Capacity-building and alternative realities:

Some observations on the political context of technical assistance in Lao PDR1

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has been affected - both positively and Overview negatively - by the degree to which these The Laos Extension for Agriculture Project efforts are consistent with what happens (LEAP) is funded by the Swiss Agency for within the political reality. And what Development and Cooperation (SDC) and happens within political reality is, from the has been implemented by the National perspective of the advisers, largely Agriculture and Forestry Extension unknown and unpredictable. This situation Service (NAFES), with technical represents a huge constraint to capacity- assistance from Helvetas, a Swiss NGO. building of the kind normally associated LEAP started in 2001 and is now in its 5th with agricultural extension projects. But if and final phase, which is due to be we reorient our understanding of capacity- completed early in 2014. As the project building, giving more attention to the nears its end, the management team has interests of rural communities and less to embarked on a process of identifying the government bureaucracy, the experience lessons learned over the past 12 years of LEAP suggests that political space for that will inform future decisions by the farmer empowerment does exist in some Ministry of Forestry and Agriculture (MAF), parts of Laos. the donors and implementing partners. These are personal observations by one This process involves a series of studies of the technical advisers to LEAP. They do and meetings that will generate a number not necessarily reflect the views of SDC or of reports, fact-sheets and videos. What Helvetas. It is not the intention of the follows is one contribution to this process author to pass judgement on the political of reflection and assessment. system in Laos, rather the purpose is to In summary, this author has observed that describe the institutional content of LEAP NAFES, like all government organisations in a manner that may help the reader in Laos, consists of two „realities‟, the understand why some aspects of the technical and the political. The project have succeeded and others have relationship between these realities is like not. Foreign advisers are often the two sides of a coin, or parallel discouraged from writing or talking (or universes. Government staffs inhabit both even thinking) about the political system, realities, but projects like LEAP are only but this author believes that technical designed to address problems and assistance projects and programmes will opportunities in the technical reality. The be far more effective if advisers have a success or failure of efforts by technical better understanding of how that system advisers to build capacity within NAFES affects our work.

1 Report for the Laos Extension for Agriculture Project (LEAP), Andrew Bartlett, 04 April 2013

1 Capacity-building • Coordination mechanisms (eg. with research) Since 2001, six project documents1 have • Staff knowledge and skills been prepared for LEAP, all of which have the same goal: • Facilities and equipment • Extension approaches and “To support the development of a methods decentralised, participatory, pluralistic and • Information services and materials sustainable agricultural extension system that reaches male and female farmers • Operating budgets equally” It is important to note that what LEAP has been doing in Laos is completely normal Although this goal makes reference to a in the field of agricultural extension. „pluralistic‟ extension system, the project Across the world, hundreds of projects has focussed its efforts on NAFES have focussed on building the capacity of throughout more than a decade of government departments. Much of what implementation. Limited collaboration with has been achieved in other countries has civil society organisations started in Phase not been sustained in the absence of III, and engagement with rice millers support from foreign donors. 2 In Laos, became a significant activity in the later however, the problem is not that a half of Phase IV, but the bulk of the government extension system has been project‟s resources have been directed at created which cannot be sustained. The improving the effectiveness of the problem is that a fully functioning system Government extension service. has yet to be created, and there are An examination of the LEAP project reasons to doubt that it ever will be. documents shows that the terms „capacity Success and failure building‟, „institutional strengthening‟ and „organisational development‟ appear more Over the past 10 years there have been frequently than „agricultural extension‟. For 19 meetings of the project Steering the purpose of these observations, the Committee and three external reviews. term capacity-building will be used to These events have provided plenty of describe the efforts of the project to opportunity to identify where the project support both organisational development has succeeded, and where it has fallen (OD) and human resources development short of expectations. Here are some (HRD). The purpose of capacity-building examples: in LEAP has been to create a government extension service that is both effective and Extension strategy: In 2005, the project sustainable. produced a description of the „Lao Extension Approach‟ (LEA) based on a The elements of extension capacity that sequence of activities that had been have been addressed by LEAP include piloted during Phase I. The LEA was the following: soon approved by MAF and was • Extension policy, strategies and subsequently promoted as a „best mandates practice‟ by the Ministry. The adoption of • Internal management structures the LEA is undoubtedly a success at the and procedures policy level, but this has not always been matched at the level of implementation.

2 Other projects have been reluctant to use training centre or programme of the kind the approach, and - even within LEAP - that exists in the extension departments adherence to the principles and elsewhere in the world. procedures of the LEA have often fallen Management systems: Over the past short of the desired standard. decade, the project has made a number of Organisational structures: Since the attempts to introduce and institutionalise beginning of the project, LEAP has improved methods for planning, operated at a number of levels. In monitoring and financial management. In addition to building capacity at NAFES, carrying out this work, there has been a project activities have been carried out in concerted effort to apply the principles of all 17 Provinces and a total of 39 Districts. ownership, harmonisation, and alignment.5 In each location, teams of staff have been Nevertheless, there has been very limited trained, provided with equipment, and impact on the procedures used by NAFES given operating budgets. While these beyond the immediate scope of the inputs have produced short-term project. For example, the provision and improvements in extension delivery that training and equipment for an M&E unit have benefited thousands of farmers,3 has produced no visible results, and the most of the teams created under LEAP consultant working on this issue was are no longer functional. This is due - in withdrawn after NAFES complained he part - to the fact that MAF has re- was spending too much time trying how to organised the extension service five times figure out how the government system during the life of the project and most of worked. the field staff trained by the project have Information services and materials: LEAP been re-assigned more than once. has a reputation for producing a large Human resources: At the national level, quantity of training materials, including the project has been more successful in manuals, leaflets, posters, videos. These keeping a team together. The current materials have been distributed across the National Project Director has been with country in the form of a „wisdom bag‟, and the project since the beginning, and the the project activities have often featured sustained commitment and ability of this on radio and television. In addition, the individual has been crucial to the success project has set up a number of new of the project. Additionally, the technical services, including a system for sending advisers have been able to work with the text messages to the mobile phones of same group of 7 people (known as field workers, and online discussion CETDU4) for more than 10 years. The groups for the broader development uncomfortable truth, however, is that this community. It is unclear if and how new cooperation has not produced a level of materials will be produced, and services technical or methodological expertise that maintained, once the project comes to an is comparable to what may be found in end, but there is no doubt that these other countries. A major constraint has things have been widely appreciated. been the reluctance of NAFES to establish A project in two worlds clear job descriptions, performance criteria and a system for professional In order to understand why some project advancement. Additionally, there is still no activities have been more effective than plan for the establishment of an in-service others, we need to realise that NAFES -

3 and its successor, the Department of system for professional advancement, the Agricultural Extension and Cooperatives party has a rigorous process for training (DAEC) - consists of two parallel and selecting members who may rise up organisations which represent alternative the organisation according to it‟s own realities: a technical organisation and a conventions and criteria. To an outsider, political organisation. such as a foreign adviser, a government organisation like NAFES may appear to Visitors to Laos have often noted how have a split personality: chaotic and difficult it is to get their hands on an inefficient for long periods, yet capable of accurate organogram. Although diagrams pulling off amazing feats of coordination are sometimes available, showing how a and concentrated effort when the need Government Department is arranged into arises. To an insider, such as a member Divisions and Sections, these charts rarely of the Party, the effectiveness of the reflect the actually disposition of staff and organisation probably looks very different, the functions they are performing. This is and foreign proposals for capacity-building partly due to effect of aid projects, which may be viewed as unnecessary. are not fully aligned to Government structures, but it is also because key The existence of these alternative realities officials belong to a political organisation may explain many of the things that have that takes precedence over the technical puzzled the technical advisers at LEAP one. over the years: why some members of staff can get things done and others can‟t, At the current time, DAEC has a staff of the lack of success in creating a M&E approximately 190, of which 130 are fully- system, and the low level of ambition with fledged government employees while the regard to technical competence. other 60 are contract staff, trainees or volunteers. Approximately half of the The biggest outcome of LEAP over the government employees are members of past decade has been the Lao Extension the Lao People‟s Revolutionary Party, and Approach, a participatory approach to the hierarchy among them does not fully training farmers that has been introduced match that shown in the technical in all 17 Provinces of the country. The organogram. Significantly, membership of success of the LEA, certainly its adoption the Party Committee at DAEC - consisting as part of the MAF strategy for the sector, of 5 or 6 people elected every 3 years by can partly be explained by the fact that the Party members - does not include all this is consistent with the Party‟s vision of of the Deputy Director Generals. Instead, economic reform. While the technical the Party Committee often includes advisers have been focussing on the Divisional Directors and even Deputy- knowledge and skills that farmers can Directors. acquire by joining learning groups, the Party may be equally interested in the While the technical organisation appears control over the rural economy that comes to have weak procedures for planning and from creating thousands of production monitoring, the political organisation has a groups.6 While the advisers have written well-defined pattern of meetings, reports about participation, inclusiveness and and inspections. And while the technical bargaining-power, the leadership of MAF organisation lacks a clear set of job has been more inclined to speak about descriptions, performance criteria and a commodities, markets and public-private

4 partnerships. These alternative visions of Different visions of public farmer organisations have come to light in administration a number of studies carried out by LEAP Elsewhere in Asia, capacity-building for the Sub-Sector Working Group on projects that aim to strengthen Agribusiness,7 and it remains to be seen government extension services have been whether most farmer organisations will applying the precepts of modern public end up being „self-determined, voluntary administration with varying degrees of and independent‟ as proposed in the success. Although most agricultural Sector Strategy8. advisers have never heard of Max Weber, As noted earlier, LEAP has also been they have been helping to create successful in producing a wide range of bureaucratic organisations of the kind that information materials and services. How were described by this German sociologist has this been possible? The parlous and economist almost a century ago. The nature of mass media in Laos, and the features of a Weberian bureaucracy lack of transparency that surrounds major include a formal hierarchy, functional investment projects, makes it surprising speciality, management by rules, and that a relatively small project has been employment based on technical able to distribute packages of information qualifications. Nowadays, the term to every District in the country. This „bureaucratic‟ often has negative appears to contradict foreign assumptions connotations, used to describe an about the secretive nature of the political organisation that has become bogged system. The explanation could be that the down in official regulations and Ministry of Agriculture sees information procedures, but the positive view of services as a means of extending its bureaucracy is that it makes use of authority. Efforts to „recentralise‟ the rational-legal authority and is therefore Government are high on the agenda of the free from personal and political influence. Party at the current time. Like other In theory at least, a bureaucracy is Ministries, MAF has been struggling to supposed to operate like an administrative influence what is happening in the field. machine, routinely producing the same The materials disseminated through the results regardless of who is in charge. „wisdom bag‟ are helping to standardise The prospects for capacity-building at the the technical information received by national level in Laos are severely limited farmers across the country, and services by the fact that the Government does not like the phone messages that are sent to operate as a Weberian bureaucracy. 1,000 field workers every week are Despite efforts to reform the public conveniently bypassing Governors and administration, promote good governance Directors at the Provincial and District and expand the rule of law, the Party level. Most of these materials and continues to be the preeminent source of services promote the idea of „farmer’ authority and there are no signs of an choice’ and – as such - they can be seen impending separation between the as a nationally-endorsed antidote to the political and technical structures. While more autocratic approaches to agricultural the 1991 Constitution marked the development being pursued by some local beginning of a transition from direct officials. administration by the Party towards a modern state, the 2003 Constitution

5 reaffirmed that all branches of government construction of any service centres. are subordinate to the Party, with the Nevertheless, a 6-month „alignment Politburo is the highest authority of the phase‟ was carried out to ensure that the Party.9 Even now, the implementation of capacity-building efforts of LEAP were Politburo resolutions takes precedence consistent with the new organisational over strategies and plans produced at the structure that had been announced by Ministerial level. MAF. By mid 2008, a re-designed Phase IV got under way, and almost immediately In a previous report, this author drew the Ministry announced that the structure attention to the how the leadership of the of the extension service would change Party affects public administration in Laos, again… back to what it was a year earlier. noting “while continuity and consistency Meanwhile, other projects were building may be important to planners and service centres across the country with no managers of development programmes clear idea of how they would be used or and projects, they can be a constraint to who would pay for their upkeep. revolutionary leaders”.10 Rather than build stable structures that provide reliable The latest policy of the Party that requires services, the Government of Laos „alignment‟ from projects in the agriculture continues to operate as a organisation sector goes by the name of „Sam Sang‟, engaged in a revolutionary struggle. which translates into „three builds‟12. The Policies take the form of sweeping Politburo resolution that provides the basis directives and ambitious targets, which for the new policy was issued in February are implemented through campaigns 2012 and, although there is still some managed by Party members. These confusion about how this should be campaigns require the urgent mobilization interpreted and implemented, it appears to of human and financial resources from require a wide-ranging reforms to public wherever they are available, something administration with the aim of that can be very disruptive from the strengthening central control over perspective of technical assistance economic and social development.13 As projects like LEAP. with the policy on kumban pattana, Sam Sang involves urgent action to implement A good example of this type of disruption activities in hundreds of locations across was the policy to develop village clusters the country. Party members from the (kumban pattana). Although the Party central level are being sent to the field to decree on village clusters was issued in supervise these activities, regardless of 2004, it took on greater significance in their normal technical responsibilities. 2007 when all projects in the agriculture sector were suddenly expected to support Foreign donors are expected to support the establishment of service centres at the the Sam Sang policy, and projects in the kumban level. There is a plausible reason agriculture sector are already contributing for establishing kumban service centres - to the costs of implementation. Technical which bring extension staff closer to advisers are re-writing work plans and farmers - but the Party instructions amending budgets to meet the demands regarding kumban pattana make it clear of political leaders. In the eyes of the that the primary objective was to donors, efforts to build government strengthen the political system.11 Unlike capacity for routine service delivery may some projects, LEAP did not fund the have to be postponed. In the eyes of Party

6 leaders, however, Sam Sang is project was the lack of inputs for farmers. implementing their own form of capacity- They pointed out that almost all other building, by consolidating control over projects - regardless of whether they are national development. funded by international development banks, bilateral donors or NGOs - provide LEAP is still on-going, but further evidence „incentives‟ to farmers in the form of of a lack of political support for the type of infrastructure or credit, livestock or seed. capacity-building promoted by donor agencies can be found by looking at In most locations, it was also clear that completed projects. As noted earlier, the farmers expected to get inputs and some problem of sustainability affects were not interested in simply attending agricultural development programmes training. Nevertheless, practical training across the world. Even so, Laos appears has been conducted in all of these to be an extreme case, with organisational Districts with the participation of structures that took a decade to establish thousands of farmers. Those who were being dismantled within months of projects interviewed could still remember the coming to an end. details of the training, and some were still applying the techniques they had learnt. To take one example, the Government of In a few Districts, like Toumlan in Saravan Sweden supported capacity-building for or Namo in Oudomxay, farmer groups agricultural research in Laos between were still holding meetings and seeking 2002 and 2012.14 A major achievement advice from the DAFO… without receiving was the establishment of the Centre for incentives. So, is it really necessary for Agricultural and Forestry Research extension staff to provide inputs to Information (CAFRI) as the apex of the farmers? agricultural knowledge system in Laos. CAFRI was an important collaborator in a In an earlier report for SDC, I suggested number of LEAP activities, but that neo-patrimonialism was a key political immediately after the Swedish assistance mechanism in Laos. This involves the use came to an end, the Centre was absorbed of state authority and apparatus to sustain into another unit, stripped of staff, and the a system of patronage. I also said that the physical assets left to decay. To some appointment of Village Heads represents observers, it would appear that the furthest reach of the patronage organisations such as CAFRI are little system, „beyond which there is nothing to more than mechanisms for absorbing be gained from farmers‟.15 However, the foreign aid, and they have no further issue of inputs for farmers indicates this purpose once the projects that created may not be completely true. Could it be them come to an end. the case that extension activities, in the form they have been supported by most Extension as Patronage donors, are the furthest reaches of the In March 2013, this author travelled to patronage system? eight of the Districts where LEAP has For most government field staff and many carried out activities at some time during farmers, extension involves a kind of the past 12 years. In all locations, from social contract, in which both parties get Sanxai District in Attapeu to Meung something. So, for example, the field District in Bokeo, extension staff worker promises certain inputs and the mentioned that a major weakness of the

7 „clients‟ agree to plant a certain crop. In greater commitment to participatory other cases, the official arranges for a development by the local authorities. road to be constructed, in return for which Donors can provide incentives for the villagers agree to sell their goods to a compliance, but they cannot buy farmer particular trader. Clearly, extension empowerment. workers feel more confident, more Reorienting capacity-building capable of achieving their objectives, when they have gifts to bestow on The alternative realities described above farmers. These inputs help them to buy do not explain all cases of success and compliance. The paternalistic nature of failure in LEAP, but there are there are these arrangements may help to explain sufficient examples to conclude that why some villages benefit from one technical-political interactions deserve project after another, and some serious attention by the donors and „motivated‟ households benefit from more implementing partners. than one project at a time. It may also be In any country, development projects significant that some of these extension operate in a political context. In Laos, activities create debts that cement the however, the relationship between the patron-client relationship. Party and the executive branches of If it is true that extension activities have Government is particularly strong. been part of the political patronage system Consequently, it is unavoidable that the in Laos, then it is not surprising that the success of technical assistance projects changes introduced by LEAP are often such as LEAP will be affected by what unwelcome at the District level. The Lao happens in the alternative reality of Party Extension Approach involves a radically committees and resolutions. Sometimes different relationship between government that alternative world will expedite the officials and rural people. The social implementation of certain project activities, contract has been rewritten. Imagine the particularly those that reinforce Party difficulty faced by a field worker who goes networks, but it will also act as a empty-handed to a village and announces constraint to building the capacity of public that farmers will be able to make their own services that are relevant, efficient and decisions about what to produce. It would sustainable. Sectoral policies and not be surprising if some of the „clients‟ organisational structures will continue to wondered why the extension worker had come and go with unexplained urgency bothered to visit them. and bewildering abruptness, undermining external efforts to build a better The fact that – in some Districts at least – bureaucracy. these difficulties have been overcome, that field staff have established a new role Is this a problem? Do Lao farmers need a for themselves, and farmers have become better bureaucracy? In an earlier paper, development partners rather than clients, this author suggested that farmers would suggests that further support for LEA be better served by an „adhocracy‟ rather implementation is warranted. It is not than a bureaucracy.16 Perhaps agricultural always clear what the Party officials are extension is different from other getting out of this, but rural communities government services, such as primary appear to be benefitting. What appears to education or health care, and farmers do be needed is not more inputs, but a not need a permanent state-run

8 organisation to take care of their needs. Returning to the question whose capacity? An adhocracy is characterised by the answer is not „Non-Profit structures that are temporary or „organic‟, Associations‟, or „rice millers‟ and other and methods that are flexible and non-state actors. Just like the „demand-driven‟. To some extent, it Government, these organisations should seems that MAF is already operating as be seen as a means to an end, not an end an adhocracy, but it is responding to the in itself. The end – surely - is to develop demands of political leaders rather than the capacity of rural communities. those of rural communities. Clearly there are opportunities for making This brings us to the crux of the matter. extension services more pluralistic, but is The problem we face is not the dilemma of this sufficient to ensure these services are bureaucracy versus adhocracy, but an more responsive to the needs of farming issue of accountability. Whatever form households? The experience of LEAP agricultural extension organisations take, suggests that pluralism is only part of the the question we need to ask is whose answer. It is also necessary to bring interests are they serving? If we are capacity-building efforts closer to the building capacity, then we need to ask communities that are supposed to benefit whose capacity? from this assistance. Regardless of the good intentions of stakeholders at the In response to the difficulties of building national level, it is almost impossible to effective and sustainable capacity within establish mechanisms that will make them the government, foreign donors in Laos truly responsive to local needs. The same are increasing looking towards civil society can be said about capacity-building at the or the private sector to provide services to Provincial level, where the achievements farmers. LEAP has been working with a of LEAP have been very limited. But at variety of „non-state actors‟ since 2007 the District level the project has been with some degree of success, although involved in a number of success stories. questions about the relevance, efficiency and sustainability of service-provision The experience of working in Khoun apply to CSOs and companies no less District of Xieng Khouang offers important than to the Government.17 The biggest lessons in capacity-building at the local question, however, is still one of level. Here are some indicators of the accountability. While we may expect civil capacity of rural communities that has society organisations and the private been built over the past few years. sector to be less influenced by political Indicators of capacity of rural concerns, there are other interests - communities: commercial and personal - that affect how these organisations interact with their  community members have prepared clients in rural areas. Plus we should not their own livelihood plans underestimate the extent to which the  they are pulling in services from Party is deeply embedded in Lao society; multiple sources of advice and inputs regardless of their legal status, all organisations need the approval of local  they are making informed choices political leaders in order to operate. about production and marketing

9  they are engaged in collective action applied that makes all the difference to that gives them better bargaining whether this helps build community power capacity.

 they are carrying out farmer-to-farmer At both the community level, and the level training of local government, capacity exists among a network of actors, rather than in  they are managing small infrastructure a single organisation. Consequently, improvements capacity-building is more about creating or  they are speaking out, in official strengthening connections than meetings and on radio establishing formal structures.18

Note that this list of indicators does not Project activities in Khoun have not say „farmer organisations have been attempted to bypass the influence of the established‟. Although new farmer groups Party. It would have been foolish to even have been created in Khoun, and they consider doing that. Government staff - have registered as an Association, it is the particularly two women technicians at self-determined behaviour of the group DAFO - have been involved since the members that is significant, rather than beginning and have made a major the existence of the organisation itself. contribution to the success of these efforts. The backing from the District How was this achieved? The experience Governor has also been crucial, while one in Khoun suggests that the following official at PAFO has provided consistent factors are important: support. But the goal in Khoun has not Factors that contributed to community been to strengthen the government capacity-building bureaucracy; activities have been  supportive local leadership: political focussed on empowering farmers, and space to apply a pluralistic / there are indications that this is being democratic approach achieved.  integrated planning and management Not all Districts are like Khoun. There are from donor: at least 3 over-lapping many other parts of the country where the projects in same District „political space‟ is not conducive to farmer empowerment. Rather than trying to swim  activities carried out by many against the tide, donors may want to avoid stakeholders: public, private and civil working in those Districts where activities society are likely to be misdirected and the  diversity of technical content: not just benefits captured by other actors. But one commodity, one methodology Khoun is not unique. There are other Districts where the local Party leadership  social inclusiveness: strong women’s is open to a pluralistic and democratic involvement, and ethnic diversity approach. The challenge is to identify Note that this list of factors does not say those locations, and build networks of „DAFO staff trained in participatory actors that are supporting capacity methods‟. Although such training did take building with rural communities. place, it is the context in which the training Since 2010, LEAP has attempted to apply takes place and methods subsequently the lessons from Khoun in four other

10 „hotspots‟ in the northern uplands: Namo, about the success of the project‟s Nambak, Bounneua and Xiengkhor. In capacity-building efforts will depend on each location, the basic Lao Extension who is making the assessment. From the Approach has been supplemented with technical perspective of the donor, other activities known as „LEA plus‟.19 An influenced by a Weberian concept of a assessment of this modified approach will modern public administration, the project be completed in the next few months, but may appear to have failed. But from the it is already clear that progress has been political perspective of the Government, uneven. A comparison between the five looking to enhance control of social and locations should provide the project economic development across the partners with a better understanding of the country, the project has been far more factors affecting success. This author successful. And from the perspective of predicts that „political space‟ will be one of small farmers we have a mixed picture: those factors. large numbers of farmers have learnt techniques that improve their productivity, Conclusions but far fewer have started to engage in These observations aim to stimulate collective action that gives them greater further discussion rather than provide a influence over the direction of definitive assessment of what has development in their community. happened in the Laos Extension for

Agriculture Project. Any conclusions

Different Perspectives on Capacity-Building

1. The western donor perspective Extension capacity exists in the form of sustainable structures and functions that provide efficient and reliable services. LEAP has largely failed from this perspective. After 12 years of the project, structures and staffing are not stable, functional capacity (eg. planning and monitoring) is weak, and the Government has not allocated funds to sustain routine extension activities.

2. The Lao Government perspective Extension capacity exists in the form of a policy framework (decrees, strategies, plans), a pool of physical and human resources, and committed leadership LEAP has largely succeeded from this perspective. After 12 years of the project, the Lao Extension Approach has been widely accepted, NAFES has survived to become DAEC, and the methods and materials produced by the project are being used by various donor projects and political campaigns (eg. Sam Sang)

3. The rural community perspective Development capacity exists when villagers are able to make informed choices, have improved bargaining power, and are carrying out collective action to achieve their own plans. LEAP has mixed success from this perspective. After 12 years of LEAP, the project has proved that capacity-building of this kind is possible, but it needs a conducive environment (eg. supportive local leadership and partnerships with other service providers) and may take at least 5 years of achieve. 11

Notes 1 This includes two documents for Phase III, one of which was discarded. 2 Andrew Bartlett (2010) An introduction to real-world extension. Rural Development News, 2010/01. 3 Juergen Piechotta, (2009 & 2010) Report on the findings from the Impact Study. LEAP 4 CETDU = The Central Extension Training and Development Unit. This is no longer part of the official structure of the Department, but the name is still used as an informal designation for the team working with LEAP. 5 Peter Schmidt (2009) Aid Effectiveness in Agricultural Extension‟. LEAP 6 The meanings of key terms used in project documents is often quite different in the English and Lao versions, reflecting the fact that the English audience is largely technical, which the Lao audience is more political. 7 For example: Rita Gebert (2010) Farmer Bargaining Power in the Lao PDR: Possibilities and Pitfalls. LEAP 8 The Agricultural Development Strategy (2011 to 2020), and Agricultural Master Plan (2011 − 2015) were drafted with the assistance of a foreign technical adviser and widely distributed by MAF. Most foreign observers understood that these documents had been approved, but recent discussions suggest that the „drafts‟ will now be revised to take account of the Party Resolution on „Sam Sang‟. 9 Richard Slater and Khamlouang Keoka (2012) Trends in the Governance Sector of Lao PDR. SDC 10 Andrew Bartlett (2012) Trends in the Agriculture and Natural Resource Management Sectors of the Lao PDR. SDC 11 Joost Foppes (2008) Agricultural and Forestry Development at „Kum Ban‟ Village Cluster Level. LEAP 12 According to an article in the Pasaxon newspaper of 13 September 2012, the Sam Sang ( or three builds) are to build: 1) the Province as the main unit for strategy (ແຂວ ວ ວ ); 2) the District as the main unit for..."comprehensive strength" ( ວ ວ ຂ ແຂ ; and 3) the Village as the main unit for development ( ວ ວ ). 13 The author explored the aim of the Sam Sang policy in a message posted to the LaoFAB forum on 30 March 2013 under the heading Observations on „Sam Sang‟ 14 The Lao-Swedish Upland Agriculture and Forestry Research Programme (LSUAFRP) 2002 - 2007, followed by Upland Research and Capacity Development Programme (URDP) 2007 − 2012 15 Andrew Bartlett (2012) Trends in the Agriculture and Natural Resource Management Sectors of the Lao PDR. SDC 16 Andrew Bartlett (2010) An introduction to real-world extension. Rural Development News, 2010/01 17 Michael Jones (2012) Non-State Actors in Agriculture Extension: Farmers Accessing Services in Lao PDR 18 For more information about what has happened in Khoun District, see: Andrew Bartlett (2010) Making Connections: agricultural extension in Northern Laos. LEAP 19 Lao Extension Approach: Guidelines for Participatory Extension Planning and Results Based Monitoring and Evaluation (2012). LEAP

12