chapter 3 The Spread of Aramaic in the Assyrian and Babylonian Empires
In the seventh and sixth centuries b.c.e., the rise of Aramaic as a medium for supra-regional communication continued on a global scale. The emergence of first the Neo-Assyrian, then the Neo-Babylonian empire, both heirs to a strong and prestigious Akkadian scribal culture, gave a boost to an erstwhile local lan- guage that was already widely used among the Syrian principalities who joined them in vassalage. Central Syrian Aramaic in particular had by then acquired the function of a nascent koiné in the region, begun to replace local varieties such as the ones attested in mid-ninth-century Tell-Fekheriye and mid-eighth- century Samʾal, and even outlived, at least for a few decennia, the collapse of the kingdom of Damascus, hence it could still be used as an official language in distant Bukān in Azerbaijan around 700 b.c.e. Yet the new imperial context also changed the profile of the textual record: royal inscriptions do not befit dependent allies of great kings, and the Assyrian and Babylonian rulers continued to adhere to the venerated use of Akkadian for the monumental accounts of their deeds. Akkadian, after all, was indissolu- bly connected with Assyrian and especially Babylonian culture and lore. Instead of providing a medium of expression for independent and ambitious local princes to celebrate their achievements and demonstrate their piety in public epigraphs, Aramaic grew strong roots in imperial administration and, as a written language, became increasingly visible in the private domain. Excepting perhaps the Bukān inscription, it ceased to act as a vehicle of Syrian culture as it previously did. As a consequence, economic notes, legal agreements, and private letters dominate the textual evidence from this period. They exhibit a good deal of orthographic and linguistic variation, which indicates that Central Syrian dis- integrated quickly into local traditions that were less subject to a centralized linguistic standard. The different sociolinguistic context, the relatively higher frequency of non-standard spellings, the coexistence of morphological by- forms, and the emergence especially of certain word-order changes on the one hand and the relative linguistic homogeneity of Achaemenid Official Aramaic in the subsequent period with its orthographic and linguistic inno- vations on the other support a classification that assigns a place in its own right to the “late” Old Aramaic witnesses of the seventh and sixth centuries
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290 So Beyer 1984: 27–28 and 1986: 12–14; Hug 1993: 139; Gzella 2004: 35–41. See also the intro- ductory paragraphs to the preceding Chapter. 291 Cf., for instance, Fitzmyer 32004: 30 (originally 11966: 19 n. 60); Hoftijzer – Jongeling 1995: xii–xiii (abbreviated as “OffAr”); Fales 2007a: 100 and 2007b: 141–142. However, this reason- ing rests on socio-cultural rather than on linguistic grounds.