Residential Segregation of Metropolitan Areas of Warsaw, Berlin and Paris
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Geographia Polonica 2016, Volume 89, Issue 2, pp. 141-168 http://dx.doi.org/10.7163/GPol.0051 INSTITUTE OF GEOGRAPHY AND SPATIAL ORGANIZATION POLISH ACADEMY OF SCIENCES www.igipz.pan.pl www.geographiapolonica.pl RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION OF METROPOLITAN AREAS OF WARSAW, BERLIN AND PARIS Barbara Jaczewska1 • Anna Grzegorczyk2 1 Department of Political Geography and Regional Studies University of Warsaw Krakowskie Przedmieście 30, 00-927 Warszawa: Poland e-mail: [email protected] 2 Department of World Regional Geography University of Warsaw Krakowskie Przedmieście 30, 00-927 Warszawa: Poland e-mail: [email protected] Abstract The aim of the work detailed in this article has been to indicate demographic and social categories to the greatest extent segregated in the three selected metropolitan areas of Warsaw, Berlin and Paris, by applying multidimensional analysis; as well as to answer a question as to whether these categories are similar or dif- ferent, given the different circumstances underpinning the development of the areas under study. The metro- politan areas were selected from Central Europe (Warsaw), Western Europe (Paris), and from the area located in the borderland between these regions (Berlin). In the case of each area, typical categories were selected for analysis, and developed on the basis of accepted segregation indices (the dissimilarity index D, isolation index xPx, delta index DEL, absolute centralisation index ACE, spatial proximity index SP and modified location quotient LQp). The multidimensional and multifaceted analysis allowed the most segregated groups at munici- pality and district levels to be distinguished, and presented in the context of previous research. Key words residential segregation • spatial segregation • metropolitan area • Warsaw • Berlin • Paris Introduction scientific disciplines for many years. Tam- maru et al. (2015:3) pointed out that studies Residential segregation, defined as the sepa- on patterns of residential segregation had rate residence of different socio-economic and been conducted via four key phases: “the eco- ethnic groups in various parts of a city, has logical approach; research on the relation- been the subject of research within different ship between social and spatial inequalities GP_2016_2.indb 141 2016-06-21 11:33:13 142 Barbara Jaczewska • Anna Grzegorczyk inspired by a global city thesis; studies that sometimes caused a rise in social polarisa- begin with the impact of welfare regimes tion and residential segregation. This was on residential segregation; and, most recent- due to an overrepresentation of people ly, studies that emphasise the importance of lower social status in the social housing of the contextual embeddedness of residen- that was built in certain parts of the city, and tial segregation”. market-oriented development of new housing The ecological approach treated segrega- estates for middle-income and high-income tion as a process caused by natural forces population groups in favoured locations. That that can be seen in all cities and create simi- is why many researchers have concentrated lar spatial structures. Researchers associated on studies showing the consequences of liber- with the Chicago School developed a human alisation of the housing market for socio-spa- ecology framework of invasion and succes- tial segregation (van Kempen & Murie 2009; sion to justify the evolving segregation pat- Musterd & van Gent 2016). terns observable in cities (Park et al. 1925), The last group of publications refers to the and an important toolbox of segregation specific intertwining of four major spheres indices that were and still are used in seg- influencing residential segregation: regation research (Massey & Denton 1988; 1. the economic sphere that mainly focus- Marcińczak 2013); also in GIS-based studies es on labour market conditions and market of segregation and advanced spatial model- access to housing; ling (Wong 2003; Sadahiro & Hong 2013). 2. the state sphere – redistribution that The rise in income inequalities that started covers housing and public services allocation in the 1980s in developed capitalist coun- and local regulation regimes; tries contributed to increased interest in the 3. the social sphere (reciprocity) that relationship between social inequalities and includes social and family networks, churches socio-economic segregation and the debate and other local voluntary organisations, and on the roles social polarisation or profession- 4. the specific and durable shape of local alisation play (Hamnett 1994; Sassen 1991). socio-spatial realities i.e. built environments, As a result of the globalisation and economic as well as social relations inscribed in prop- restructuring activities engaged in by the erty patterns, urban histories and ideologies. supranational corporations concentrated This understanding of contextual ele- in large cities, and according to the global ments is not significantly different from the city thesis, this led to social polarisation (an ‘contingencies’ affecting the impact of global increase in the number of well-paid workers forces on socio-spatial urban forms proposed in the higher-order services and low-skilled by Marcuse and van Kempen (2000), and workers in the consumer services) (Sassen elaborations on urban systems’ embedded- 1991). Others have argued that it is profes- ness in wider contexts of social, institutional sionalisation, rather than polarisation, that and economic relations (Maloutas & Fujita is taking place in the global cities (Hamnett 2012). The last group of studies allows for bet- 1994). ter understanding of the multidimensionality The third phase of research derives from of factors affecting residential segregation. studies surveying the impact of welfare Authors analysing the process and mecha- regimes on residential segregation. Essen- nisms underpinning residential segregation tially, the welfare state helps to curb residen- have focused on different demographic, tial segregation through direct reductions socio-economic and ethnic categories. in social inequality, or through housing policy, It should be highlighted that a significant or through both (Musterd & Ostendorf 1998). part of the work has been concerned with The major changes in the housing sector ethnic and racial divisions (Duncan & Duncan which led to a decline in the social housing 1955; White 1983; Rhein 1998; Safi 2009; sector and an increase in home ownership, Préteceille 2012). This can be associated with Geographia Polonica 2016, 89, 2, pp. 141-168 GP_2016_2.indb 142 2016-06-21 11:33:13 Residential segregation of metropolitan areas of Warsaw, Berlin and Paris 143 the presence of ethnic segregation as a politi- sector were presented by the Warsaw Atlas cal issue in public debate, that is of interest publication series (Atlas Warszawy), the pre- to a wider audience and also to researchers. vious one comparing data from the 2002 A further influence has been major interest population census (Stępniak et al. 2009). in ethnic segregation taken by American These two publications pointing to the multi- researchers, who first developed the meth- dimensional nature of segregation do not use odology for segregation phenomenon. Some multidimensional segregation measures (like of the work of this kind compared ethnic and the dissimilarity index D, isolation index xPx, social forms of segregation, as these two delta index DEL, absolute centralization index categories are often correlated (Rhein 1998; ACE, spatial proximity index SP and modified Préteceille 2012). Analysis of the multidimen- location quotient LQp ) as methods of analy- sional diversity to the distribution of groups sis, thus the work described in this text fills of residents resulting from demographic and this niche. socio-economic features, including education The work presented in this article fits (Węcławowicz 1998; Sýkora 1999; Maurin into the traditional mainstream of research 2004; Kovacs 2012), level of income (Sýkora on segregation and should be treated as an 1999; Kovacs 2012), and affiliation to profes- introduction to a more contextual approach. sional and social groups (Lajoie 1998; Sýkora Hence, the aim is to indicate demographic 1999; Préteceille 2006; Préteceille 2012) was and social categories to the greatest extent only presented much less frequently. It can segregated in the three selected metro- be noted that the work of the Central Euro- politan areas of Warsaw, Berlin and Paris, pean researchers has paid more frequent by applying multidimensional analysis, as well attention to educational categories, while as to answer a question as to whether these French researchers focus on socio-profession- social categories are similar or different, tak- al categories, and Germans on welfare sup- ing into account the different circumstances port categories. According to the sociological underpinning the development of the areas literature, professional categories combine under study. Simultaneously, the research both an income-related and an education- considers whether metropolitan areas are al dimension to social status, and hence more polarised socially than the city itself. can be regarded as a synthetic measure The metropolitan areas were chosen to rep- (Słomczyński 1989), albeit of limited utility resent Central Europe (Warsaw), Western (for example in Poland), due to a lack of data.1 Europe (Paris) and an area located in the bor- Generally, authors focus on particular social derland between these regions (Berlin). The categories separately,