DOCSLIB.ORG

Ten Years of Political Abolitionism, the Liberty Party, 1839-1848

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Ten Years of Political Abolitionism, the Liberty Party, 1839-1848 THEY TOOK THE VAN1 TEN YEARS OF POLITICAL ABOLITIONISM, THE LIBERTY PARTY, 18.39-1848 A Thesis Presented to the F~culty of the School of Social Science Morehead State University In Partial }'ulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in History by Doris Lynn Koch May 1969 Accepted by the faculty of.the School of Social Scienoe, Morehead State University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in History .degree. ) 'I I Director Master's Chairman ... TABLE OF CONTENTS . PAGE INTRODUCTION I I I I O I I I I I .._, .. • . .. · •·. • . 1 CHAPTER I. PETITIONING AND QUESTIONING FAI~ • • • • • • 5 II. UNITY FRml DIVISION • , , , • • , , , • • • , 17 III, EARLY DEVELOPMENTS IN THE LIBERTY PAR~Y • • 101 IV, A TRIO OF CArlDIDATES: THE ELECTION OF 1844 135 V. THE PARTY IN TRANSITION • •. , • • , , • • • . 158 . VI, THE LIBERTY PARTY IN DECLINE, , , , , • , , 181 ASSESSMENT OF THE LIBERTY PARTY , , , , , . , , , , , 213 BIBLIOGRAPHY . - . • • • .• . 220 ·- INTRODUCTION Panaticsl Disunionistsl Foolsl Such epithets were bailed at the men who from 1830 to 1860'labored tor the emancipation of the American Negro, The history of the Liberty party forms a chapter in the lengthy narrative of abolitionism, Throughout the history of civilization, men have found that by banding together and promoting their particular cause in the bounds of fellowship, their chances for success are greatly enhanced, Abolitionists did not form a coherent group until December 4, 1833, when deliberations in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, culminated in the organi­ zation of the American Anti-Slavery Society, The. formation of a national organization marked the beginning of a concerted effort on the part of antislavery men to ·present their ideas to the ~eople of the United States, The American Anti-Slavery Society attempted to convert the nation to abolitionism, Their methods included propagandizing through the mails by sending newspapers, tracts, and magazines.throughout the country, Antislavery lectures were delivered, These methods, however, were not destined to provide their desired effects, Mob violence often greeted abolitionist speeches, and meetings, not only in the South, but also throughout ·. 2 the North, The First Anniversary Meeting of the American Anti-Slavery Society at the Chatham Street Chapel in New York City caused a three day riot,· A Society member's home. was sacked, and several churches were damaged, In 1835 riots took place in Utica, N.ew York and Boston, Massachusetts, The Boston mob.of October 21 was so vehement that William Lloyd Garrison, editor of the abolitionist newspaper,~ Liberator, was led to jail for his protection,1 James Gillespie Birney, a Kentucky slaveholder turned abolitionist, was no stranger to riotous actions, In July~ 1835, he faced a Danville, Kentucky mob, His antislavery newspaper, The Philanthropist, was wrecked by Cincinnati, Ohio rioters on July JO, 18J6, While meetings and lectures were being disrupted by violence in the North, the mail was being burned ~n the South, On July JO, 1835, a groups of citizens broke into the Charleston, South Carolina Post Office and burned stacks of abolitionist material, Protests to Postmaster General Amos Kendall resulted in the acqui­ escence of the federal government to Southern mail censor- ship, The abolitionists gained scattered support in the lLouis Filler, The Crusade Ai>:ainst Slavery, 1830- 1860 - (liew Yerka Harper and Brothers, 1960) 1 p, 77, .3 North, seemingly, because of Southern actions which • were viewed as a repression of freedom of speech and press,2 Additional Northern support was gained by the advocates of abolitionism when the infamous gag rul.e was imposed in the Congress of the United States, Anti­ slavery petitions were sent to Congress in an organized campaign directed by the antislavery societies for the purpose of abolishing slavery in the District-of Columbia, and protesting the possible annexation of Texas, John C, Calhoun and his S_outhern supporters managed to have the antislavery petitions laid on the table without comment, By 1840 a procedure whereby antislavery petitions were ignored became a standing rule in the House,3 The petition struggle brought many Northerners into sympathy with the abolitionist cause as the right of petition was considered to be a constitutional guarantee, As arguments continued in Congres?, violence continued throughout the North, In November, 1837, the abolitionist cause gained its first martyr, Elijah P, Lovejoy, Editor of an abolitionist newspaper,~ Alton 2w, Sherman Savage, The Controversy Over The ~istribtttion of Abolition Literature, 1830-TI.loo -niew York, The Association For 'l'he Study of Nei:ro Life and History, 1938), pp, 54-55, .3Henry H, Simm~, Emotion~ High~• Abolition ~QU:t.a;u -.: 4 Observer, Lovejoy was murdered while defending pis press 1n Alton, Illinois. Thus a "physical martyr" had been added to the "civic martyrs," such as John Quincy Adams, who along with ot.her Norther:t;l politicians had been slandered for his fight against the ·gag rule in Congress. _ Violence continued. and on May 17, 1838, Pennsylvania Hall, a Philadelphia building constructed by abolitionist funds, was burned by a mob. These events and other circumstances ·were to leave an indelible impression on the minds of antislavery men. 4 : The mobs abolitionists faced above and below the Mason­ Dixon Line, the petition struggle and resulting gag rules, the interference with the delivery of abolitionist litera­ ture through the mails, the murder of Lovejoy, and other incidents convinced many antislavery advocates of the inefficacy of the moral suasion program being attempted by the American Anti-Slavery Society. Their ensuing actions cover the period from 183.9 to 1848; their policies came to be termed political abolitionism, and their political organization was kno~m as the Liberty party. as a· Controversial Factor, 1830-1845 (Richmond, Virginia1 William Byrd Press, 1960), p. 119. 4c1ement Eat!=m, "Mob Violence In The Old South," Mi~sJssippi Valley Historical Review,XXIX (December, 'I9 2 , p. 351. CHAPTER I PETITIONING AND QUESTIONING.FAIL In 1838 abolitionists faced an ever increasing problem, what means should they use to accomplish their goals? Their meetings and lectures were disrupted, Their literature burned,· A member of the flock had been IIUl'dered, The petition struggle was gaining some Northern adherents to their side albeit the ultimate goals of anti- 1lavery men seemed as far away as before, The need for a mode of action to accomplish abolitionist desires was evident, Diversity within the antislavery ranks, however, did not tend to ameliorate their disputes over methodology and final purpose, Within the American Anti-Slavery Society the vestiges of that diversity were being manifested in disagreements concerning the actual purposes of the organi­ zation, In 1838, Alvan Stewart, a resident of Utica, New York, and member or the American Society, proposed that the 1833 Constitution of the group be altered, Stewart Wished to delete the clause in the governing document which affirmed the rights of the Southern states under the Constituti.on of the United Stat·es,1 _ Stewart, speaking at the Fifth Annual Meeting of the American Anti-Slavery lBayard Tuckerman, William Jay And The Constitutional !lovement For The Abolition of Slavery (i'iewYork: Dodd, Head· r.nd Company, T8"9J), p, 52, - 6 society, held in New' York City, in May, 1838, proposed a resolution which would have recognized the power of the tederal government over slavery wherever the peculiar lnSt1 tut ion existed, The Society '·s Cons titut ion declared that Congress had the power to abolish slavery in the J territories and the District of Columbia, and that the interstate slave trade was within its legislative authority, ?et, the states were free to legislate within their borders on the question of slavery, 2 Although Stewart's opinions were shared by others 1n the Society, the necessary two-thirds majority was not willing to back his suggestion, This question of consti­ tutional power over slavery was a common problem in the 1ears p~ior to the Civil War, In fact, it would cause aerious splits in the abolitionist ranks, The formation of a separate political party composed ot abolitionists was deprecated by the American Anti-Slavery Society, but other means of political action were advised, At the Fifth Annual Meeting of the Society the following resolution was adopted• •, ,We recommend to abolitionists throughout· the country to interrogate candidates for office with 2Ibid,, PP• 92-93, 'l reference to their opinions on subjects connected with the abolition of slavery, and to vote irrespective of party for those only who wi11 advocate the principles of universal liberty,J Also, the E.'xecutive Committee of the: Society was instructed to question the presidential and vice-pr~sidential candidates on these issues, the abolition of slavery in the District ot Columbia, the interstate slave trade, the annexation ot Texas as a slave state, and the recognition of Haitian ·1ndependence, 4 The practice of questioning candidates for public ottice concerning their attitudes toward ·slavery and abolition was viewed by many antislavery men as the most efficient means of thwarting the proslavery forces, Men llho advocated the "test question" as a reliable procedure and considered questioning.the strongest political weapon or abolitionism used as their motto, "Vote for no man who votes against freedom," 5 Throughout the North, state antislavery societies announced that their members did not intend to vote for Uorthern political candidates who refused to avow beliefs Sn the right of petition and congressional power over )Emancipator {New York City], May 10, 18J8, 4-Ib1d, Swilliam Birney,: James G, Birney ~ ~ Times,_ ' . i 8 l e].avery in the District of Columbia and terri~ories, I ' A Rochester, New Yor~1 antislavery meeting passed such a resolution in January, 1838, l .-,,While we as abolitionists refrain from political organization, yet, we will bestow our suffrages l ...
Load more

Recommended publications
  • RELIGIOSITY and REFORM in OBERLIN, OHIO, 1833-1859 Matthew Inh Tz Clemson University, [email protected]
    Clemson University TigerPrints All Theses Theses 5-2012 PARADISE FOUND: RELIGIOSITY AND REFORM IN OBERLIN, OHIO, 1833-1859 Matthew inH tz Clemson University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://tigerprints.clemson.edu/all_theses Part of the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Hintz, Matthew, "PARADISE FOUND: RELIGIOSITY AND REFORM IN OBERLIN, OHIO, 1833-1859" (2012). All Theses. 1338. https://tigerprints.clemson.edu/all_theses/1338 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses at TigerPrints. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Theses by an authorized administrator of TigerPrints. For more information, please contact [email protected]. PARADISE FOUND: RELIGIOSITY AND REFORM IN OBERLIN, OHIO, 1833-1859 A Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of Clemson University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of the Arts History by Matthew David Hintz May 2012 Accepted by: H. Roger Grant, Committee Chair C. Alan Grubb Orville V. Burton ABSTRACT Founded as a quasi-utopian society by New England evangelists, Oberlin became the central hub of extreme social reform in Ohio’s Western Reserve. Scholars have looked at Oberlin from political and cultural perspectives, but have placed little emphasis on religion. That is to say, although religion is a major highlight of secondary scholarship, few have placed the community appropriately in the dynamic of the East and West social reform movement. Historians have often ignored, or glossed over this important element and how it represented the divergence between traditional orthodoxy in New England and Middle-Atlantic states, and the new religious hybrids found in the West.
    [Show full text]
  • MILITANT ABOLITIONIST GERRIT SMITH }Udtn-1 M
    MILITANT ABOLITIONIST GERRIT SMITH }UDtn-1 M. GORDON·OMELKA Great wealth never precluded men from committing themselves to redressing what they considered moral wrongs within American society. Great wealth allowed men the time and money to devote themselves absolutely to their passionate causes. During America's antebellum period, various social and political concerns attracted wealthy men's attentions; for example, temperance advocates, a popular cause during this era, considered alcohol a sin to be abolished. One outrageous evil, southern slavery, tightly concentrated many men's political attentions, both for and against slavery. and produced some intriguing, radical rhetoric and actions; foremost among these reform movements stood abolitionism, possibly one of the greatest reform movements of this era. Among abolitionists, slavery prompted various modes of action, from moderate, to radical, to militant methods. The moderate approach tended to favor gradualism, which assumed the inevitability of society's progress toward the abolition of slavery. Radical abolitionists regarded slavery as an unmitigated evil to be ended unconditionally, immediately, and without any compensation to slaveholders. Preferring direct, political action to publicize slavery's iniquities, radical abolitionists demanded a personal commitment to the movement as a way to effect abolition of slavery. Some militant abolitionists, however, pushed their personal commitment to the extreme. Perceiving politics as a hopelessly ineffective method to end slavery, this fringe group of abolitionists endorsed violence as the only way to eradicate slavery. 1 One abolitionist, Gerrit Smith, a wealthy landowner, lived in Peterboro, New York. As a young man, he inherited from his father hundreds of thousands of acres, and in the 1830s, Smith reportedly earned between $50,000 and $80,000 annually on speculative leasing investments.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Sumner, Charles. the Selected Letters of Charles Sumner. Edited
    Sumner, Charles. The Selected Letters of Charles Sumner. Edited by Beverly Wilson Palmer. 2 vols. Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1990. Vol. 2 Lawyers and politicians, 20 Lincoln, Seward, Sumner, Chicago convention nomination, 23-24 Law, barbarism of slavery, Lewis Tappan, 26 Crime Against Kansas speech, 29-30 Fugitive slave law, 31-32 Election, Lincoln, secession threats, 34 Seward, 37 Secession, 37ff Secession and possible civil war, 38-39 Thurlow Weed, Lincoln, Winfield Scott, 40-41 Scott, Seward, 42 John A. Andrew, no compromise, 43, 47-48 Fears compromise and surrender, 44 Massachusetts men need to stand firm, 46 Massachusetts, Buchanan, Crittenden compromise, 50-51 Personal liberty laws, 51-52 Fort Sumter, forts, 53 Virginia secession election, 54 New Mexico compromise, 55-57 Lincoln, 59 Lincoln and office seekers, 64 Seward influence, 64 Lincoln and war, 65 Northern unity, Lincoln, 69 John Lothrop Motley, 70-71 Congressional session, legislation, 71-72 Blockade, 73 Bull Run defeat, Lincoln, 74 Cameron and contrabands, 75 Lincoln, duty of emancipation, 76 William Howard Russell, Bull Run, 76-78 Slavery, Frémont, Lincoln, 79 Frémont, 80 Wendell Phillips, Sumner speech on slavery, 80 Slavery, English opinion, emancipation, Cameron, contraband order, 81-87 War, slavery, tariff, 82 Trent affair, Mason and Slidell, 85-94 Charles Stone, 95 Lieber, Stanton, Trent affair, 98 Stanton, 99 Lincoln, Chase, 100 Davis and Lincoln, 101 1 Andrew, McClellan, Lincoln, 103 Establishing territorial governments in rebel states, 103-8 Fugitive
    [Show full text]
  • Abraham Lincoln, Kentucky African Americans and the Constitution
    Abraham Lincoln, Kentucky African Americans and the Constitution Kentucky African American Heritage Commission Abraham Lincoln Bicentennial Collection of Essays Abraham Lincoln, Kentucky African Americans and the Constitution Kentucky African American Heritage Commission Abraham Lincoln Bicentennial Collection of Essays Kentucky Abraham Lincoln Bicentennial Commission Kentucky Heritage Council © Essays compiled by Alicestyne Turley, Director Underground Railroad Research Institute University of Louisville, Department of Pan African Studies for the Kentucky African American Heritage Commission, Frankfort, KY February 2010 Series Sponsors: Kentucky African American Heritage Commission Kentucky Historical Society Kentucky Abraham Lincoln Bicentennial Commission Kentucky Heritage Council Underground Railroad Research Institute Kentucky State Parks Centre College Georgetown College Lincoln Memorial University University of Louisville Department of Pan African Studies Kentucky Abraham Lincoln Bicentennial Commission The Kentucky Abraham Lincoln Bicentennial Commission (KALBC) was established by executive order in 2004 to organize and coordinate the state's commemorative activities in celebration of the 200th anniversary of the birth of President Abraham Lincoln. Its mission is to ensure that Lincoln's Kentucky story is an essential part of the national celebration, emphasizing Kentucky's contribution to his thoughts and ideals. The Commission also serves as coordinator of statewide efforts to convey Lincoln's Kentucky story and his legacy of freedom, democracy, and equal opportunity for all. Kentucky African American Heritage Commission [Enabling legislation KRS. 171.800] It is the mission of the Kentucky African American Heritage Commission to identify and promote awareness of significant African American history and influence upon the history and culture of Kentucky and to support and encourage the preservation of Kentucky African American heritage and historic sites.
    [Show full text]
  • Catholics, Slaveholders, and the Dilemma of American Evangelicalism, 1835–1860 / W
    Catholics, Slaveholders, and the Dilemma of American Evangelicalism, 1835 –1860 W. J ASON WALLACE University of Notre Dame Press Notre Dame, Indiana © 2010 University of Notre Dame Press Copyright © 2010 by University of Notre Dame Notre Dame, Indiana 46556 www.undpress.nd.edu All Rights Reserved Manufactured in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Wallace, William Jason. Catholics, slaveholders, and the dilemma of American evangelicalism, 1835–1860 / W. Jason Wallace. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-268-04421-3 (pbk. : alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-268-04421-X (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. United States—Church history—19th century. 2. Evangelicalism— United States—History—19th century. 3. Catholic Church— United States—History—19th century. 4. Slavery—United States— History—19th century. 5. Christianity and politics—United States— History—19th century. I. Title. BR525.W34 2010 282'.7509034—dc22 2010024340 ∞ The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources. © 2010 University of Notre Dame Press Introduction Between 1835 and 1860, evangelical pulpits and religious journals in the North aggressively attacked slaveholders and Catholics as threats to American values. Criticisms of these two groups could often be found in the same northern evangelical journal, if not on the same page. Words such as “despotism” and “tyranny” described both the theological condi- tion of the Catholic Church and the political condition of the South. Slavery and Catholicism were labeled incompatible with republican insti- tutions and bereft of the virtues necessary to sustain a democratic people.
    [Show full text]
  • Slavery in the United States - Wikipedia Page 1 of 25
    Slavery in the United States - Wikipedia Page 1 of 25 Slavery in the United States Slavery in the United States was the legal institution of human chattel enslavement, primarily of Africans and African Americans, that existed in the United States of America in the 18th and 19th centuries. Slavery had been practiced by Americans under British rule from early colonial days, and was legal in all Thirteen Colonies at the time of the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It lasted until the end of the American Civil War. By the time of the American Revolution (1775–1783), the status of slave had been institutionalized as a racial caste associated with African ancestry.[1] When the United States Constitution was ratified (1789), a relatively small number of free people of color were among the voting citizens (male property owners).[2] During and immediately following the Revolutionary War, abolitionist laws were passed in most Northern states and a movement developed to abolish slavery. Most of these states had a higher proportion of free labor than in the South and economies based on different industries. They abolished slavery by the end of the 18th century, some with gradual systems that kept adults as slaves for two decades. However, the rapid expansion of the cotton industry in the Deep South after the invention of the cotton gin greatly increased demand for slave labor, and the An animation showing when United States territories and states Southern states continued as slave societies. Those states attempted to extend slavery into the new Western forbade or allowed slavery, 1789–1861.
    [Show full text]
  • Homelessness, Survival Sex and Human Trafficking: As Experienced by the Youth of Covenant House New York
    Homelessness, Survival Sex and Human Trafficking: As Experienced by the Youth of Covenant House New York May 2013 Jayne Bigelsen, Director Anti-Human Trafficking Initiatives, Covenant House New York*: Stefanie Vuotto, Fordham University: Tool Development and Validation Project Coordinators: Kimberly Addison, Sara Trongone and Kate Tully Research Assistants/Legal Advisors: Tiffany Anderson, Jacquelyn Bradford, Olivia Brown, Carolyn Collantes, Sharon Dhillon, Leslie Feigenbaum, Laura Ferro, Andrea Laidman, Matthew Jamison, Laura Matthews-Jolly, Gregory Meves, Lucas Morgan, Lauren Radebaugh, Kari Rotkin, Samantha Schulman, Claire Sheehan, Jenn Strashnick, Caroline Valvardi. With a special thanks to Skadden Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom LLP and Affiliates for their financial support and to the Covenant House New York staff who made this report possible. And our heartfelt thanks go to the almost 200 Covenant House New York youth who shared their stories with us. *For questions on the use of the trafficking screening tool discussed in this report or anything else related to the substance of the study, please contact study author, Jayne Bigelsen at [email protected] Table of Contents: Executive Summary . 5 Introduction . 5 Key Findings . 6 Terminology . 7 Objectives/Method . 8 Results and Discussion . 10 Compelled Sex Trafficking . 10 Survival Sex . 11 Relationship between Sex Trafficking and Survival Sex . 12 Labor Trafficking . 13 Contributing Factors . 14 Average Age of Entry into Commercial Sexual Activity . 16 Transgender and Gay Youth . 16 Development and Use of the Trafficking Assessment Tool . 17 Implications for Policy and Practice . 19 Conclusion . 21 Appendix: Trafficking Screening Tool . 22 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Introduction In recent years, the plight of human trafficking victims has received a great deal of attention among legislators, social service providers and the popular press.
    [Show full text]
  • University Microfilms International 300 N
    INFORMATION TO USERS This was produced from a copy of a document sent to us for microfilming. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the material submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or notations which may appear on this reproduction. 1. The sign or “target” for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is “Missing Page(s)”. If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting through an image and duplicating adjacent pages to assure you of complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a round black mark it is an indication that the film inspector noticed either blurred copy because of movement during exposure, or duplicate copy. Unless we meant to delete copyrighted materials that should not have been filmed, you will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., is part of the material being photo­ graphed the photographer has followed a definite method in “sectioning” the material. It is customary to begin filming at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. If necessary, sectioning is continued again—beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. 4. For any illustrations that cannot be reproduced satisfactorily by xerography, photographic prints can be purchased at additional cost and tipped into your xerographic copy.
    [Show full text]
  • The Early Abolitionists of Lancaster County
    The Early Abolitionists of Lancaster County, In giving a history of the Abolition movement in Lancaster county,or else- where, the question seems first to arise, what is specially meant by the term "Abolitionist." The indiscrimin- ate manner in which it was used sixty years ago against every person who in any manner sympathized with the anti- slavery movement leaves me some- what in doubt as to what phase of the subject I am supposed to treat, In fact, I am reminded very much of a speech I heard made by Thaddeus Ste- vens when yet a small boy. It was in the Congressional campaign of 1858, when Mr. Stevens was a candidate for Congress from this district. The per- oration of his speech was substantially as follows. I quote from memory: "But in answer to all this I hear one reply, namely, Stevens is an Abolition- ist. The indiscriminate manner with which the term is used, I am frank to confess, leaves me somewhat in doubt as to what is meant by it. But the venom and spleen with which it is hurled at some of us would indicate, at least, that it is a term of reproach and used only against monsters and outlaws of society. If it is meant by an Abolitionist that I am one of those terrible, heinous-looking animals with cloven hoofs and horns, such as is de- scribed in. legend and fiction, and in Milton's "Paradise Lost," I am not very handsome, to be sure, but I don't think I am one of those.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ancient City Occupied St. Augustine As a Test Case for Stephen Ash's Civil War Occupation Model
    University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2011 The Ancient City Occupied St. Augustine As A Test Case For Stephen Ash's Civil War Occupation Model Eric Paul Totten University of Central Florida Part of the History Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Totten, Eric Paul, "The Ancient City Occupied St. Augustine As A Test Case For Stephen Ash's Civil War Occupation Model" (2011). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 1804. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/1804 THE ANCIENT CITY OCCUPIED: ST. AUGUSTINE AS A TEST CASE FOR STEPHEN ASH’S CIVIL WAR OCCUPATION MODEL by ERIC PAUL TOTTEN B.A. University of Central Florida, 2007 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Humanities at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Summer Term 2011 @ 2011 Eric Paul Totten ii ABSTRACT This thesis intends to prove that Stephen V. Ash’s model of occupation from his work, When the Yankees Came: Conflict and Chaos in the Occupied South, is applicable to St. Augustine’s occupation experience in the Civil War. Three overarching themes in Ash’s work are consistent with Civil War St.
    [Show full text]
  • UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
    UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title A Family Affair: The Marriage of Elizabeth Cady and Henry Brewster Stanton and the Development of Reform Politics Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/22k374td Author Frank, Linda Christine Publication Date 2012 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles A Family Affair: The Marriage of Elizabeth Cady and Henry Brewster Stanton and the Development of Reform Politics A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in History by Linda Christine Frank 2012 © Copyright by Linda Christine Frank 2012 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION A Family Affair: The Marriage of Elizabeth Cady and Henry Brewster Stanton and the Development of Reform Politics by Linda Christine Frank Doctor of Philosophy in History University of California, Los Angeles, 2012 Professor Ellen C. DuBois, Chair Although devoted to insuring universal freedom and human rights for more than 60 years, Henry B. Stanton’s historical legacy and his many contributions to antebellum reform have been obscured and even vilified in the shadows of his famous wife, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and his oftentimes tactical opponent within abolition circles, William Lloyd Garrison. Frequently portrayed as the antagonist in his wife’s struggle for women’s rights, as a husband and a father Henry Stanton has become synonymous in the historical discourse with the very oppression his wife devoted her life to ending. Because of this, Elizabeth’s reformism is frequently depicted as having emerged from an imagined unhappy domestic life, rather than from an awareness of social and political inequalities.
    [Show full text]
  • Dangerous Spirit of Liberty: Slave Rebellion, Conspiracy, and the First Great Awakening, 1729-1746
    Dangerous Spirit of Liberty: Slave Rebellion, Conspiracy, and the First Great Awakening, 1729-1746 by Justin James Pope B.A. in Philosophy and Political Science, May 2000, Eckerd College M.A. in History, May 2005, University of Cincinnati M.Phil. in History, May 2008, The George Washington University A Dissertation submitted to The Faculty of The Columbian College of Arts and Sciences of The George Washington University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy January 31, 2014 Dissertation directed by David J. Silverman Professor of History The Columbian College of Arts and Sciences of The George Washington University certifies that Justin Pope has passed the Final Examination for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy January 10, 2014. This is the final and approved form of the dissertation. Dangerous Spirit of Liberty: Slave Rebellion, Conspiracy, and the Great Awakening, 1729-1746 Justin Pope Dissertation Research Committee: David J. Silverman, Professor of History, Dissertation Director Denver Brunsman, Assistant Professor of History, Committee Member Greg L. Childs, Assistant Professor of History, Committee Member ii © Copyright 2014 by Justin Pope All rights reserved iii Acknowledgments I feel fortunate to thank the many friends and colleagues, institutions and universities that have helped me produce this dissertation. The considerable research for this project would not have been possible without the assistance of several organizations. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, the Maryland Historical Society, the Cosmos Club Foundation of Washington, D.C., the Andrew Mellon Fellowship of the Virginia Historical Society, the W. B. H. Dowse Fellowship of the Massachusetts Historical Society, the Thompson Travel Grant from the George Washington University History Department, and the Colonial Williamsburg Foundation Research Fellowship all provided critical funding for my archival research.
    [Show full text]