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Vernon Richards (1975), Paris, 10/18 ENSEIGNEMENT DE LA RÉVOLUTION ESPAGNOLE Vernon Richards (1975), Paris, 10/18 http://www.somnisllibertaris.com/libro/enseignementdelarevolution/index03.htm PRÉFACE p. 2 POST-SCRIPTUM p. 4 DEUXIEME PARTIE (Introduction) PREMIERE PARTIE (Introduction) CHAPITRE XVI CHAPITRE I CHAPITRE XVII CHAPITRE II CHAPITRE XVIII CHAPITRE III CHAPITRE XIX CHAPITRE IV CHAPITRE XX CHAPITRE V CHAPITRE VI CONCLUSION CHAPITRE VII CHAPITRE VIII BIBLIOGRAPHIE CHAPITRE IX NOTES CHAPITRE X CHAPITRE XI CHAPITRE XII CHAPITRE XIII CHAPITRE XIV CHAPITRE XV 1 PRÉFACE La Révolution est trop souvent assimilée à la Russie, à une certaine image du marxisme qui oublie la création de la Tchéka (commission extraordinaire de lutte contre le sabotage et la contre-révolution) par Lénine, la répression du soulèvement populaire de Kronstadt, de l’Opposition Ouvrière — pourtant opposée aux Kronstadtiens — et du mouvement anarchiste d’Ukraine par le même Lénine, avec l’accord de Trotsky et de Staline. Plus récemment, l’invasion de la Tchécoslovaquie, les mesures contre les quelques intellectuels russes dignes de ce nom, les accords économiques avec l’Ouest (gazoducs avec les USA et l’Europe occidentale), sans oublier la coexistence nord-américano-chinoise-chinoise et les relations diplomatiques entre Pékin et Ankara et Madrid, démontrent que le marxisme-léninisme n’est que l’idéologie d’une nouvelle classe dirigeante identique à la nôtre. La Révolution pour l’émancipation des travailleurs, une pratique non tarée, il faut les chercher plus près de nous, dans l’Espagne de 1936-1939, dont les aspects sociaux commencent a être connus grâce à Chomsky, Guérin, Leval, Lorenzo et nous-mêmes. Des millions de travailleurs faisant tourner les usines et s’occupant des cultures et transformant l’économie de consommation capitaliste en économie de guerre, en dépit du sabotage des républicains. Des travailleurs en train de faire une révolution, avec leurs contradictions, leurs discussions, sachant ce qu’ils ne veulent plus subir mais tâtonnant pour arriver à une nouvelle vie, refusant par avance et par expérience d’approuver les yeux fermés leurs dirigeants, parce que « l’ordre, la discipline» dans ces circonstances ne sont que les armes des traîtres qui veulent désarmer le peuple et rétablir la police qui protégera leurs propriétés. La Révolution ne peut se juger que par un critère: la situation des travailleur, leur niveau de vie, leur pouvoir. Et ce fut en Espagne uniquement que les travailleurs eurent assez de lucidité et de force, grâce à la formation anarchiste, pour concrétiser dans l’économie leur idéal d’émancipation par eux-mêmes. «Ni Berlin ni Moscou», suggérait l’anarchiste italien Camillo Berneri peu avant d’être assassiné a Barcelone par des tchékistes hispano-russes, commandés par Togliatti, semble-t-il. Un voile de crimes, de censure et de calomnies a été tendue tant par la droite — fasciste et démocratique — que la gauche — communiste et socialiste — pour cacher cette expérience des travailleurs qui montre que le patronat, les guides politiques furent inutiles, comme ils le sont, si ce n’est pour exploiter, ou créer de belles analyses justificatives. Comme s’il pouvait y avoir un choix entre les missiles nord-américains ou russes en Indochine ou en Palestine, la contre-révolution au Chili ou en Tchécoslovaquie. 2 L’anarchisme serait-il la nouvelle panacée? Peut-être, sans doute, mais certainement pas tel qu’il le fut au niveau des dirigeants libertaires en Espagne, comme nous le montre ce livre anarchiste. Et c’est une des leçons de cette doctrine que de refuser la justification des erreurs, même sous couvert d’une expérience «politique» dont les travailleurs n’ont que faire, pas plus que le développement de l’industrie lourde en URSS ou les autoroutes italiennes et allemandes ne justifient l’exploitation, les camps de concentration qu’ont subis et subissent les travailleurs au nom d’idéologies dont le fond est le même. La capacité, les qualités et aussi les défauts des travailleurs anarchistes espagnols sont un exemple pour tous de ce que peuvent réaliser et concevoir les ouvriers et les paysans avec une idéologie non autoritaire — dont pourtant bien des aspects étaient critiquables. Mai 1968 en France et décembre 1970 en Pologne, dans le capitalisme parlementaire et dans le capitalisme de parti unique, enseignent par leur refus profond de la hiérarchie que le courant non autoritaire est le sens spontané et incontestable de tout mouvement anti-exploiteur. Ce livre-ci est tout autant un condensé clair et dense de l’histoire de l’anarchisme espagnol pendant la guerre qu’une discussion théorique appréciée par des historiens aussi divers que Noam Chomsky, Broué, Bolloten, Maidanik, respectivement libertaire, trotskiste, libéral et marxiste soviétique. Frank MINTZ. P. S. Au cours de la traduction, nous avons vérifié les citations dans la langue originale ou dans l’édition française pour les ouvrages suivants: José Peirats La CNT en la revolucion española ; Juan Peiró Problemas y Cintarazos ; Camillo Berneri Pensieri e Battaglie ; Jesús Hernández La Grande Trahison ; Gerald Brenan Le Labyrinthe espagnol ; Krivitski Agent de Staline ; Pierre Kropotkine La Grande Révolution ; revue Tiempos Nuevos (avril 1945) ; El congreso confederal de Zaragoza ; Abad de Santillán Por qué perdimos la guerra ; Víctor Alba Historia de la segunda República española. C’est d’un point de vue anarchiste, et sans fausse fidélité ou considérations opportunistes, mais aussi avec 3 modestie et compréhension, que nous devrions chercher à tirer des enseignements de la révolution espagnole. Je suis convaincue qu’une admiration aveugle, exempte de toute critique affaiblira bien plus notre mouvement que l’admission sincère des erreurs passées. Maria Luisa BERNERI A la Mémoire de Camillo BERNERI et de Maria Luisa BERNERI POST-SCRIPTUM BIBLIOGRAPHIQUE (1972) I Dans la bibliographie de The Great Camouflage, l’auteur Burnett Bolloten déclare qu’afin de préparer cette grande étude il a consulté pas moins de 2 500 livres et brochures sur le sujet, dont il cite les plus utiles et ceux dont il a tiré partie. Sa bibliographie s’étend sur dix-sept pages, et pourtant le lecteur ne peut qu’être frappé par le faible nombre d’ouvrages publiés entre 1945 et 1960. L’Espagne n’était pas rentable tant que le monde des éditeurs ne s’en occupait pas. Par exemple, le livre de Bolloten, terminé dès 1952, ne fut publié qu’en 1961. Dans l’intervalle, il fut proposé à de nombreux éditeurs américains, dont cinq universités, qui tous le refusèrent. L’évolution de la mode, le nombre toujours croissant d’universitaires diplômés en quête de thèses et les insatiables empires de l’édition à la recherche de réimpressions et d’auteurs ont tiré la Guerre Civile Espagnole de ce regrettable oubli. Le lecteur en saura-t-il plus en lisant les livres les plus diffusés ? C’est une autre histoire. 4 Un important nombre d’ouvrages a paru depuis 1957 (date où j’ai complété Enseignements de la Révolution Espagnole) qui aurait pu être utilisé dans ce volume. Ma tâche n’est pas d’écrire une histoire, mais de tirer des leçons des aspects révolutionnaires de la lutte. Du reste je n’aurais fait qu’ajouter des notes qui auraient souligné mon argumentation, sans la changer. Et le gain, à mon avis, n’aurait amené qu’une pléthore de détails au détriment des arguments, outre le fait qu’un travail peut être annoté à l’infini sans être réécrit, et que ce n’est pas mon intention. Cependant j’estime profitable de commenter quelques ouvrages importants qui sont maintenant disponibles pour ceux qui s’intéressent à la Révolution espagnole. II Le Labyrinthe espagnol de Gerald Brenan (Paris, Ruedo Ibérico, 1962) est encore le meilleur livre sur les antécédents sociaux et politiques et la bibliographie est bonne. La Anarquía a través de los tiempos de Max Nettlau (Barcelona, 1935) a été traduit en français sous le titre: Histoire de l’Anarchie (Paris, Tête de Feuille, 1971, appendice du traducteur), plusieurs chapitres traitent des origines de l’anarchisme et du collectivisme et du communisme anarchistes en Espagne. La Première Internationale en Espagne (1868-1888) (Reidel, Hollande, 1969), également de Nettlau, est un ouvrage de référence fondamental de 600 pages, patiemment préparé par Renée Lamberet. Mis à part qu’il est hors de portée de la plupart des bourses, je ne suis pas arrivé à le lire de bout en bout, probablement parce qu’il est plus destiné à la consultation qu’à la lecture (surtout celle des étudiants plongés dans les origines de la Première Internationale en Espagne). Bien plus lisible, bien qu’étant un ouvrage universitaire, est Orígenes del Anarquismo en Barcelona (Barcelone, 1959) qui est à mon avis, la première étude sérieuse de l’anarchisme faite dans l’Espagne franquiste. On trouve dans le matériel couvrant les trente premières années du siècle, une réédition de la brochure de Dashar The origins of The Revolutionary Movement in Spain (1967, Coptic Press), et l’ouvrage de Peirats Los anarquistas en la Crisis Espanola (1964, Buenos Aires) qui consacre cent pages aux années de lutte syndicale jusqu’au 19 juillet 1936, tout comme les six premiers chapitres du volume I de son Histoire de la CNT si fréquemment cité tout au long de ce travail. 5 Les deux cents premières pages de The Spanish Republic and the Civil War (1965, Princeton) traitent très en détail la république de 1931. III La meilleure oeuvre générale sur la guerre civile est la Révolution et la Guerre d’Espagne (1961) de Broué et Témine. Dans ce livre universitaire et engagé, les deux auteurs s’efforcent de montrer la vérité sur la guerre et la révolution. Il est heureux que ce livre existe en traduction anglaise (1972, Londres) et, s’il n’avait pas été saboté par les critiques, ce serait une histoire moderne qui pallierait le mal causé par le livre le plus populaire et le moins engagé 1, The Spanish Civil War (1961) de Hugh Thomas.
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