Introduction: Medieval Causes

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Notes

1. Cf. Goddard Henry Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169–1333 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2005) 70–71. 2. Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169–1333 15–16, 91–106. 3. As Cambrensis’s account does not include specific dates, those included in the description below come from Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169–1333. 4. The other significant contemporary version is Goddard Henry Orpen, The Song of Dermot and the Earl, an Old French Poem from the Carew Manuscript No. 596 Edited with Literal Translation and Notes a Facsimile and a Map (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1892). 5. Keaveney’s comment signals a narrative link between Ireland’s medieval and modern history that views the twelfth century as the “beginning” of the modern story, a claim borne out by the vast number of historical texts that use this specific period as an object of study unto itself, or as a point of demarcation. Over the course of the twentieth century, numerous historical texts chose the Norman invasion as a dead end or as a point of departure, indicating the tendency to identify the Norman invasion as a watershed moment. 6. As Orpen notes, “The importance of the event was not duly recognized at the time by the Irish Annalists any more than it was perceived by the Irish chieftains. The notices in relation to it in the Irish Annals are consequently few and meagre in the extreme.” Orpen, The Song of Dermot and the Earl, an Old French Poem from the Carew Manuscript No. 596 Edited with Literal Translation and Notes a Facsimile and a Map v. 7. Orpen notes that the existence of the French manuscript of what he published as The Song of Dermot and the Earl was known. Sir George Carew had summarized it in an English language abstract during the reign of James I, and this summary had been reprinted in the eighteenth century. Aside from a translation of the French text in 1837, the manuscript had not been translated or annotated until Orpen’s edition. Orpen, The Song of Dermot and the Earl vi. 8. Cf. “As Vanquished Erin,” “Avenging and Bright,” “Dear Harp of My Country,” “Erin, Oh Erin, Erin!” “The Tear and the Smile in Thine Eyes,” “Forget not the Field,” “My Gentle Harp,” “Oh! Blame not the Bard,” “Oh! Breathe Not His Name” (a tribute to Robert Emmet) and, perhaps most famously, “The Harp That Once Thro Tara’s Halls.” 9. For more on the controversies surrounding Moore’s historical writings, which “managed to fall foul of almost everybody,” see Joep Leerssen, Remembrance and Imagination: Patterns in the Historical and Literary Representation of Ireland in the Nineteenth Century, Critical Conditions: Field

169 170 Notes

Day Essays and Monographs (Cork: Cork University Press, 1996) 123–26. In his History of Ireland, Moore identifies Diarmuid Mac Murrough as “the prince whose ambition and treachery were the immediate cause of bringing the invader to these shores.” Thomas Moore, History of Ireland. Vol. 2, 4 vols. (London: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, Green and Longman, 1837) 200. In Moore’s version, Dervorgilla is “guilty involved” in her own abduction. Yet Moore preserves her from “that perverseness of nature which would seem to be implied by her choosing as paramour, her husband’s deadliest foe” based on the supposition that between Dervorgilla and Diarmuid existed “an attachment previously to her marriage with O’Ruark.” While Moore is careful to point out that “there exists but little, if any, authority for much of the romance of their amour” he emphasizes that the abduction plan was agreed upon by both lovers. Of the shift evi- dent in Moore’s History, Leerssen writes, “He had undertaken the History as a literary job, to be compounded from earlier authorities and with little original or archival work; it now [in 1838] became clear to him that he had followed in the well-worn tracks of a disintegrating paradigm ... and [he] became convinced that he had made a fatal error in not drawing on native manuscript sources which were just in the process of becoming available.” Leerssen, Remembrance and Imagination 129. 10. A representative earlier example of just such a causal structure is Ireland’s Dirge, an Historical Poem, a seventeenth century poem written by the Reverend John O’Connell. The poem locates the narrative of Diarmuid and Dervorgilla within a period of moral decay in Ireland, where “Women, at pleasure barter’d, led loose lives, / And men, at will, forsook their wed- ded wives” (Rev. John O’Connell, Ireland’s Dirge, an Historical Poem, trans. Michael Clarke (Dublin: 1827) 33): McMurphy ravish’d, who was Leinster’s king, O’Rourke’s fair consort—what a barbarous thing. But soon the Monarch, to revenge the deed, Depriv’d of Leinster all McMurphy’s breed. Then Leinster’s king with fierce resentment sails To England’s monarch, and for aid appeals; Pledged his honor, and he gave his hand, That if he’d aid him he should share the land. ... The Leinster’s king with warlike courage sway’d, Got English troops, poor Erin to invade; With Strongbow’s lord conspicuous in the van, Who shortly conquer’d ev’ry Irish clan. The poem goes on to detail the subsequent persecution of Catholics in Ireland, the Penal laws, the 1641 Rebellion, the Cromwellian persecution, the expulsion of the Irish to Connacht, and the disappearance of the noble families and warriors. Structurally, then, the abduction of Dervorgilla becomes a key moment in the emplotment of the initial presence of the English in Ireland and in the conflicts between the twelfth century arrival of King Henry II and the seventeenth century composi- tion of the poem. Notes 171

11. For more on Maclise and romantic medievalism, see Pamela Berger, “The Historical, the Sacred, the Romantic: Medieval Texts into Irish Watercolors,” Visualizing Ireland: National Identity and the Pictorial Tradition, ed. Adele M. Dalsimer (Boston: Faber and Faber, 1993). See also the essays in Peter Murray, ed., Daniel Maclise (1806–1870)—Romancing the Past. Cf. Umberto Eco, Travels in Hyperreality, “Dreaming of the Middle Ages” (Orlando, FL.: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1986) where he discusses the term neo-medievalism. 12. Maclise’s own attitude in relation to the painting’s two populations has been the subject of intense critical debate. For a concise summary of this debate, see Tom Dunne’s essay on The Marriage of Strongbow and Aoife in Peter Murray, ed., Daniel Maclise (1806–1870)—Romancing the Past (Kinsale, Cork: Crawford Art Gallery Gandon Editions, 2008) 70–75. John Turpin’s essay in the same volume, “Maclise and the Royal Academy,” offers a nuanced look at Maclise’s position relative to Ireland and the Royal Academy of Arts, London (147–59). 13. Cf. Michelle O’Mahony, The Famine in Cork City: Famine Life at Cork Union Workhouse (Cork: Mercier Press, 2005). Patrick Hickey, Famine in West Cork: The Mizen Peninsula Land and People, 1800–1852 (Cork: Mercier Press, 2002). The Cork Poorhouse was initially built for 2,000 but as of February 1847 housed over 4,400 paupers (Brendan O Cathaoir, Famine Diary (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1999) 99). The dead were buried in mass graves or remained exposed on the roads. 14. As recent scholarship by Claire O’Halloran, Joep Leerssen and others has shown, the mid to late nineteenth century saw the explosion of translations and printings of early Irish historical manuscripts in a manner that made translations of Irish language sources widely available in print culture for the first time. Prior to the work of George Petrie in acquiring Irish manuscripts, most of the material existed in private collections. Cf. Leerssen, Remembrance and Imagination: Patterns in the Historical and Literary Representation of Ireland in the Nineteenth Century 106–07. 15. Balfour refers here to A. G. Richey’s Lectures on the History of Ireland, Down to A. D. 1534 (Dublin: E. Ponsonby, 1869). 16. Cf. Chris Jones, Strange Likeness: The Use of Old English in Twentieth Century Poetry (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006). In “New Old English: The Place of Old English in Twentieth and Twenty- First Century Poetry” (Literature Compass 7, 1009–19), Jones traces the growing body of work inter- ested in what he terms the “New Old English” and argues that modern and contemporary poets have ignored historical boundaries in order to incorpo- rate the deep past. 17. Cf. Patricia Clare Ingham and Michelle R. Warren, eds., Postcolonial Moves: Medieval through Modern (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003). Ananya Jahanara Kabir and Deanne Williams, eds., Postcolonial Approaches to the European Middle Ages: Translating Cultures (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2010). Lisa Lamper-Weissig, Medieval Literature and Postcolonial Studies, Postcolonial Literary Studies (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2010). 18. Joseph Nagy has noted the intersections between medieval Irish literature and modern Irish folklore in his “Observations on the Ossianesque in Medieval Irish Literature and Modern Irish Folklore,” Falaky: Journal of 172 Notes

American Folklore 114.454 (Fall 2001). While the title of Richard Wall’s edited conference volume Medieval and Modern Ireland gestures toward a very rich intersection, the chapters remain divided between those dealing with the medieval literature (chiefly poetics) and the modern writers (Friel and Shaw). This division prevents the volume from productively engaging the moments at which the medieval invades Ireland’s modern texts. Richard Wall, ed., Medieval and Modern Ireland (Totowa, NJ: Barnes & Noble Books, 1989). 19. As Joep Leerssen makes clear in Remembrance and Imagination: Patterns in Historical and Literary Representation of Ireland in the Nineteenth Century, the second half of the eighteenth century saw the height of Irish antiquarianism and shifted toward “native sources and native help” (70). This interest dissipated in the period following 1798 until it was revived by a Historical Department of the Ordnance Survey which met at the home of George Petrie. “The troika of Petrie, [John] O’Donovan and [Eugene] O’Curry has often been celebrated as the rescue team of Irish antiquarianism, the men who set the investigation of Gaelic antiquity on a new, scientific and critical footing, and whose enormous labours laid the groundwork for all subsequent work in the field” (102). In 1842, the grant for the Historical Department was stopped. This was followed by the “cultural guillotine” of the Famine (105).

1 Modern Disruptions

1. “It was Petrie who procured some of the outstanding manuscripts for the [Royal Irish] Academy’s library ... [and] who from 1837 onwards laid the foun- dation for a collection of Irish antiquities which would eventually become the core collection of the National Museum of Ireland. The Academy’s Council minutes of the period 1830–1845 illustrate a pronounced trend to acquire manuscripts and artifacts previously held in private hands; this retrieval process from the private domain into a place of well-ordered public acces- sibility (and the need was still felt for analytical catalogues) marks one of the more important preconditions of the gradual redemption of philological and text-historical studies from amateurish speculation. The same process led to a growing desire to have the more important manuscript materials published in print; indeed, in 1840 the Irish Archeological Society was founded by Academy members Petrie and Todd precisely for this purpose.” Joep Leerssen, Remembrance and Imagination: Patterns in the Historical and Literary Representation of Ireland in the Nineteenth Century, Critical Conditions: Field Day Essays and Monographs (Cork: Cork University Press, 1996) 106–07. 2. As early as 1822, the House of Commons reported that the existing editions of the works of the ancient historians were available only in manuscript form, some only in single copies. The address expressed the need for “the publication of a complete edition of the ancient historians of this realm” to enable “the advancement of historical and constitutional knowledge.” James Henthorn Todd, The War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill or the Invasions of Ireland by Danes and Other Norsemen: The Original Irish Text, Edited with Translation and Introduction (London: Longmans, Green, Reader and Dyer, 1867) 3. Notes 173

3. In the mid to late nineteenth century, editions and lengthy selections of Cambrensis appear in 1863, 1867, 1881, 1886, 1887, 1892, 1894 and 1896. 4. In his notes on Keating’s History of Ireland, John O’Mahony notes that “The greatest and most accessible compilation of Irish annals is, undoubtedly, that contained in the Annals of the Four Masters, published a few years since by Messrs. Hodges & Smith, of Dublin, and literally translated and most learnedly and judiciously annotated, by Mr. John O’Donovan. The work is in seven large quarto volumes. Its high price has hitherto placed it out of the reach of many of those to whom its contents would give the most interest. However, the patriotic and spirited publishers have now a cheaper edition in press, which, it is to be hoped, will be found in the hands of every Irishman who can read, and who loves his fatherland.” Geoffrey Keating, Foras Feasa Ar Éirinn: The History of Ireland from the Earliest Period to the English Invasion, trans. John O’Mahony (New York: P. M. Haverty, 1857) lx. 5. The inconsistencies in spelling within this excerpt are O’Reilly’s. 6. This is just one of a number of records in the annals that record women being carried off. In one such example from 1171, The Annals of Loch Cé details a rector charged with “abandoning his own married wife, and after carrying off the wife of his tutor, i.e. Cumhuighe Ua Floinn, (and she had been possessed by his own brother, Aedh, at first); after having offered violence to the wife of his other brother, i.e. Eochaidh; after profaning bells and bachalls, clerics and churches.” William Hennessy, ed., The Annals of Loch Cé. A Chronicle of Irish Affairs from AD 1014 to AD 1590. Vol. I (London: Longman and Co., 1871) 147. 7. An exception to these damning accounts of the death of Diarmuid is Cogadh Gaedhel re Gallaibh (The Wars of the Gaedhel with the Gaill, or of the Irish with the Foreigners), which offers a more tempered view of the deaths of Diarmuid and Dervorgilla, and takes a particularly sympathetic tone toward Diarmuid. Published in 1867, Cogadh Gaedhel re Gallaibh was edited and translated by James Henthorn Todd from three manuscripts, one of which is a twelfth century manuscript from the Book of Leinster, and was likely the property of Diarmuid Mac Murrough or one of his supporters. In the marginalia of the manuscript, the following note appears: “Oh, Mary! It is a great deed that is done in Erinn this day, the kalends of August. Dermod, son of Donnachadh Mac Murchadha, King of Leinster and of the Danes, was banished by the men of Ireland over the sea eastward. Uch! Uch! O Lord! What shall I do?” (Todd, The War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill or the Invasions of Ireland by Danes and Other Norsemen: The Original Irish Text, Edited with Translation and Introduction xii). The manuscript is written in “a spirit of partisanship” with Diarmuid Mac Murrough, in which he is called “the chief King of Leth Mogha, that is, of Leinster and Munster, the southern half of Ireland” (xi). It is only fitting then that in this version, Diarmuid “died at Ferns after the victory of Unction and Penance, in the 61st year of his age” (xi note 1). As for “the celebrated” Dervorgilla, Todd refers to her as “the Helen of Ireland” who “eloped with, or was carried off by Diarmuid, called Mac Murchadha, in 1152, and was the cause of his calling to his aid the Norman Knights of Henry II” (cxcviii note 1). Todd preserves Dervorgilla from any dramatic fate, noting only that “she returned to her husband; was a great benefactor to the Church, and died in the abbey of Mellifont, 1198, aged 85” (cxcviii note 1). 174 Notes

8. Murphy notes that passages are missing from the text because they were burned by the Danes or used as measuring strips by tailors. Denis Murphy, ed., The Annals of Clonmacnoise from the Creation to AD 1408 (Dublin: University Press, 1896) vii. 9. While Walter Harris in Hibernica: Or, Some Ancient Pieces Related to Ireland (1770) and James F. Dimock, editor of Cambrensis’s work for the Master of the Rolls, had earlier identified the poem as a critical text to be read along- side Cambrensis, it was made widely accessible only through Orpen’s publication and translation. Goddard Henry Orpen, The Song of Dermot and the Earl, an Old French Poem from the Carew Manuscript No. 596 Edited with Literal Translation and Notes a Facsimile and a Map (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1892) xxxii. 10. W. Lorcan O’Byrne’s The Falcon King (1907) positions itself as an endorse- ment of the Regan poem against Cambrensis; its author envisions the text as offering a counternarrative to Cambrensis based on the version of medieval history made available in the Regan poem. Regan left “to posterity a chanson in Norman-French descriptive of the Anglo-Norman invasion of Ireland. It is this chanson, as being an account (and the only one) fur- nished by a native of Ireland, we propose to follow, instead of that which has come down from Gerald of Wales, whose anti-Irish proclivities induced him to portray the nation in colours only suitable to an Inferno.” W. Lorcan O’Byrne, The Falcon King: Or, the Story of the Anglo-Norman Invasion of Ireland (Dublin: The Talbot Press, 1907) 142. O’Byrne’s organizing structure for the text centers on the use of avian imagery, in which each of the prin- cipal characters corresponds to a type of bird. In the final section, “The Cuckoo,” Byrne offers a critique of Cambrensis’s version of twelfth century Irish history and particularly laments how prevalent his version remains: “The spring of 1185 must have been an early one, for, on the 1st of April, there came a cuckoo into Ireland that left many eggs from which birds were hatched and a progeny started which even still darken the country in their flights. It was a bird of Wales—’Cambrensis’—and was named ‘Gerald,’ and the eggs that were laid can be found in The Vaticinal History of the Conquest of Ireland, The Topography of Ireland, and the Liber de Principis Instructione.” O’Byrne, The Falcon King 227. 11. Orpen notes the early dominance achieved by Cambrensis, stating that “It is difficult to suppose that anybody writing in the first half of the 13th century on the subject of the Anglo-Norman invasion of Ireland should have been unacquainted with the works of Giraldus on the same subject” (Orpen, The Song of Dermot and the Earl xxvi). Orpen interprets the neglect of Cambrensis in The Song of Dermot and the Earl as evidence that the poem predates Cambrensis’s account. 12. Orpen notes that “in 1153, Dervorgilla was taken away from Dermot, with her cattle, by Turlough O’Conor and restored to her husband. She is mentioned again in 1167 as having built the Church of the Nuns at Clonmacnoise, the beautiful ruins of which at the present day speak well for her architectural taste, and she died at the Monastery of Mellifont near Drogheda in 1193 in the eighty-fifth year of her age. Her munificent gifts to Mellifont Abbey are recorded sub anno 1157” (Orpen, The Song of Dermot and the Earl 257 note 27). Notes 175

13. In addition to David Hume’s The History of England from the Invasion of Julius Cæsar to the Revolution in 1688, Adams consulted John Hooker’s translation of Cambrensis, George Lord Lyttleton’s History of the Life of King Henry the Second and Thomas Leland’s History of Ireland from the Invasion of Henry II. Hume makes only brief mention of Diarmuid Mac Murrough’s moral character that would so captivate Adams: “Dermot Macmurrogh, King of Leinster, had, by his licentious tyranny, rendered himself odious to his subjects, who seized with alacrity the first occasion that offered of throwing off the yoke, which was become grievous and oppressive to them.” David Hume, The History of England, from the Invasion of Julius Cæsar to the Accession of Henry VII. Vol. 1 (London: 1762) 301. 14. The first edition reads here “They liv’d in harmony to bill and coo, / As wed- ded wife and husband ought to do.” 15. In addition to Cambrensis, Gibson references Lingard’s History of England, Abbe Macgeoghegan’s History of Ireland, Moore’s History of Ireland, Moore’s ballads, Lanigan’s Ecclesiastical History of Ireland, Annals of the Four Masters, Annals of Ulster, Annals of Clonmacnoise, Hallam’s Middle Ages, Hall’s Ireland, Rollin’s Ancient History, and Keating’s History. 16. For his defense, the narrator cites the case of Thomas Moore, whose History of Ireland was criticized for his ignorance of the Irish manuscript sources: “Witness the well-known anecdote as given by [Eugene] O’Curry, who inti- mates that Moore was overwhelmed by the sight of the great ancient MSS in the Academy library, confessed his ignorance in matters of Irish history, and contritely admitted his naïve presumption in undertaking his History.” Leerssen, Remembrance and Imagination: Patterns in the Historical and Literary Representation of Ireland in the Nineteenth Century 129. 17. For his treatment of Diarmuid and Dervorgilla in that text, see Charles B. Gibson, Historical Portraits of Irish Chieftains and Anglo-Norman Knights (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1871) 28–35. 18. Cf. Breandán Ó Buachalla, “James Our True King: The Ideology of Irish Royalism in the Seventeenth Century.” Political Thought in Ireland Since the Seventeenth Century (London: Routledge, 1993) 7–35. 19. In Keating’s version, Dervorgilla “sent a private message to Diarmaid Mac Murcadha, King of Leinster, requesting of him to come to take her away from Tighernan, and make her his own wife; and she instructed her mes- sengers to tell him that her husband was about proceeding on a pilgrimage to the Cave of St. Patrick’s Purgatory, and that a favorable opportunity for taking her off into Leinster would be afforded to him thereby. There had, indeed, been previously a criminal intrigue between this pair. Therefore, upon receiving her message, Diarmaid went to meet the woman, attended by a band of armed horsemen, and when he had arrived, thus accompanied, at the place where Derborgaill was awaiting him, he commanded her to be placed forcibly on horseback behind one of his attendants. Thereupon, the woman deceitfully cried and screamed aloud, in order to make people think that she had been carried off by violence. Having thus succeeded in his object, Diarmaid returned home into Leinster.” Geoffrey Keating, Foras Feasa Ar Éirinn: The History of Ireland from the Earliest Period to the English Invasion, trans. John O’Mahony (New York: P. M. Haverty, 1857) 613–14. 176 Notes

20. John O’Mahony’s 1857 edition of Geoffrey Keating’s Foras Feasa Ar Éirinn offers an ideal illustration of the role played by the translation and publication of Irish historical sources in annotating earlier histories of Ireland. O’Mahony repeatedly critiques Keating for following the Anglo-Norman sources rather than the Irish ones such as the Annals of the Four Masters, to which O’Mahony continually refers. For example, O’Mahony notes Keating’s error in dating the abduction of Dervorgilla to 1166: “Her elopement with Mac Murcadha, did not take place in this reign, it occurred fourteen years previously ... and not after the manner stated by Keating, on the authority of the Anglo-Norman writers” (Keating, Foras Feasa Ar Éirinn 613n). O’Mahony follows this with “the simple narration of the event as given by the Irish authorities” and quotes the Annals of the Four Masters. The error in advancing the abduction fourteen years is “an absurdity,” O’Mahoney writes: “In A. D. 1167, the year after Mac Murcadha’s banishment, we find her finishing a church for nuns at Cluain-mic-Nois. To suppose a renewal of her criminal intrigue with Mac Murdagh in any part of the present reign, is an absurdity. Mac Murcadha, who was king of Leinster as early as A. D. 1135, must have been then an old man, and she was then certainly an old woman, for she was forty four at the time of her first elopement. Previous to her marriage with O’Ruairc, an attachment is said to have existed between herself and Mac Murcadgha, which may account in some way for her first transgression at a rather advanced period of life, but could scarcely for a second” (Keating, Foras Feasa Ar Éirinn 613n). O’Mahony further disagrees with Keating’s account of the reasons behind Diarmuid’s banishment, again supplementing Keating’s version with Annals of the Four Masters. The spelling inconsistencies above are O’Mahony’s. 21. Cf. Susan C. Harris, Gender and Modern Irish Drama (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002). Harris outlines the twin discourses of policing women’s bodies and the anxiety over national borders. 22. The degree to which the Irish considered themselves an independent nation at this point in history has been the subject of intense critical debate among scholars. At issue is whether the writing of the period registers the end of the Gaelic order or the beginning of a new self-conscious nationalism. For more on these debates, see the work of Nicholas Canny, Brendan Bradshaw, T. J. Dunne, Marc Caball and Breandán Ó Buachalla. 23. Cf. Brian Friel, Selected Plays. Irish Drama Selections (Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America Press, 1986) 395, 441. 24. Cambrensis makes note of Diarmuid’s distinctive voice that had become “hoarse by constantly shouting and raising his warcry in battle.” Giraldus Cambrensis, The Historical Works of Giraldus Cambrensis: Containing the Topography of Ireland, and the History of the Conquest of Ireland, trans. Thomas Forester (London: George Bell and Sons, 1905) 197. 25. Cf. Emerson W. Gould, Fifty Years on the Mississippi (St. Louis: Nixon-Jones Printing Co., 1889) 350–51. 26. Cf. Elizabeth Malcolm, The Irish Policeman, 1822–1922 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2006). 27. Cf. Robin Cohen, ed., The Cambridge Survey of World Migration (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995) 106–08. Notes 177

28. Act I: The Founding of All Hallows Priory, 1166; Act II: The Departure of Dermot, 1167 (Ferns); Act III: Departure of Crusaders and Arrival of Dermot, 1167 (Aquitaine); Act IV: Interview of Dermot with Strongbow, 1168 (Bristol); Act V: The Marriage of Strongbow and Aoife, 1170 (Waterford); Act VI: Henry II Holds Court in Dublin and Keeps the Christmas Festival, 1172. 29. The Royal Irish Academy published The Book of Leinster in 1880.

2 Medieval Cycles

1. George reserves a particular vehemence for St. Angela’s College. 2. A local fingerpost sign reading “Táble Uí Ruairc Scene of the Valley Lay Smiling Moore’s Famous Melody” further underscores the relationship among landscape, medieval history and literary reconstruction of that history. The sign identifies the geography of the flat-topped mountain as significant because of Moore’s version of the twelfth century Irish history. 3. Cf. T. B. Barry, The Archaeology of Medieval Ireland (New York: Routledge, 1988) 189. 4. Cambrensis writes that O’Rourke leaves his wife “in a certain island of Meath.” Giraldus Cambrensis, The Historical Works of Giraldus Cambrensis: Containing the Topography of Ireland, and the History of the Conquest of Ireland, trans. Thomas Forester (London: George Bell and Sons, 1905) 184. The Song of Dermot and the Earl appears to suggest that Dervorgilla arranges her abduction from some secret place, telling Diarmuid by letter “Where she should be in concealment, / That he might freely carry her off.” Orpen, The Song of Dermot and the Earl (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1892) 7. The Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland records only that Dervorgilla was “brought away” but does not indicate from where she was taken. John O’Donovan, ed., Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland, 2nd ed., vol. II (Dublin: Hodges, Smith and Co., 1856) 1103. In Gibson’s Dearforgil, Dervorgilla is imprisoned in a castle on an island of Loch Rí. Charles B. Gibson, Dearforgil (London: J. F. Hope, 1857) 92. Atkinson writes of Dervorgilla as “safely secluded in the wild fastness of Breffny” at the time of her abduction but also refers to O’Rourke’s dis- covery of her abduction upon his return to his castle at Dromahair. Sarah Atkinson, Essays (Dublin: M. H. Gill and Son, 1896) 368. 5. As told to me by Vincent Mayock. 6. Cf. “Graveyards and Bones: The Irish Grotesque” in William Williams, Tourism, Landscape and the Irish Character (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2008) 46–47. For a recent and fascinating example of the power of narrative to transform objects through making them meaningful, see Rob Walker and Joshua Glenn, eds., Significant Objects: A Literary and Economic Experiment (Seattle: Fantagraphics, 2012). 7. “Perhaps I ought to have written nothing but these short comedies, but desire for experiment is like fire in the blood, and I had had from the beginning a vision of historical plays being sent by us through all the counties of Ireland. For to have real success and to come into the life of the country, one must touch a real and eternal emotion, and history comes only next to religion in the country.” Lady Augusta Gregory, Our Irish Theatre (New York: Capricorn Books, 1965) 91. 178 Notes

8. Cf. Judith Hill, “Finding a Voice: Augusta Gregory, Raftery, and Cultural Nationalism, 1899–1900,” Irish University Review: A Journal of Irish Studies 34.1 (2004). 9. Writing in 1890, Justin McCarthy invoked both Helen of Troy and Shakespeare to contextualize the damage done by Dervorgilla, lifting extensively from the language of Moore’s ballad: “The whole story of Irish subjugation and its seven centuries of successive struggles begins with the carrying-off of Dervorgilla, wife of Tiernan O’Rorke, of Brefny, by a dis- solute, brutal giant of some sixty years old—Dermot Macmurrough, King of Leinster ... . But Helen was not more fatal to the Greeks and Easterns than Dervorgilla, Erin’s Helen, proved to the neighboring islands that lie along the Irish Sea. Through ages of bondage and slaughter her country has indeed bled for her shame. There is a grim ironic mockery in the thought that two nations have been set for centuries in the bitterest hatred by the loves of a lustful savage and an unfaithful wife. One might well paraphrase the words of Shakespeare’s Diomed in Troilus and Cressida, and say that ‘for every false drop in her bawdy veins an English life hath sunk; for every scruple of her contaminated carrion weight an Irishman been slain.’ ” Justin Huntly McCarthy, An Outline of Irish History: From the Earliest Times to the Present Day (New York: United States Book Co., successors to J. W. Lovell Co., 1890) 24. 10. Irish folklore and mythology regularly uses the crane to signify envy; the transformation of Irish women into cranes by jealous lovers connects them with envy and obsession. In addition, cranes are often found as guardians of a dwelling. The Irish god Midir, for example, had cranes guarding his castle. In marking Dervorgilla with the blood of a crane, Gregory may be playing upon these mythic associations with guarding castles and envy. 11. This reference to weaving may foreshadow Dervorgilla’s silencing by forces beyond her control. In literary imaginations of Dervorgilla, she regularly works on tapestries: “Weaving regularly appears in ancient literature as a form of feminine writing substituting for the voice that has been silenced.” Matthew Gumpert, Grafting Helen: The Abduction of the Classical Past (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2001) 5. Alternately, we might consider here Helen of Troy’s tapestry as well as Penelope’s tapestry, which she weaves and unweaves to stall her suitors. Following her rape and mutila- tion by Tereus, Philomena weaves her story into a tapestry which she then sends to her sister. 12. Given the unquiet dreams suffered by Yeats’s dead, the incorporation into the Abbey Theatre of a section of a former morgue is particularly fitting. Owen Dudley Edwards, ed., Conor Cruise O’ Brien Introduces Ireland (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1969) 163. Nicknamed the “Dear Old Morgue,” the space was rumored to be haunted. Cf. J. S. Post, “The Dear Old Morgue,” The Capuchin Annual (1964). In his 1907 theatre journal, Joseph Holloway records that in a production of “Riders to the Sea,” “a label bear- ing the legend, ‘National Theatre Co.’ [was] pasted on the side of the shaft of the stretcher on which the body of ‘Bartley’ was borne.” John P. Harrington, ed., Modern and Contemporary Irish Drama, 2nd ed. (New York: A Norton Critical Edition, 2009) 457. Notes 179

13. Neil Mann notes several Yeats citations of Cambrensis in Fairy and Folk Tales of the Irish Peasantry and shows that Yeats was citing from Cambrensis in 1897 (the same year that The Secret Rose was published) and in 1914 in a note on Tír na nÓg for Lady Gregory’s Visions and Beliefs in the West of Ireland. William Butler Yeats, Elizabeth Bergmann Loizeaux, and William H. O’Donnell, Later Essays (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1994) 278. In addition, there has been ongoing scholarly debate over the character of Gyraldus in Yeats’s A Vision, who Richard Ellmann identifies as Giraldus Cambrensis. Ellmann notes that “in January 1918 Yeats asked Edmund Dulac to cut a medieval- looking woodcut of Giraldus Cambrensis, which would really be a portrait of Yeats, and later used this as a frontispiece for A Vision.” Richard Ellmann, Yeats, the Man and the Masks (New York: Macmillan Co., 1948) 237. 14. Cf. Wayne Chapman, The Dreaming of the Bones and Calvary Manuscript Materials by W.B. Yeats (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2003). 15. The W.B. Yeats Papers at Emory University contain an edition of Two Plays for Dancers (1919) with textual revisions that show Yeats striking out the following sentence and writing the word “Omit” over it: “P.S. That I might write ‘The Dreaming of the Bones,’ Mr. W.A. Henderson with great kindness wrote out for me all historical allusions to Dervorgilla.” W.B. Yeats Papers, MSS 600, Box 1:56. In the July 1920 preface to his Four Plays for Dancers, W. B. Yeats acknowledged his indebtedness to W. A. Henderson for providing the historical context for The Dreaming of the Bones but sublimates it to his thanks to Mr. Edmund Dulac teaching him about the beauty of the mask: “That I might write The Dreaming of the Bones Mr. W. A. Henderson with great kindness wrote out for me all historical allusions to ‘Dervorgilla;’ but neither that nor any of these plays could have existed if Mr. Edmund Dulac had not taught me the value and beauty of the mask and rediscovered how to design and make it.” W. B. Yeats, Four Plays for Dancers (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1921) vii. 16. An examination of Henderson’s scrapbooks reveals the prevalence of dating the English colonial presence in Ireland to the twelfth century. A clipping on the O’Rourke coat of arms contains the following example of Zerubavel’s “emplotment”: “It was upon the elopement of Tighearnan Ua Ruarc’s wife in the 12th century that the English inaugurated that policy of plundering this country which has lasted, with few interruptions, from 1169–1910.” Other clippings include an image of Daniel Maclise’s The Marriage of Strongbow and Aoife accompanied by an analysis of Maclise’s work, articles that contextualize historic Irish ruins such as the Abbey at Ferns founded by Diarmuid Mac Murrough and the Abbey at Mellifont, and a number of critiques of Cambrensis as a hater of women and for his influence on the English perception of Ireland. 17. Cf. B. Mac Carthy, ed., Annals of Ulster, vol. II: AD 1057–1131: 1155–1378 (Dublin: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. Alex. Thom and Co., 1893) 143. 18. Mac Carthy, ed., Annals of Ulster 165. 19. Geoffrey Keating, Foras Feasa Ar Éirinn: The History of Ireland from the Earliest Period to the English Invasion, trans. John O’Mahony (New York: P. M. Havert y, 1857) 613–14. 20. John O’Donovan, ed., Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland by the Four Masters from the Earliest Period to 1616 1103–04. 180 Notes

21. John O’Donovan, ed., Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland, 2nd ed., vol. III (Dublin: Hodges, Smith and Co., 1856) 97. 22. Hennessy, ed., The Annals of Loch Cé 141. 23. William Hennessy, ed., The Annals of Loch Cé. A Chronicle of Irish Affairs from AD 1014 to AD 1590, vol. I (London: Longman and Co., 1871) 145. 24. Hennessy, ed., The Annals of Loch Cé 187. 25. For the most thorough treatment of this pattern in Yeats and Gregory’s relationship, see Deirdre Toomey, Yeats and Women (Palgrave Macmillan, 1997). 26. Cf. Benedict Anderson’s “Memory and Forgetting” for more on the political project of “speaking for” the dead, in Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, New York: Verso, 2002). In the Irish context, see Kevin Whelan, “The Memories of ‘The Dead,’ ” The Yale Journal of Criticism 15.1 (2002). Also Seamus Deane’s “Dead Ends” in Derek Attridge and Marjorie Elizabeth Howes, eds., Semicolonial Joyce (Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000). 27. Cf. Christopher Eagle, “ ‘Our Day at Triv and Quad’: John Ruskin and the Liberal Arts in Finnegans Wake II.2.” James Joyce Quarterly 46.2 (Winter 2009): 321–40. 28. Cf. José Carlos Redondo Olmedilla, “The Modern Middle Ages in James Joyce: From Medieval Bestiaries to the United Field in Ulysses.” Papers on Joyce 9 (2003): 69–79. 29. Cf. Roy Benjamin, “Creative Destruction in Finnegans Wake: The Rise and Fall of the Modern City.” Journal of Modern Literature 30.2 (Winter 2007): 139–50. 30. Cf. Fran O’Rourke, “Joyce’s Early Aesthetic.” Journal of Modern Literature 34.3 (Winter 2011): 97–120. Coral A. Norwood, “Dante in Dubliners: The Theme of Romantic Hopelessness.” In-between: Essays and Studies in Literary Criticism 12(1–2) (Mar–Sept 2003): 193–99. Sara Sullam, “Inspiring Dante: The Reasons of Rhyme in Ulysses.” Papers on Joyce 9 (2003): 59–67. Lucia Boldrini, “Ex Sterco Dantis: Dante’s Post-Babelian Linguistics in the Wake.” James Joyce and the Difference of Language (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2003) 180–94. Jennifer Margaret Fraser, Rite of Passage in the Narratives of Dante and Joyce (Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2002). Gian Balsamo, Joyce’s Messianism: Dante, Negative Existence, and the Messianic Self (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2004). Gian Balsamo, Rituals of Literature: Joyce, Dante, Aquinas, and the Tradition of Christian Epics (Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 2004). Gian Balsamo, “The Necropolitan Journey: Dante’s Negative Poetics in James Joyce’s ‘The Dead.’“James Joyce Quarterly 40.4 (Summer 2003): 763–81. James Robinson, “Uneasy Orthodoxy: The Jesuits, the Risorgimento and the Contexts of Joyce’s First Readings of Dante.” Anglia: Zeitschrift für Englische Philologie 130.1 (2012): 34–53. 31. Cf. Vern Lindquist, “Sir Edward Sullivan’s Book of Kells and Joyce’s Finnegans Wake.” Eire-Ireland: A Journal of Irish Studies 27.4 (Winter 1992): 78–90. Sean V. Golden, “The Quoniam Page from the Book of Kells.“ A Wake Newslitter: Studies in James Joyce’s Finnegans Wake 11 (1974): 85–86. See also Guillemette Bolen’s essay in Lucia Boldrini, ed., European Joyce Studies 13: Medieval Joyce (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2002). Notes 181

32. For a more extensive analysis of how this medieval narrative interpolates “The Boarding House” in Dubliners, cf. Julieann Veronica Ulin, “Fluid Boarders and Naughty Girls: Music, Domesticity and Nation in Joyce’s Boarding Houses.” James Joyce Quarterly 44.2 (2007): 263–91. 33. Cf. O’Brien’s chapter on housing in Joseph V. O’Brien, Dear Dirty Dublin: A City in Distress, 1899–1916 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982). Cf. Jacinta Prunty, Dublin Slums, 1800–1925: A Study in Urban Geography (Irish Academic Press, 1998). 34. Cf. Thom’s Official Directory of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland for the Year 1904 (MDCCCCIV): 686–87. Thom’s lists the number of tenements of one room as well as the number of people living in a single room for each province. In Munster in 1901, of 193,804 inhabited houses, 17,141 were of first class, 120,170 were second class, 53,191 were third-class dwellings, and 3,302 were of the lowest class, consisting of mud cabins or houses built of perishable material with only one room and window. 35. Cf. Catherine Hall on the separation of home and public, in which she treats the idea of the ideal home as a haven from the hostile world outside. “The Early Formation of Victorian Domestic Ideology,” in Sandra Burman’s Fit Work for Women (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1979). 36. “Take Yeats, for example, he is a true mediaevalist with his love of magic, his incantations and his belief in signs and symbols, and his later bawdi- ness. Ulysses also is Mediaeval but in a more realistic way, and so you will find that the whole trend of modern thought is going in that direction, for as it is I can see there is going to be another age of extremes, of ideolo- gies, of persecutions, of excesses which will be political perhaps instead of religious, though the religious may reappear as part of the political, and in this new atmosphere you will find the old way of writing and thinking will disappear, is fast disappearing in fact, and Ulysses is one of the books which has hastened that change” (Power Conversations with James Joyce 93). 37. The years chosen have led to critical speculation, and critics have noted that the rape of the Abbess of Kildare by Diarmuid Mac Murrough’s forces occurs in 1132. James Joyce, Finnegans Wake (New York: Penguin Books, 1999) 391. 38. Murphy notes that The Annals of Clonmacnoise has numerous pages missing from being burned by the Danes or used as measuring strips by tailors. Denis Murphy, ed., The Annals of Clonmacnoise from the Creation to AD 1408 (Dublin: University Press, 1896) vii. The Annals of Loch Cé contains a thirty- two year gap from 1138 to 1170. Hennessy, ed., The Annals of Loch Cé. A Chronicle of Irish Affairs from AD 1014 to AD 1590 140 –41. 39. Boldrini identifies Joyce as unique among his contemporaries in that he “developed an understanding of the value of medieval literature and aesthetics increasingly attuned to its variety, range and scope, and therefore increasingly independent of the trappings of the ideological constructions of the Middle Ages common at his time” (Boldrini, ed., European Joyce Studies 13: Medieval Joyce 12). In his attention here to the variety of how and what the annals record, their gaps and omissions, we may see his resistance to singular narratives emerging within or about the period: “Joyce knew that 182 Notes

the organic, monolithic construction of the medieval was equally flawed” (Boldrini 15). 40. In his use of smell here to connect the remote past with the present reader of “the leaves of the living in the boke of the deeds” (FW 13), we might recall his conversation with Power about the temporal divisions between the modern and the medieval in which Joyce remarked that “The mediaeval, in my opinion, had greater emotional fecundity than classicism, which is the art of the gentleman, and is now as out-of-date as gentlemen are, classicism in which the scents are only sweet, he added, but I have preferred other smells.” Arthur Power, Conversations with James Joyce (The Lilliput Press, 1974) 95. 41. Arthur Power recalls Joyce recommending the study of the Book of Kells as a model for his own work: “You can compare much of my work to the intri- cate design of its illuminations, and I have pored over its workmanship for hours at a time in Dublin, in Trieste, in Rome, in Geneva—wherever I have been, and I have always got inspiration from it.” Ulick O’Connor, The Joyce We Knew (Cork: Mercier Press, 1967) 106. Power also recalls Joyce speaking of a church which reminded him of his own work and which led him to believe that his work would be better understood in an earlier period: “There is an old church I know of down near Les Halles, a black foliated building with flying buttresses spread out like the legs of a spider, and as you walk past it you see the huge cobwebs hanging in its crevices, and more than anything else I know of it reminds me of my own writings, so that I feel that if I had lived in the fourteenth or fifteenth century I should have been much more appreciated.” Power Conversations with James Joyce 92. Cf. O’Connor The Joyce We Knew 105. 42. The response of “the stout student” to Cambrensis here foreshadows Bloom’s interrupted version of Emmett’s epitaph (Ulysses 11.1284–94). 43. For example, when Stephen catches himself thinking of MacAlister as stereotypically Northern, he quickly rejects this line of thinking: “That thought is not mine, he said to himself quickly” (Portrait 210). He responds to MacCann’s mockery of Stephen’s metaphor physically: “Stephen blushed and turned aside” (214). Finally, when Cranley dismisses Stephen’s credo “I will not serve” as a remark that “was made before,” Stephen again reacts strongly: “It is made behind now, Stephen said hotly” (260). 44. Roy Benjamin’s description of Dublin as a simultaneously medieval and modern city and Finnegans Wake as likewise diachronic in its planning and in its “streets” is well worth considering with respect to Joyce’s entire oeu- vre: “When the Wake follows a path ‘by my sevendialled changing charties’ (FW 551.32) it is implied that there can be a coexistence of the modern ‘strate that was called strete’ (110.33–4) and the pre-modern ‘straat that is called corsksrewed’ (491.9–10). Joyce was able to accommodate both aspects. His intermediate position between ‘medieval man, nostalgic for an ordered world of clear signs and the modern man, seeking a new habitat’ allowed him to inhabit both the closed world of the medieval square and the open world of modern thoroughfare. The Wake itself is a great thoroughfare open to traffic of every description.” Roy Benjamin, “Creative Destruction in Finnegans Wake: The Rise and Fall of the Modern City,” Journal of Modern Literature 30.2 (2007): 145. The internal quote comes from Umberto Eco, The Notes 183

Aesthetics of Chaosmos: The Middle Ages of James Joyce (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989) 3. 45. If there is a medieval echo here of Hugh de Lacy in Bloom, it may continue in the correspondences between Bloom’s fantasy in Circe and Cambrensis’s description of Hugh de Lacy: “Hugh de Lacy, a very different sort of person, made it his first care to restore peace and order, reinstating the peasants who, after they had submitted to the conquerors, were violently expelled from their districts, in the deserted lands, which from barren wastes now became cultivated and stocked with herds of cattle. Having thus restored confidence by his mild administration and firm adherence to treaties, his next care was to enforce submission and obedience to the laws on the inhabitants of corporate towns, thus gradually bringing them into sub- ordination. By these means, where his predecessors had spread ruin and confusion, he restored order; and where they had sown toil and trouble, he reaped the happiest fruits. In short, he had in a little time restored tranquil- lity over so vast an extent of country, so munificently provided for his own partisans out of the possessions of his fallen enemies, and such was the liberality and courtesy with which he won the hearts of the Irish people and drew around him their natural leaders, that a deep suspicion arose that his policy was to usurp all power and dominion, and, throwing off his alle- giance, to be crowned as king of Ireland.” Cambrensis, The Historical Works of Giraldus Cambrensis: Containing the Topography of Ireland, and the History of the Conquest of Ireland 289. 46. In the catalogue of love, Joyce returns to this story: “Mrs Norman W. Tupper loves officer Taylor” (Ulysses 12.1499). 47. “Mrs. Mooney’s nickname The Madam makes explicit the continuities of her various businesses. The boarding house is analogous to the bordello and the butcher shop because in each a profit is made out of the body and its necessities: the home is turned into a business, the sexual body is turned into a business, the animal body is turned into a business, and shelter, sex, and food are transformed from natural necessities into commodities. But Mrs. Mooney clearly carries on more than one business at a time, and if her boarding house is a prix fixe affair (‘fifteen shillings a week for board and lodg- ings [beer or stout at dinner excluded]’), she carries on, like her son, a little gambling on the side.” Margot Norris, Suspicious Readings of Joyce’s Dubliners (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003) 101. See also Bruce A. Rosenberg’s treatment of “poor Bob Doran” in “The Crucifixion in ‘The Boarding House’ ” and Hugh Kenner’s exploration of the prostitution angle in Dublin’s Joyce (London: 1955). 48. Cf. Mary Butler’s “Womanhood and Nationhood” series in United Irishman January 3, 1903: 6; January 17, 1903: 6; January 24, 1903: 6; January 31, 1903: 6.

3 Modern Escapes

1. Non-paginated citations are from Joan Dean’s forthcoming work. I am deeply indebted to her work on military tattoos and pageants from 1927 to 1945, and particularly for her generosity in sharing her work in progress. 184 Notes

2. James Cassidy’s 1922 The Women of the Gael goes to great lengths to identify Dervorgilla as an exception to his claim that the virtuous women of Ireland are “the continuous and unfailing products of their race and civilization.” James F. Cassidy, The Women of the Gael (Boston: The Stratford Company, 1922) 4. Wanting to combat the argument that the “Anglo-Norman came in the guise of a religious reformer,” he declares that “the ladies alone could prove the hypocrisy of the would-be evangelists” (107). Dervorgilla’s life is reduced to seven sentences and much of the blame deflected from her. Cassidy writes that her desertion was “induced ... by the cruelty of her own lord” and reads Diarmuid’s banishment as evidence of the morality of the Irish: “so much did public opinion deem the action of the Leinster King responsible for her fall and so high was the standard of female morality that its armed forces drove the delinquent monarch from his realm to a Saxon shelter” (106–07). Cassidy concludes Dervorgilla’s brief appearance with her “very considerable” donations to churches that “eclipsed those of all gener- ous givers before her,” including Brian Boru “whose munificence towards the church was one of his prime characteristics” (106–07). 3. Dean identifies a willingness in later pageants to represent the more recent past: “By the 1945, the tattoo eagerly celebrated republican ancestors of the late eighteenth, nineteenth, and early twentieth centuries as the conduit to the ancient past” (Dean n.p.). 4. In his autobiography, Mac Liammóir would write: “But apart from its last act, there is little in the thing that gives me pleasure now except the poem I translated for Hilton to sing to Dr. John Larchet’s lovely setting, a lament for Diarmuid Mac Murchadha who was banished by the High King and who later in revenge brought over the conquering English.” Micheál Mac Liammóir, All for Hecuba: An Irish Theatrical Autobiography (Boston: Branden Press, 1967) 83. Mac Liammóir credits the revival of The Ford of the Hurdles as the inception of his and Hilton Edwards’s friendship with Gonne. 5. “Oh, Mary! It is a great deed that is done in Erinn this day, the kalends of August. Dermod, son of Donnachadh Mac Murchadha, King of Leinster and of the Danes, was banished by the men of Ireland over the sea eastward. Uch! Uch! O Lord! What shall I do?” (Todd xii). 6. I am indebted to Joan Dean for bringing my attention to these images. 7. Cf. Donal MacCarron, Step Together! The Story of Ireland’s Emergency Army as Told by Its Veterans (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1999) 113–20. Clair Wills, That Neutral Island: A Cultural History of Ireland During the Second World War (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2007) 89, 97–105, 136, 164, 273. 8. Dramatizations of twelfth century history were not exclusively in the service of military tattoos and historical pageants; Diarmuid and Dervorgilla appear in Magdalen King-Hall’s 1935 The Pageant of Greyabbey, for example. 9. The Catholic Herald describes The Roll of the Drum as follows: “There was a delightful show for all visitors, besides the residents, in Dublin, entitled The Roll of the Drum. This is a sparkling portrayal of army life, with a pageant showing the heroic background of Irish military history, all enacted by sol- diers of the new Army, under the direction of the Army chiefs. The theatre was thronged, for three performances per diem, and tens of thousands of spectators every week were stirred with the spirit of the Irish past. This show has done more than can be measured to uplift Irish pride and to bring Notes 185

our people together.” “Northern Ireland’s Defences Suffer.” Catholic Herald September 20, 1940. 10. In Clair Wills’s That Neutral Island: A Cultural History of Ireland During the Second World War (2007), she emphasizes the significance of pageants and spectacles about Irish medieval history for uniting populations fractured after the Civil War behind the cause of neutrality. “One of the attractions of these pageants, particularly when they featured a generalized ‘Mother Ireland’ figure, or representations of ancient, mythic battles, was that they were able to make their appeal across a wide political spectrum. Both pro- and anti-treaty forces could respond to representations of the eleventh century Battle of Clontarf.” Wills, That Neutral Island: A Cultural History of Ireland During the Second World War 98. 11. Cf. also Wills 110, 160. 12. The Behans moved from 14 Russell Street to 70 Kildare Road, Crumlin. In his autobiography, Teems of Times and Happy Returns, Brendan’s brother Dominic includes the story of how the tram conductor ordered them to board “A bus! To Siberia!” during the move. Behan replicates this idea of moving to “Siberia” in play, highlighting the impact of his family’s own move on these plays, which have been read as comic and inconsequential. E. H. Mikhail, ed., Brendan Behan, Interviews and Recollections (Totowa, NJ: Barnes & Noble Books, 1982) 7. 13. Cf. Edward Laxton, The Famine Ships: The Irish Exodus to America (New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1998) 56. 14. Given the novel’s strong emphasis on twelfth century Irish history, the sub- stitution of Lough Derg on the Clare/Tipperary border for Lough Derg in Donegal, site of St. Patrick’s pilgrimage, appears to be an unintentional error on Herbert’s part. 15. Cf. Joseph Valente, “Race/Sex/Shame: The Queer Nationalism of At Swim, Two Boys.” Éire-Ireland: A Journal of Irish Studies 40.3–4 (Fall—Winter 2005): 58–84. See also Bertrand Cardin, “Intertextual Re-creation in Jamie O’Neill’s At Swim, Two Boys.” Estudios Irlandeses—Journal of Irish Studies 1 (2006): 23+. 16. One notable exception to the silence surrounding Eva MacMurrough’s character is a footnote in which Margot Backus identifies her as “a literary reinvention of [Constance] Markievicz far too complex to address here but whose flagrantly gay male subjectivity and unrequited love for Roger Casement certainly mark her as a character with whom O’Neill is in sym- pathy” and as evidence of “an impulse to defend Markievicz.” Margot Gayle Backus, “ ‘More Useful Washed and Dead’: James Connolly, W.B. Yeats, and the Sexual Politics of ‘Easter, 1916.’ ” Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies 10.1 (2008): 77 note 3. 17. High Kinsella (Uí Cheinnselaig) was established in the fifth century and located in “south Leinster, with its center in Ferns, in what we now call north county Wexford ... . Five centuries later, after the battle of Clontarf and partly because of it, the princes of Uí Cheinnselaig began to seize the lead in Leinster affairs.” F. X. Martin, No Hero in the House: Diarmait Mac Murchada and the Coming of the Normans to Ireland, O’Donnell Lectures, vol. 19 (Dublin: National University of Ireland, 1975) 9. Diarmuid Mac Murrough descended from this line. 186 Notes

18. Cf. Piers Brendon, Thomas Cook: 150 Years of Popular Travel (London: Secker and Warburg, 1991) 64–65, 167–68.

Conclusion: Medieval Genealogies and a Modern Medieval Obituary

1. Cf. “Wiping Out the Past and Creating a Cultural Blank Slate,” Irish Times May 5, 2003. 2. Started in 1998 and completed in June 2012, the Ros Tapestry Project features fifteen 6 × 4 foot tapestry panels detailing the arrival of the Normans in Wexford. Panel 2 is entitled “The Abduction of Dervogilla.” Cf. www. rostapestry.com/index.htm. The cover of this book features a detail from this panel. 3. Cf. www.nationalgallery.ie/en/Conservation/Strongbow_and_Aoife.aspx 4. Cf. Friedrich Nietzsche, On the Advantage and Disadvantage of History for Life, trans. Peter Preuss (Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Publishing Company, Inc., 1980). 5. Cf. Steve Garner, “Reflections on Race in Contemporary Ireland.” Race and Immigration in the New Ireland (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2013) 175–205. 6. Cf. Bríd Mahon’s Dervorgilla, Denée Cody’s The Conquered Heart, Diana Norman’s Daughter of Lir, Theodora du Boise’s The Love of Fingin O’Lea. 7. An 1897 guidebook for Mellifont Abbey makes a similar claim, though not about these two specific graves but about a grave discovered during excavations: “The basis on which the High Altar was built still remains ... . The basis is ten feet long by three and one half feet wide. On the Epistle, or southern side, are the piscina surrounded with a dog-tooth moulding, and the remains of the sedilia or stalls, which were occupied by the celebrant, deacon, and sub-deacon at High Mass. Under these sedilia a tomb was discovered during the excavations. A skull and some bones, together with a gold ring, were raised from their resting-place; the bones were replaced and covered with the slab of concrete now seen at this spot, but the ring was sold by a workman and could never be recovered. No inscription or tradition identifies the occupant of the hallowed grave. Could it have been that of the famous Dervorgilla? She was certainly buried at Mellifont, but unfor- tunately, we do not know the spot where her remains were laid when ‘life’s fitful fever’ was over.” Mellifont Abbey, Co. Louth: Its Ruins and Associations (Dublin: James Duffy and Co., 1897) 10. Works Cited

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Note: Page numbers in italics distinguish figures; “n” after a page number indicates a note on that page

Adams, John Quincy, 15, 32–39, 167, 174n10, 174n11, 177n4, 179n13, 175n13, 175n1 183n45 Adrian IV, 50, 59–60, 115 Celtic Tiger, 17–18, 67, 164, 166–167 Atkinson, Sarah, 47–49, 134, 177n4 causality, ix, 3–5, 7–9, 10, 11, 12–13, Allen, F. M., 15, 32, 51–64 14, 16, 20, 21, 22, 23–24, 27, 32, anachronism, 5–6, 15, 23–24, 51–64, 46, 48, 51, 52, 55–56, 58, 63, 69–70, 71–72, 81–83, 92 69–70, 76, 97, 106–107, 108–109, Annals of Clonmacnoise, 14, 24–27, 114, 119–120, 121, 129, 138–139, 29, 31 147, 152, 168, 170n10 Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland by the Four Masters, 12, 14, 20, 24–27, Dearforgil, The Princess of Brefney 28–29, 40, 41, 44, 45, 46, 88, 159, (see Gibson) 173n4, 176n20, 177n4 Dermot Macmorrogh, or, The Conquest Annals of Loch Cé, 14, 27, 28, 29, 88, of Ireland (see Adams) 173n6 Diarmuid (see Mac Murrough) Annals of Ulster, 14, 28, 87 Dervorgilla (see Scanlan) Aoife (Eva), viii, 1, 10, 2–4, 5,8, 9, Dervorgilla (see Gregory) 10,11,18, 33, 44, 61, 118, 122, Dervorgilla, 133–134, 150–162, 165, 167 in 1890 obituary, vii–ix (see also Maclise, The Marriage of abduction of by Diarmuid, viii, Strongbow and Aoife) 2–3, 22–23, 24–27, 42–43, 58–59, Atkinson, Sarah, 32, 47–50, 134, 67–69, 78, 79, 177n4 87–88, 158, 174n12, 175n19, 177n4 bailout, 17–18, 166–167 abuse of by O’Rourke, 15, 25, 120 Behan, Brendan, 17, 128, 131–134, in Adams, 32–39 185n12 in Allen, 54–55, 58–59, 60–61 Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, 17, in Behan, 133–134 137, 149–150, 162, 166 in Cambrensis, 2–3 The Book of Leinster, 64, 122, 173n7, compared to Cleopatra, 3, 22 177n29, 184n4, 184n5 compared to Guinevere, 11 Boru, Brian, 70, 80–81, 124–125, 126, compared to Helen of Troy, 4, 22, 134, 142, 184n2 23, 27, 41–42, 47, 69, 74, 75, Bush, George W. 17, 164–165 106, 107, 167–168, 173n7, 178n9, 178n11, Cambrenis, Giraldus, 2–3, 11, 12, compared to Kitty O’Shea, 69, 14, 19–24, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 41, 106–107 44–45, 50, 76, 82–83, 103–104, death of, 29, 38–39, 49, 88, 173n7, 105, 106, 108–110, 173n3, 174n12

195 196 Index

Dervorgilla – continued Easter Rising 1916, 16, 17, 72–73, 80, defense of, 12, 25–27, 47–50, 47–50, 83–87, 89–96, 118–119, 122–124, 92 136, 139, 150–151,152, 154, early attachment to Diarmuid, 25, 161–162 34, 42, 87, 169n9, 175n19, 176n20 Edwards, Hilton, 119, 120 as an exception to Irish Emergency (see neutrality) womanhood, 47, 184n2 in folklore, 73 ghosts, 71–73, 81–82, 178n12 (see forgiveness of, 79–80, 89–96, also Mac Murrough, Dervorgilla, 147–149, 162 Yeats’s The Dreaming of the Bones, ghost of in Yeats’s “The Vision Yeats’s “The Vision of Hanrahan of Hanrahan the Red,” 82–83, the Red”) 89–90 Gibson, Charles, 15, 32, 39–46, 61, ghost of in Yeats’s The Dreaming of 136, 175n15, 177n4 the Bones, 72–73, 89–96 Good Friday Agreement (see Belfast/ grave of, 164, 167–168, 186n7 Good Friday Agreement) in Gregory, 15–16, 76–81 Gregory, Lady, 15–16, 84, 177n7 in Herbert, 140 –149 “Cathleen ni Houlihan,” 75, 80, 84, impact of her legacy on Irish 99, 101–102, 104, 119, 157–158 women, 47, 49–50, 184n2 Dervorgilla, 15–16, 71–81, 88–89, in Joyce, 16, 104–108, 110–112, 90, 92, 95, 96, 116, 131, 162 113–115 Kincora, 80 in Keating, 48, 87–88 in Thomas Leland, 34, 37 Henry II, 2, 3–4, 6, 21, 22–23, 24, 28, in Mac Liammóir 118–124, 123 29, 33, 34, 37–38, 46, 47, 50, 54, in O’Faoláin, 129–130 59–60, 62–63, 64, 69, 76, 109, in O’Neill, 157–158 115, 122, 136–137, 153, 170n10 in Raftery, 74 Herbert, Frank, 17, 95, 128, 137–150 returned to O’Rourke, 3, 26, 36 historical romance, 6, 15, 32, 39–41, recognition of how she has been 45, 46 written into history, 45, 49–50 in The Song of Dermot and the Earl, Joyce, James, 15–16, 66, 96–116, 30–32 181n39, 182n41 in Yeats, 15–16 “The Boarding House,” 97–99, diachronic time, 15, 16, 52, 53, 55, 111–112, 181n32, 183n47 63, 67, 86, 91, 96, 100, 102, 103, calls Ulysses medieval, 96, 181n36 108, 110, 133–134 discussion of twelfth century Dublin (see also Easter Rising), Ireland, 115–116 attacked by Diarmuid, 3, 28, 87, 88 Finnegans Wake, 16, 97, 100–102, history as presented in The Ford of 182n44 the Hurdles, 118–122 identifies return to the medieval in housing in as reactivating the the modern age, 99–100, 181n36 medieval sin, 98–99, 111, A Portrait of the Artist as a Young 131–133, 134 Man, 102–106 as medieval city, 15, 64–66, 99–100, Ulysses, 11, 16, 70, 102, 103–104, 108–112, 182n44 106–116, 183n45 medieval reenactments in Civic Week, 117–118, 184n3, 185n10 Keating, Geoffrey, 48, 51–52, 76, de Valera, Eamon, 17, 126–127, 128 87–88, 175n19, 176n20 Index 197

King Henry II (see Henry II) ghost of in Yeats’s The Dreaming of the Bones, 72–73, 89–96 “The Lady Dervorgilla” (see Atkinson) in Gregory, 78, 73 in Herbert, 140 –149 Maclise, Daniel, 9, 171n11, 171n12 in Joyce, 106 illustrations for Thomas Moore’s in Keating, 87 “The Song of O’Ruark,” 5, 8, 10 in Mac Liammóir, 118–124, The Marriage of Strongbow and Aoife, 124, 126 1, 10, 1–2, 3, 4, 8–11, 17–18, 44, in Maclise’s The Marriage of 118, 122, 151, 159, 161, 165–166, Strongbow and Aoife, 1, 2, 10 167 in O’Neill, 150–162 Mac Liammóir, Micheál in O’Faoláin, 129–130 The Ford of the Hurdles, 17, 118–124, in O: The Oprah Magazine, 167 184n4 in Raftery, 74 watercolor of Diarmuid Mac rape of the Abbess of Kildare, 27, Murrough, 123, 124, 126 65, 160, 181n37 watercolor of Dervorgilla, 123 return of to Ireland, 3, 87, 88, 122, Mac Murrough, Diarmuid 170n10 in 1890 obituary, vii–ix, 165 in The Song of Dermot and the Earl, abduction of Dervorgilla, viii, 2–3, 30–32 22, 24–27, 42–43, 58–59, 78, 87, use of during neutrality, 17, 121, 135, 158, 170n10, 175n19, 123–128, 137 177n4, 175n19 use of during Celtic Tiger, 164, in Adams, 32–39 167–168 in Allen, 54–62 use of in pageants and military ancestor of George W. Bush, 17, tattoos, 117–118 164–165 voice of, 55–56, 176n24 appeal to Henry II, viii, 3, 23, 44, manuscript sources, acquisition 46, 122, 170n10 and publication of, ix, 20–22, banishment of, viii, 3, 23, 27–28, 24–32, 82, 171n14, 172n1, 172n2, 44, 59, 122, 158, 170n10 172n19, 173n4 in Behan, 133–134 Martin, F.X., 134–137 benefactor of arts and churches, McMurrough-Kavanagh, Arthur, 64–65, 136 vii–ix, 165 in Cambrensis, 2–4, 22–23 Mellifont Abbey, 11–12, 26, 29, 37, compared to 1916 Easter Rising 43–44, 49, 75, 76, 77, 88, 163, leaders, 136 164, 167–168, 174n12, 186n7 compared to Collins, 136 Moore, Thomas compared to James II, 46, 136 History of Ireland, 5–6, 169n9, compared to O’Neill, 136 175n16 compared to Parnell, 106–107 “The Song of O’Ruark” 5, 6–8, compared to Tone, 136 10, 16, 41–42, 45, 47, 48–49, 61, death of, 28–29, 45–46, 67–69, 113–115, 116, 178n9 173n7 defense of, 49, 134–137, 173n7 neutrality, 16–17, 124–128, 137, forgiveness of, 89–96, 147–149, 185n10 161–162 ghost of in Yeats’s “The Vision of O’Faoláin, Seán, 17, 128, 129–131, Hanrahan the Red,” 82–83 135, 136, 137 198 Index

O’Neill, Jamie, 17, 128, 137, stranger in the house, 4, 51–52, 60, 150–162 62–63, 70, 75, 77–78, 80, 92, O’Rourke, Tiernan (see also Moore, 97–99, 104–106, 108, 111–112, “The Song of O’Ruark”), viii, 2, 115–116, 120, 128, 137 3, 22–23, 26, 36–37, 42, 54- 55, Strongbow (see also Maclise’s The 56–59, 62, 68, 87–88, 108–110, Marriage of Strongbow and Aoife 120–122, 142–143, 158 and Regan), viii, 1, 2, 3, 10, 17, Orpen, Goddard Henry (see Maurice 28, 44, 54, 59, 60–61, 73, 76, 118, Regan) 122, 134, 156–157, 164–165, 167, O’Sullivan, J. B. (The Roll of the Drum), 170n10 17, 125–128, 184n9 Yeats, William Butler, 15–16, 20, 66, Pope Adrian IV (see Adrian IV) 67, 80, 81–96 postmedieval, ix, 13–14, 17,18, 95, “Cathleen ni Houlihan,” 75, 80, 84, 129, 171n16, 171n17, 171n18 99, 101–102, 104, 119, 157–158 and Cambrensis, 82–83, 179n13 Regan, Maurice (The Song of Dermot described as medievalist by Joyce, and the Earl) 4–5, 12, 14, 29–32, 96, 181n36 41, 42, 43, 44–45, 76, 169n6, The Dreaming of the Bones, 15–16,17, 169n7, 174n9, 174n10, 174n11, 71–73, 80–96, 116, 117, 129, 137, 177n4 147–148, 153–154, 159, 160–162 The Roll of the Drum (see O’Sullivan, ideas about the medieval, 82 J.B.) requests research on the period The Ros Tapestry Project, cover image 1152–1172, 87–88, 179n15, (detail), 164–165, 186n2 179n16 “The Song of O’Ruark” (see Moore) use of ghosts, 72–73, 81–83, 90–91 use of masks, 92–93 Scanlan, Anna, 15, 32, 47–50, 79, 80, and Noh drama, 16, 85, 92 134 A Vision, 85–86 The Song of Dermot and the Earl (see “The Vision of Hanrahan the Red,” Maurice Regan) 83, 89–90, 96