee in Charge: Professor Susan L. Shirk, Chair Professor Stephan M. Haggard Professor Megumi Naoi Professor Barry J. Naughton Professor Samuel L. Popkin 2011 Copyright Christina Chen, 2011 All rights reserved. The Dissertation of Christina Chen is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm or electronically: Chair University of California, San Diego 2011 iii DEDICATION In loving memory of my mother, Sophia Shu-Fang Chen, who has taught me strength and courage and whose boundless love has made me the person I am. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page ............................................................................................................. iii Dedication ..................................................................................................................... iv Table of Contents ........................................................................................................... v Abbreviations ............................................................................................................... vii List of Figures ............................................................................................................ viii List of Tables ...............................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Us Policy Toward China: Recommendations for a New Administration
    US POLICY TOWARD CHINA: RECOMMENDATIONS FOR A NEW ADMINISTRATION Task Force Report Orville Schell and Susan L. Shirk, Chairs February 2017 US POLICY TOWARD CHINA: RECOMMENDATIONS FOR A NEW ADMINISTRATION Task Force Report Orville Schell and Susan L. Shirk, Chairs February 2017 PARTNER ORGANIZATIONS The Center on US-China Relations was founded in 2006 and is based at Asia Society’s New York headquarters. The center undertakes projects and events which explore areas of common interest and divergent views between the two countries, focusing on policy, culture, business, media, economics, energy, and the environment. The 21st Century China Center was established in 2011 at the University of California San Diego School of Global Policy and Strategy. It is a leading university-based think tank that uses original research to anchor major policy discussions on China and US-China relations. IN COLLABORATION WITH Also known as the “Camp David of the West,” The Annenberg Retreat at Sunnylands is a nonprofit operating foundation which convenes leaders in Southern California and other locations for high-level meetings to address serious issues facing the nation and the world, including the 2013 summit between President Obama and President Xi of the People’s Republic of China and the 2016 US-ASEAN Leaders summit. © 2017 Asia Society. All rights reserved. Asia Society Center on US-China Relations 725 Park Avenue New York, NY 10021 212-288-6400 [email protected] AsiaSociety.org/ChinaCenter This project was made possible by a grant from the Carnegie Corporation of New York, with additional support from The Annenberg Retreat at Sunnylands, Henry Luce Foundation, Janet and Arthur Ross Foundation, and Harold and Ruth Newman.
    [Show full text]
  • Susan Shirk CV
    SUSAN L. SHIRK Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation University of California, San Diego La Jolla, California 92093-0518 PH: (858) 822-4349; FAX: (858) 534-7655 [email protected] CURRICULUM VITAE EDUCATION Ph.D. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, September 1974 (Political Science) M.A. University of California, Berkeley, June 1968 (Asian Studies) B.A. Mount Holyoke College, 1967 (Political Science) Princeton University, Critical Languages Program, 1965–66 EMPLOYMENT 2007- Ho Miu Lam Endowed Chair in China and Pacific Relations, Graduate School of International Relations and Pacific Studies (IRPS), University of California, San Diego 2006– Director, UC Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation (IGCC) 2000– Professor, Graduate School of International Relations and Pacific Studies (IRPS), University of California, San Diego 2000–06 Research Director for International Security, Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation, University of California 1997–2000 Deputy Assistant Secretary with responsibility for China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Mongolia, East Asia and Pacific Bureau, United States Department of State 1992–97 Director, UC Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation 1991–92 Acting Director, UC Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation 1991– Professor, IRPS, University of California, San Diego 1991–97 Professor, Political Science Department, University of California, San Diego 1987– Associate Professor, IRPS, University of California, San Diego 1981– Associate Professor, Political Science Department, University of California,
    [Show full text]
  • Symposium Welcome
    MIT POLITICAL SCIENCE 50 th Anniversary Celebration SYMPOSIUM WELCOME Welcome to our 50th anniversary symposium. It’s an exciting time as the Department of Political Science celebrates 50 years of rigor and relevance as Course 17 at MIT. Today, with the help of our distinguished panelists, we recognize the many contributions our faculty and alumni have made and continue to make to schol- arship, public policy, and public life. Each of the five panels takes a look back in history or forward into the future, and focuses on a distinguishing feature of the department. There will be a short period for questions after each panel, during which we hope to hear from you with your questions. While we will not be able to discuss all of the momentous events, programs, scholarship, and influence originating in the department, we hope you enjoy a glimpse of the excitement that we have been a part of and look forward to continuing. It is a pleasure to be here with you today. Please be sure to join us for lunch in the department, and enjoy the symposium! Cordially, Andrea Campbell DEPARTMENT HEAD Arthur and Ruth Sloan Professor of Political Science SCHEDULE SCHEDULE Friday, November 6th, 2015 11:15-11:30 AM BREAK 9:00 AM – 4:45 PM MIT’s Wong Auditorium | Tang Center | Building E51 11:30-12:30 PM PANEL 3: MIT’s Distinctive Approaches to the Discipline of Political Science 8:00-9:00 AM REGISTRATION AND BREAKFAST Richard Locke, PhD ’89, Political Economy Provost, Brown University 9:00-9:05 AM GREETING Steve Wilkinson, PhD ’98, Comparative Politics Andrea
    [Show full text]
  • Censorship and Freedom on China's Internet Susan Perry American
    Censorship and freedom on China’s Internet Susan Perry Claudia Roda American University of Paris American University of Paris International Politics Computer Science Paris, France Paris, France [email protected] [email protected] ABSTRACT We propose that the Internet is an arena for the renegotiation of human rights values in Chinese society, and that the social consequences of such renegotiation are changing the power relations between citizens and state. We address this hypothesis by exploring three factors: the choice of technology systems and censorship methods, the contested nature of information on the Internet, and the merger of on and offline worlds for young Internet users in China. We base our work on the existing literature and the research we have conducted with several focus groups of Chinese netizens. In an effort to move the debate on the divide between democratic and authoritarian forms of governance forward, we suggest that the creation of an online human rights culture, when combined with the cross- over between virtual and physical worlds and high due process expectations for most users, leads to an increasingly proactive relationship between citizens and State that challenges political categorization. INTRODUCTION Internet censorship in China impacts mostly those with a political or social agenda. Scholarly evidence for Party-State responsiveness to online campaigns around socio-economic issues, particularly the environment and corruption, is robust [Florini et al. 2012, Xiao 2011, Yang 2009]. Despite the political threat posed by the Internet in China, the Party-State is unable, or perhaps unwilling to control life on the Web. The vast majority of what people do on the Internet - from choosing a shade of lipstick to consulting the stock market - is ignored by censors and unfettered by government regulation [Xiao 2011].
    [Show full text]