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V+Qi(-Lai) Compounds in Mandarin Chinese

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V+Qi(-Lai) Compounds in Mandarin Chinese V+Qi(-Lai) Compounds in Mandarin Chinese Shen-Min Chang* National Tsing Hua University Previous studies of Mandarin resultative compounds (or called verb-complement compounds) based only on lexical, syntactic or morpholexical perspectives 1 coming up with only one simple generalization for all of the subtypes of resultative compounds failed to capture their various semantic configurations. As the matter of fact, not all resultative compounds behave similarly as assumed in the literature. In particular, V+qi(-lai) compounds differ from typical resultative compounds in many respects. The main purpose of this paper thus is to concentrate on the type of compounds, in which the following complements qi 'to rise' and lai `to come' are both directional verbs, with the hope that a full study of a subtype may shed light on the complicated construction. The paper is organized as follows: Section 1 describes the general properties of resultative compounds in Mandarin Chinese, with respect to their common semantic schema, unpredictable transitivity and morphological phenomena; Section 2 presents idiosyncrasies of V+qi(-lai) compounds, including transparent transitivity and insertion of the perfective aspect marker le; Section 3 shows that there are three different meanings of qi -- directional, phasal, and lexicalized -- in V+qi(-lai) compounds, and that the semantic derivation from the directional meaning to the phasal meaning is proposed; Section 4 argues that qi-lai in some V+qi-lai compounds, in addition to the first two meanings shared by both qi and qi-lai in V+qi-lai compounds, involves argument changing facts and is further classified into two parts, evaluational and conditional, according to their different semantic representations; Section 5 is a conclusion which summarizes the arguments discussed in this paper. I. General Properties of Resultative Compounds 1.1 The Semantic Schema Resultative compounds (RCs) in Mandarin Chinese generally present a complex composite event structure which is made up of two verbs: the first verb (Vi) initiates an action or event and the second verb (V2) expresses the event or situation resulting from Vi. Although V2 is syntactically stative verbs in most cases, whether these two verbs are stative or active is not crucial. The linking Vi between V2 and is based on their semantic configuration. From the semantic point of view, the entire compounds ([V1-V2]Rc) must be associated with the clear cause-result relationship between Vi and V2 ; Vi denotes the initial event and V2 * I would like to thank Professor Chu-Ren Huang and Professor Chinfa Lien for reading a previous version of the article. The special appreciation would be given to Professor Chu-Ren Huang for his insightful comments and helpful discussions which are crucial for the analysis of the article. Of course, the responsibility of all the possible errors is mine alone. 1 Thompson's (1973) account of resultative compounds is based on lexical rules. Baker's (1988) incorporation theory and Li's (1990) feature percolation theory are structure-based approaches. Huang and Lin's (1992) prototypical argument templates approach is argued with morpholexical consideration. 62 denotes the result event caused by Vi. This cause-result semantic configuration is very productive in Chinese compound formation so that the V-V compounds with such relationship are called as resultative compounds in the literature. The relationship between the two events of resultative compounds with respect to time may be drawn as the schema in (1). (1) action cause I( I( >)) stativity Y.2: result >TIME a. Overlapping 1211 b. Complementary Dal c. Detached The types of distributions of Vi and V2 may be either overlapping, or complementary or detached in Chinese2 corresponding to (la), (1b) and (1c), respectively. The most important point is that the result presented by V2 must have an obligatory starting point for the change of state. In other words, the stativity of V2 is required to start after the action of Vi takes place. 1.2 Unpredictable Transitivity Syntactically, however, the argument structure of RCs ([Vi-V2]0 is totally unpredictable, though RCs act as independent verbs and their subparts Vi and V2 have quite 2 In Goldberg's (1992) study of English resultatives, the strict complementary (or, more precisely, consecutive with respect to time) relation between Vi and V2 is a required semantic constraint. That is, the endpoint of the first action is simultaneously the starting point of the state caused by the first verb. So only the schema in (i) is allowed in English. Sentence (ii) therefore cannot be interpreted as John beat Mary in the morning and later Mary died in the night; instead it must mean that Mary died immediately from John's beating. Contrary to English, either consecutive or detached reading is a possible interpretation for similar sentence (iii) in Chinese. (i) action >stativity (ii) John beat Mary dead. Zhangsan da-si Lisi Zhangsan beat-dead Lisi d3 clear argument structures 3 . Examples in (2) below show the fact that the transitivity of [V1-V2]Rc is determined neither by Vi nor by V2, and that there are complicated argument selection and argument sharing in them. The subject of the whole compound may be sometimes the same as the subject of Vi and V2 as sentences (2a), (2c) and (2e), or it is sometimes not shared by V2 such as sentences in (2b) and (2d). Example (20 in which the second argument of Vi ren 'person' is missed provides further evidence that it is inadequate and impossible to predict RCs' semantic representations from the lexical information encoded in their individual subparts, and that not all of the arguments of Vi are necessarily presented in [V1-V2]Rc. (2) a. [Vi(t)-V2(01Rc(f) Zhangsan ku-hun -le Zhangsan cry-faint-PE/SP4 `Zhangsan cried so that he fainted.' b. [V1(o-V2(1)]Rc(t) baobao ku-xing -le mama baby cry-wake-PE mother `The baby cried so that the mother was waken.' c. [Vi(1)-V2(oNc(t) Zhangsan tiao-guo -le ne tiao xi Zhangsan jump-cross-PE that CL stream `Zhangsan jumped across that stream.' d. [V1(0-V2(i)]Rcto Zhangsan xi-ganjing suoyou de yifu Zhangsan wash-clean all DE clothes `Zhangsan washed all of the clothes clean.' e. [V i(o-V2(0]Rcto Zhangsan zhongyu kan-dong-le yingwen baozhi Zhangsan finally read-understand-PE English newspapers `Zhangsan finally understood English newspapers after hard reading.' f. Zhangsan (da ren) da-duan-le gunzi Zhangsan (hit person) hit-broken-PE rod `Zhangsan hit someone so that the rod is broken.' L3 Morphological Phenomena RCs are distinguished from verb-object compounds (V-03 compounds) like chi-fan 'eat- rice' with regard to insertions of other elements. Unlike V-0 compounds, RCs cannot be 3 The fact is also observed earlier in Huang and Lin (1992). 4 The following abbreviations are used in this paper: i (intransitive), t (transitive), PE (perfective aspect marker), IM (imperfective (durative) aspect marker), EX (experiential aspect marker), SP (sentential particle), DE (possessive or modifier marker), CL (classifier), SUBJ (grammatical function: subject), OBJ (grammatical function: object), OBLe (grammatical function: oblique theta), XCOMP (grammatical function: open complement), etc. 64 inserted by any other elements, such as aspect markers le and zhe, nor by quantifier phrases of duration liang-tian 'two days' and frequency san-ci 'three times'. Nevertheless, RCs may be expanded by the insertion of de 'can' or bu 'cannot' as the potential form to present the possibility whether the action of Vi can obtain the result of V2 or not, whereas V-0 compounds do not allow this, as shown in (3) and (4). (3) a. chi-le-fan eat-PE-rice b. chi-zhe-fan eat-IM-rice c. chi-liang-tian-fan eat-two-days-rice d. chi-san-ci-fan eat-three-times-rice e. chi-delbu-fan eat-can/cannot-rice (4)* a. ku-Ie-xing cry-PE-wake b. kan-zhe-dong read-IM-understand c. ku-liang-tian-hun cry-two-days-faint d. xi-san-ci-ganjing wash-three-times-clean e. tiao-de/bu-guo jump-can/cannot-cross Moreover, RCs cannot be reduplicated for the reason of semantic incompatibility. Generally speaking, reduplication in Chinese expresses delimitative aspectual meaning and causal performance, but RCs are the assertion indicating the accomplishment of an action so as to be incompatible with the semantic requirement of verb reduplication. The ungrammaticality of example (5) is therefore easily accounted for. (5)* Zhangsan da-hun-da-hun -le Lisi Zhangsan hit-faint-hit-faint-PE Lisi 2. Idiosyncrasies of V+Qi(-Lai) Compounds Previous literatures on RCs, regardless of the theories adopted, all try to predict the argument structures for all RCs with general rules. However, they all leave somewhat 65 (6) a. [Via-qi]a) Zhangsan zhan-qi-lai-le Zhangsan stand-up/start-PE/SP `Zhangsan stood up.' b. [Viw-qik) to aulit-qi-le yi gen mukun he seize-up/start-PE one CL stick `He seized a stick.' 2.2 The Insertion of the Perfective Aspect Marker Le Secondly, the aspect marker le may intervene between V and qi-lai in V+qi(-lai) compounds, while it is not allowed in other RCs observed in the previous discussion, as the examples shown in (7) and (8). Vi and V2 in RCs seem to be stuck together and disallowed to be separated by the perfective aspect marker le as the following examples shown8 . (7) Zhangsan than-le-qi-lai Zhangsan stand-PE-up/start `Zhangsan stood up.' (8)* baobao ku-le-xing mama baby cry-PE-wake mother `The baby cried so that the mother was waken.' A plausible explanation for the two phenomena of V+qi(-lai) compounds is that qi(-lai) acts like an affix, and thus the verb is the head of the compounds.
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