The Failure of Post-Conflict Reconstruction in Iraq
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Iraq's Muqtada Al-Sadr
IRAQ’S MUQTADA AL-SADR: SPOILER OR STABILISER? Middle East Report N°55 – 11 July 2006 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. MUQTADA’S LINEAGE .............................................................................................. 1 A. MUHAMMAD BAQIR AL-SADR: THE REVOLUTIONARY THINKER AND “FIRST MARTYR” ......2 B. MUHAMMAD SADIQ AL-SADR: THE PLEBEIAN ACTIVIST AND “SECOND MARTYR”............3 C. MUQTADA AL-SADR: THE UNLIKELY HEIR .........................................................................6 II. MUQTADA’S STEEP AND SWIFT LEARNING CURVE....................................... 7 A. FROM CONFRONTATION TO DOMINANT PRESENCE................................................................7 B. TRIAL AND ERROR: THE FAILURE AND LESSONS OF RADICALISATION ................................10 C. MUQTADA’S POLITICAL ENTRY ..........................................................................................12 III. THE SADRIST MOVEMENT: AN ATYPICAL PHENOMENON ....................... 17 A. MUQTADA’S POLITICAL RESOURCES...................................................................................17 B. AN UNSTRUCTURED MOVEMENT ........................................................................................20 IV. THREE POTENTIAL SOURCES OF CONFLICT ................................................. 21 V. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................. 24 APPENDICES A. MAP OF IRAQ ......................................................................................................................25 -
Good Strategy, Bad Tactics: Limits, Challenges and Opportunities For
LIMITS, CHALLENGES, AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR MODERN COUNTERINSURGENCY by Natasha Schlenoff A thesis submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Global Security Studies Baltimore, Maryland August 2015 © 2015 Natasha Schlenoff All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT The overall goal of this thesis is to draw some conclusions about the kinds of strategies and tactics that those engaging in irregular warfare should employ. Given the increasing number of intrastate conflicts and future U.S. involvement in counterinsurgency, it is important for policy makers and strategists to be clear-eyed about viable ways to engage in irregular war. Thus, this paper’s analysis of previous counterinsurgency and stability operations, and estimate of the U.S. military’s institutional capacity to adapt to irregular warfare could serve as a useful guide for future force planning. The first and second chapters of this thesis examine divergent strategies in counterinsurgency and stability operations. Chapter One assesses whether indiscriminate force is strategically effective in national counterinsurgency campaigns. The findings of this chapter indicate that while indiscriminate force may be tactically effective in the near-term, indiscriminate force alone does not produce long-term success. Chapter Two assesses conditions for conflict and stability in Iraq, and why, despite similarly low levels of development and proximity to violence, some areas of Iraq are more stable than others. My research found the examined Shi’a and Kurdish communities in Iraq maintained stability as a result of ethnic homogenization and a capable local security force, rather than COIN and international development efforts. -
View/Print Page As PDF
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3198 What Is Iran Up To in Deir al-Zour? by Oula A. Alrifai Oct 10, 2019 Also available in Arabic / Farsi ABOUT THE AUTHORS Oula A. Alrifai Oula A. Alrifai is a senior fellow in The Washington Institute's Geduld Program on Arab Politics. Brief Analysis Tehran and its proxies have been exerting hard and soft power in northeast Syria, combining military consolidation with economic, social, and religious outreach in order to cement their long-term influence. n September 30, Syria and Iraq reopened their main border crossing between al-Bukamal and al-Qaim, O which had been formally closed for five years. The circumstances surrounding the event were telling—the ceremony was delayed by a couple weeks because of unclaimed foreign airstrikes on Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps targets in east Syria following the Iranian attack against Saudi oil facilities earlier that month. What exactly have the IRGC and its local proxies been doing in Deir al-Zour province? And what does this activity tell us about Iran’s wider plans there? OPENING THE DOOR FOR IRAQI PROXIES T he border ceremony was led by Khadhim al-Ikabi, an Iraqi government representative, raising questions about whether the decision will help circumvent U.S. sanctions placed on Iran. Although Syrian state media celebrated the event as an opportunity to increase trade with Iraq, Tehran’s reaction indicated that the crossing will mainly serve Iranian military interests. According to officials and media in Iran, reopening the border is of “high strategic importance” in strengthening the Islamic Republic’s “trilateral coalition” with Baghdad and Damascus. -
What the Pen Reveals About the Sword: Rhetoric-Based Mapping of Insurgency Factional Structure in Iraq
What the Pen Reveals About the Sword: Rhetoric-Based Mapping of Insurgency Factional Structure in Iraq Michael Gabbay Information Systems Laboratories, Inc. 200 W. Mercer St., Ste 410 Seattle, WA 98119 [email protected] Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association March 28, 2008 Note: A condensed version of this paper appeared as \Mapping the Structure of the Sunni Insurgency in Iraq," CTC Sentinel, 1(4):10{12, March 2008 ISL What the Pen Reveals About the Sword M. Gabbay 1 Introduction The Iraq conflict is a complex fusion of a rebellion against foreign occu- pation and an internal civil war | a conflict that seems intent on explor- ing almost all axes of violence between its participants. Divisions within the Sunni insurgency in Iraq have critically influenced the evolution of the conflict and will no doubt bear critically upon its subsequent course and resolution. Major points of contention between nationalist-leaning insur- gents and caliphate-minded, pan-Islamic jihadists have been, among others, Sunni participation in elections, the indiscriminate targeting of Shiite civil- ians, and the nature of the threat posed by United States-backed Sunni militias, known as \awakening councils." Understanding the divisions be- tween insurgents at the level of speci¯c insurgent groups is key to devising e®ective counterinsurgency and conflict resolution strategies. In Iraq, this task is complicated by the proliferation of insurgent groups, most of whom claim an Islamist mantle, and the murky nature of their origins, composi- tion, and leadership. In this paper, we describe a quantitative methodology for constructing diagrams that characterize and clarify insurgency factional structure using insurgent rhetoric as data. -
Regional Report on Out-Of-School Children
ALL IN SCHOOL MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA OUT-OF-SCHOOL CHILDREN INITIATIVE REGIONAL REPORT ON OUT-OF-SCHOOL CHILDREN OCTOBER 2014 ALL IN SCHOOL MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA OUT-OF-SCHOOL CHILDREN INITIATIVE REGIONAL REPORT ON OUT-OF-SCHOOL CHILDREN OCTOBER 2014 © 2015 UNICEF MENA Regional Office Cover photos, left to right © UNICEF/NYHQ2013-1418/Noorani © UNICEF/ITAL2010-0069/Lombardi © UNICEF/NYHQ2011-2520/Arfa Preface In the last decade, the countries of the Middle East and North Africa have invested considerable resources and political capital to bring more children into the classroom. Most impressively, out-of-school rates for primary school children have plummeted, often by as much as half, bringing hope and new opportunity to millions. But in recent years, progress has stalled. 4.3 million primary-aged children and 2.9 million lower secondary-aged children are still not in school. If we include one year of pre-primary education – the foundation on which a child’s future learning is built – a staggering 12.3 million children across 20 countries are being left behind. Who are these children? Broadly speaking, they are the poorest, the girls, those who live in rural areas and those from minority communities. They are the millions of children whose lives have been torn apart and whose schools have been destroyed by conflict. And they are the large number of lower secondary-aged children, mostly boys, who drop out every year. What keeps them out of school? Sometimes it’s poverty and poor infrastructure – families can’t afford to send their children to school, or the schools are too far away, or of low quality, with badly trained teachers, poor learning outcomes and miserable, even dangerous, environments. -
Change in Iraqi Politics: from Ethnic-Sectarian Lines to Centralization Question
Change in Iraqi Politics: From Ethnic-Sectarian Lines to Centralization Question Serhat ERKMEN* Abstract After the invasion of Iraq, politics in Iraq was rebuilt in accordance with ethnic and religious lines and the political alliances have been reshaped over these lines. However, the withdrawal of US troops and internal dif- ferences of Iraqi parties triggered new political balances which cannot be limited into only ethnic and sectarian bases. Today, because of the political and strategic effects of Arab Spring and internal power strug- gles among the main Iraqi political groupings Iraq has entered in a new phase in politics which centralization issue will be the focus. Keywords: Iraqi politics, centralization, Arab Spring and Iraq, With- drawal of US troops Özet *SC**4 0B- 4 * ' 0 0 - C*=*=@ * *4 * ***0*40' * C *C =S4***S*- C 0 **0 ****B' C'* **0 *=4* =@ * * Assos. Prof. Ahi Evran University, Department of International Relations, and Middle East Advisor of ORSAM Serhat Erkmen, Change in Iraqi Politics: From Ethnic-Sectarian Lines to Centralization Question, Ortadoğu Etütleri, Volume 4, No 1, July 2012, pp.143-164. Serhat Erkmen According to the author, there are two main reasons that explain the change in the political balances and policy making in Iraq. The first reason is that the United States have started to lose gradually their role both in military and political aspects in Iraq after 2010. Decrease in military power of the US in Iraq in a way that cannot be compared with previous years (even though all the combat troops have retreated, it will not be considered as a complete withdrawal since there are still American troops in Iraq under the name of military advisors) has cre- ated great impacts both in the fields of security and the fields of policy and this phenomenon has enlarged the maneuver room of the Iraqi political parties. -
MIDDLE EAST, NORTH AFRICA Continued: Iran: Winning Hearts and Minds in Deir Ezzor “…A History of Iranian Shi’I Proselytism in Deir Ezzor Which Dates to 1988…”
MIDDLE EAST, NORTH AFRICA Iran: Winning Hearts and Minds in Deir Ezzor OE Watch Commentary: Deir Ezzor is a tribal Sunni province of Syria located on the Euphrates River, along the border with Iraq. Its physical and socio-cultural environments resemble those of Iraq’s Anbar Province, and it was an ISIS stronghold for several years. Late last year, the provincial capital and surrounding areas were retaken by loyalist forces, with Iranian-backed militias leading the charge. Although it is not a natural social environment for deep-rooted Iranian influence to take hold, some of the Iran-backed militias may be there to stay. The foundations for Iran’s ability to assert control over this traditionally Sunni area are partially explained in the accompanying passage, published last November in the Syrian opposition news website alsouria.net. According to the article, soft-power measures from as early as 1988 have paved the way for Iran’s new foothold in Deir Ezzor. That year, the article claims, Iranian envoys began enticing poor villagers from the Baqqara (Baggara) tribe to adopt religious practices associated with Shi’i Iran. Through mechanisms such as the Imam al-Murtaza Foundation, Iran extended its influence by providing these neglected areas with material assistance and a new ideological edifice, based on Iranian Revolutionary ideals and centered around newly built Shi’i houses of worship (Husseiniyat). Iran’s close relations with the Assad government also allowed its envoys and allies to provide government functions in some areas, according to the article. The loyalist retaking of Deir Ezzor in late 2017 received crucial support from Nawaf al-Bashir, a prominent member of the Baqqara in Syria. -
Iran's Networks of Influence in the Middle East
an strategic dossier IRAN’S NETWORKS OF INFLUENCE IN THE MIDDLE EAST published by The International Institute for Strategic Studies ARUNDEL HOUSE | 6 TEMPLE PLACE | LONDON | WC2R 2PG | UK 1 an strategic dossier IRAN’S NETWORKS OF INFLUENCE IN THE MIDDLE EAST The International Institute for Strategic Studies ARUNDEL HOUSE | 6 TEMPLE PLACE | LONDON | WC2R 2PG | UK DIRECTOR-GENERAL AND CHIEF EXECUTIVE Dr John Chipman This publication has been prepared by the Director-General and Chief Executive of the Institute and his staff. It incorporates commissioned contributions from recognised subject experts, which were reviewed by a range of experts in the field. The IISS would like to thank the various individuals who contributed their expertise to the compilation of this dossier. The responsibility for the contents is ours alone. The views expressed herein do not, and indeed cannot, represent a consensus of views among the worldwide membership of the Institute as a whole. First published November 2019 by the International Institute for Strategic Studies. © 2019 The International Institute for Strategic Studies cover images: Top: Background: A Lebanese Hizbullah fighter near Arsal, Lebanon, 26 July 2017 (Anwar Amro/AFP/ Getty Images); main images, top–bottom: Popular Mobilisation Units fighters launch missiles targeting the village of Salmani, south of Mosul, in Iraq’s Nineva province, 30 October 2016 (Ahmad Al-Rubaye/AFP/Getty Images); Major- General Qasem Soleimani, commander of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) attends a meeting between Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei (not pictured) and the IRGC in Tehran, 18 September 2016 (by Pool/Press Office of Iranian Supreme Leader/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images); Pro-government forces at a funeral ceremony at the Sayyida Zainab mosque in Damascus, Syria, 26 April 2017 (Louai Beshara/AFP/Getty Images) Printed and bound in the UK by Hobbs the Printers Ltd. -
ISIS Propaganda and Recruitment
The Secret of Attraction ISIS Propaganda and Recruitment The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan The Deposit Number at the National Library (2016/3/1239) 324.21 Abu Rumman, Mohammad Suliman et al. The Secret of Attraction: ISIS Propaganda and Recruitment/ Mohammad Suliman Abu Rumman et al.; translated by William John Ward et al. –Amman: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2016 (121) p. Deposit No.: 2016/3/1239 Descriptors: /Political Conditions// Terrorism// Arab Countries/ يتحمل املؤلف كامل املسؤولية القانونية عن حمتوى مصنفه وﻻ يعرّب هذا املصنف عن رأي دائرة املكتبة الوطنية أو أي جهة حكومية أخرى. Published in 2016 by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung- Jordan and Iraq FES Jordan & Iraq P.O. Box 941876 11194 Amman Jordan Email: [email protected] Website: www.fes-jordan.org Not for Sale © FES Jordan & Iraq All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reprinted, reproduced, or utilized in any form or by any means without prior written permission from the publishers. The views and opinions expressed in this publication are solely those of the original authors. They do not necessarily represent those of the Friedrich-Ebert- Stiftung or the editors. Translation: Abu Rumman (Samira Kawar), Lombardi & Abou-Taam (EVS Translations), all others (Industry Arabic) Editing: Banan Malkawi, Anja Wehler-Schoeck Cover: Ramzi Al Arabi Printing: Economic Press ISBN: 978-9957-484-65-1 2 Table of Contents Anja Wehler-Schoeck Introduction: Falling for ISIS ...................................................................................... 5 Mohammad Abu Rumman The Secret of Attraction: ISIS Propaganda and Recruitment ......................... 7 Hassan Abu Hanieh The Islamic State’s Appeal: Theories of Attraction ............................................ 15 Hassan al-Safadi The Case of Syria ............................................................................................................ -
Full Document in PDF Format
Spotlight on Global Jihad November 2 – 8, 2017, 2017 Main events of the week The conquest of the regions controlled by the Islamic State has reached the last lap. Abu Kamal, ISIS's last stronghold, is currently under combined pressure from the Syrian army, the Shi'ite militias and Hezbollah operatives, and Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) advancing on the city from both sides of the Euphrates. The attack on Abu Kamal is being waged with intensive Russian air support. The first forces of the Shi'ite militias and Hezbollah are apparently a few dozen kilometers from Abu Kamal. All the forces, and the countries behind them, want to be part of the final victory at Abu Kamal, which will mean the end of the Islamic State's existence in Syria. For that reason Qasem Soleimani, commander of the IRGC's Qods Force, made a point of visiting Deir al-Zor and had his picture taken with Shi'ite militia fighters affiliated with Iran, despite being in mourning for the death of his father. The strategically significant events in Syria were overshadowed this week by potentially explosive local events in the northern Golan Heights. On November 3, 2017, the rebel forces headed by the Headquarters for the Liberation of al-Sham (originally the al-Qaeda- affiliated al-Nusra Front), initiated an offensive aimed to open a supply route to besieged rebel operatives in the Beit Jinn enclave. After several hours of clashes the Syrian army and its affiliated militias halted the attack and restored the status quo ante. According to a report, the clashes were renewed on November 6, 2017. -
Operation Inherent Resolve Operation Pacific Eagle–Philippines
LEAD INSPECTOR GENERAL I REPORT TO THE UNITED STATES CONGRESS OVERSEAS CONTINGENCY OPERATIONS OPERATION INHERENT RESOLVE OPERATION PACIFIC EAGLE–PHILIPPINES APRIL 1, 2018‒JUNE 30, 2018 ABOUT THIS REPORT In January 2013, legislation was enacted creating the Lead Inspector General (Lead IG) framework for oversight of overseas contingency operations. This legislation, which amended the Inspector General Act, requires the Inspectors General of the Department of Defense (DoD), Department of State (DoS), and U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) to, among other things, provide quarterly reports to Congress. The DoD Inspector General (IG) is designated as the Lead IG for Operation Inherent Resolve (OIR) and Operation Pacific Eagle-Philippines (OPE-P). The DoS IG is the Associate Inspector General for OIR and OPE-P. The USAID IG participates in oversight for both operations. The Offices of Inspector General of the DoD, DoS, and USAID are referred to in this report as the Lead IG agencies. Other partner agencies also contribute to oversight of OIR and OPE-P. The Lead IG agencies collectively carry out their four statutory missions related to these overseas contingency operations: • Develop a joint strategic plan to conduct comprehensive oversight over the contingency operation. • Ensure independent and effective oversight of programs and operations of the Federal Government in support of the contingency operation through either joint or individual audits, inspections, and investigations. • Perform analyses to ascertain the accuracy of information provided by federal agencies relating to obligations and expenditures, costs of programs and projects, accountability of funds, and the award and execution of major contracts, grants, and agreements. -
US and Coalition Casualties in Iraq and Afghanistan Catherine Lutz Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University February 21, 2013
US and Coalition Casualties in Iraq and Afghanistan Catherine Lutz Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University February 21, 2013 1. US Coalition Dead The US military has carefully counted its uniformed dead in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. As of February 14, 2013, that number totaled 6,656 (See Table 1). Table 1. US War Dead in Iraq and Afghanistan (uniformed through February 14, 2013, contractors through December 31, 2012)1 US Uniformed* US Contractors** Total Iraq 4,488 1,595 Ȯ 3,418 6,083 Ȯ 7,906 (OIF and OND) Afghanistan 2,168 1,338 Ȯ 2,867 3,506 Ȯ 5,035 (OEF) Total 6,656 2,933 Ȯ 6,285 9,589 Ȯ 12,941 * Includes a small number of DoD civilian employees. Source: DoD Casualty Report ** Source: Department of Labor. The numbers range from the officially reported number to the more likely number given underreporting of death and injury to the approximately three quarters of contractors who are non-US citizens.2 The list of routes by which these mostly young people died is a horrific catalogue of what ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ ǯȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ¢Ȃȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ were mangled in the dangerous equipment they work with. They died because of the chaos of war, accidently shooting each other, or at their own hands. The causes of death include hostile rocket-propelled grenade fire and the improvised explosive devices that have been responsible for roughly half of all deaths and injuries in Iraq and Afghanistan.3 But they also include truck rollovers and other vehicle crashes, electrocutions, and heatstroke deaths.