The Barletta Colossus Revisited: the Methodological Challenges of an Enigmatic Statue
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Zeno of Elea: Where Space, Time, Physics, and Philosophy Converge
Western Kentucky University TopSCHOLAR® Honors College Capstone Experience/Thesis Honors College at WKU Projects Fall 2007 Zeno of Elea: Where Space, Time, Physics, and Philosophy Converge An Everyman’s Introduction to an Unsung Hero of Philosophy William Turner Western Kentucky University Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/stu_hon_theses Part of the Other Philosophy Commons, Other Physics Commons, and the Philosophy of Science Commons Recommended Citation Turner, William, "Zeno of Elea: Where Space, Time, Physics, and Philosophy Converge An Everyman’s Introduction to an Unsung Hero of Philosophy" (2007). Honors College Capstone Experience/Thesis Projects. Paper 111. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/stu_hon_theses/111 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by TopSCHOLAR®. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors College Capstone Experience/ Thesis Projects by an authorized administrator of TopSCHOLAR®. For more information, please contact [email protected]. P │ S─Z─T │ P Zeno of Elea: Where Space, Time, Physics, and Philosophy Converge An Everyman’s Introduction to an Unsung Hero of Philosophy Will Turner Western Kentucky University Abstract Zeno of Elea, despite being among the most important of the Pre-Socratic philosophers, is frequently overlooked by philosophers and scientists alike in modern times. Zeno of Elea’s arguments on have not only been an impetus for the most important scientific and mathematical theories in human history, his arguments still serve as a basis for modern problems and theoretical speculations. This is a study of his arguments on motion, the purpose they have served in the history of science, and modern applications of Zeno of Elea’s arguments on motion. -
BOOK 15 the Time of the Reign of Zeno to the Time of the Reign of Anastasios
BOOK 15 The Time of the Reign of Zeno to the Time of the Reign of Anastasios 1. (377) After the reign of Leo the Younger, the most sacred Zeno reigned for 15 years. In the eighth month of his reign, he appointed Peter, the p!JrBmomr.ios of St Euphemia's in Chalkedon, as bishop and patriarch of Antioch the Great and sent him to Antioch. 2. After two years and ten months of his reign, he quarrelled with his mother-in-law, Verina, over a request she had made of him but which he had refused her, and so his mother-in-law, the lady Verina, began to plot against him. Terrified that he would be assassinated by someone in the palace, since his mother-in-law was living in the palace with him, he made a processusto Chalkedon and escaped from there using post-horses, and got away to Isauria even though he was emperor. (378) The empress Ariadne, who had also secretly fled from her mother, caught up with him in Isauria and remained with her husband. 3, After the emperor Zeno and Ariadne had fled, the lady Verina inunediately chose an emperor by crowning her brother Basiliscus. Basiliscus, the brother of Zeno's mother-in-law Verina, reigned for two years. When Verina had made Basiliscus emperor, she also named him as consul, together with Armatus who had been appointed by Basiliscus as AD476 senior lllc1q.ister mii1"tum prBesentalis. These two held the consulship. As soon as Basiliscus began to reign, he crowned his son, named Marcus, as emperor. -
Philippicus, Anastasius II and Theodosius III Sumner, Graham V Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Fall 1976; 17, 3; Proquest Pg
Philippicus, Anastasius II and Theodosius III Sumner, Graham V Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Fall 1976; 17, 3; ProQuest pg. 287 Philippicus, Anastasius II and Theodosius III Graham V. Sumner HE CRITICAL PERIOD between the overthrow of Justinian II in T A.D. 711 and the elevation of Leo III in 717 saw a succession of three men briefly occupying the throne of Byzantium: Bar danes or Vardanes (Philippicus), Artemius (Anastasius II) and Theo dosius (III). Some minor chronological problems are presented by their reigns. Philippicus Philippicus was the son of a patridus, and he had been exiled under Tiberius III (Apsimarus) for reporting a dream in which he became Emperor (Theoph. 372). His predecessor, the Emperor Justinian II, was deposed as a result of being defeated in a battle at the twelfth milestone from Constantinople by forces supporting the claims of Philippicus. The date was 4 or 24 November 711.1 Justinian's head was cut off and his body thrown into the sea. Thus November 711 could be regarded as the date of Philippicus' accession. But he had actually been acclaimed Emperor somewhat earlier in that year, at Kherson by the armed forces operating there in 711 (Theoph. 379; Niceph. 46). This could affect calculations of the length of his reign. The date of Philippicus' deposition is given as the Saturday eve of Pentecost, apparently in his second year (Theoph. 383; Niceph. 49). This would be 3 June 713. Unfortunately, Theophanes (386) proceeds to give Philippicus a reign of 2 years 9 months. Reckoning back from the eve of Pentecost in 713 would bring us to about September 710, which is an impossible date for Philippicus' accession, whatever type of calculation be adopted. -
Pulcheria (Greek: Πουλχερια , Pro - Upatriarchal
Detail of the base of the obelisk erected in Constantinople by Theodosius I. (Wikimedia Commons) NTIL modern times societies were women who have been influential behind Pulcheria (Greek: Πουλχερια , pro - Upatriarchal. The word means “father the scenes. While a man might have nounced Pool-keria) was the daughter ruler”. The father was the head of the thought he was in charge, there was a of the emperor Arcadius (383-408) family and the boss of everybody. Men woman who was pulling the strings and and the granddaughter of the emperor were in charge and women were confined controlling everything. Such a woman Theodo sius I (379-395). Theodosius I to household duties and raising children. was Pulcheria, the sister of the Roman (Figure 1) had been born in Spain and But throughout history there have been emperor Theodosius II (402-450 AD). was a suc cessful general in the Roman army before Gratian, the emperor of the western hal f of the empire, asked him to become the emperor of the east - ern half. Constantinople was the capital in the east and Rome in the west. ( Fig - ure 2 – map ) Following the conversion to Christian - ity of Constantine the Great (307-337) the number of Christians in the Roman Empire gradually increased, and Theo - dosius I was a Christian who was intol - erant of other religions. He outlawed the old Greek and Roman religion even if the ceremonies were conducted in private. Sacrificing in temples was banned and the temples were closed. Although these Figure 1 – Bronze coin of Theodosius I minted at Antioch in 393. -
The Developmentof Early Imperial Dress from the Tetrachs to The
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. The Development of Early Imperial Dress from the Tetrarchs to the Herakleian Dynasty General Introduction The emperor, as head of state, was the most important and powerful individual in the land; his official portraits and to a lesser extent those of the empress were depicted throughout the realm. His image occurred most frequently on small items issued by government officials such as coins, market weights, seals, imperial standards, medallions displayed beside new consuls, and even on the inkwells of public officials. As a sign of their loyalty, his portrait sometimes appeared on the patches sown on his supporters’ garments, embossed on their shields and armour or even embellishing their jewelry. Among more expensive forms of art, the emperor’s portrait appeared in illuminated manuscripts, mosaics, and wall paintings such as murals and donor portraits. Several types of statues bore his likeness, including those worshiped as part of the imperial cult, examples erected by public 1 officials, and individual or family groupings placed in buildings, gardens and even harbours at the emperor’s personal expense. -
4.2-Persecution Under Valens (371-373) Copyright 2018 Glen L
4.2-Persecution under Valens (371-373) Copyright 2018 Glen L. Thompson This document is provided for personal and educational use. It may not be used for commercial purposes without the permission of the copyright holder. Last updated 6/6/18 Socrates Sozomen Theodoret Macedonians seek fellowship with Liberius 4.12.1 But we will have more opportunity to mention 6.10.3 Valens and Eudoxius then directed their both Basil and Gregory again in the course of our history. resentment against the Macedonians, who were more When the maintainers of the homoousian doctrine had been numerous than the above-mentioned Christians in that severely dealt with and put to flight, the persecutors began region, and they persecuted them without measure. The again to harass the Macedonians. Macedonians, in apprehension of further sufferings, sent 4.12.2 Impelled by fear rather than violence, the delegates to various cities, and finally agreed to turn to Macedonians sent messengers to one another from city to Valentinian and to the bishop of Rome rather than share city, declaring the necessity of appealing to the emperor’s in the faith of Eudoxius and Valens and their followers. brother, and to Liberius bishop of Rome, saying that it was far better for them to embrace their faith, than to commune with the party of Eudoxius. 4.12.3 For this purpose they sent Eustathius bishop of 6.10.4 And when it seemed ideal to do this, they Sebastia, who had been deposed several times, Silvanus of selected three of their own number—Eustathius, bishop Tarsus in Cilicia, and Theophilus of Castabala in the same of Sebaste; Silvanus, bishop of Tarsus; and Theophilus, province, charging them to not to disagree with Liberius in bishop of Castabalis—and sent them to the Emperor anything concerning the faith, but to enter into communion Valentinian. -
Measuring the Power of the Roman Empire
26 Potter Chapter 2 Measuring the Power of the Roman Empire David Potter By the age of Cicero – the point at which they began to recognize the fact that they controlled a territorial empire and could raise revenue from it – the Ro- mans were accustomed to measure their power with criteria taken over whole- sale from Greek theory. In the De Legibus, Cicero says simply that senators ought to know the state of the army, the treasury, the allies, friends and tribu- taries of Rome and the nature of the attachment of each to Rome. For Cicero this is what it was to “know the State.”1 In these terms power is a function of income and manpower. Such a measurement, which, as we shall see, would have a long history going forward, was even then being amply employed by Gaius Caesar in his Gallic Wars, and had a long prior history in Greek thought. Caesar famously illustrated the power of the various Gallic and German tribes he subdued or encountered by telling his readers how many of them there were or had been. Good of the Helvetians to have produced a census docu- ment (in Greek no less) attesting to the fact that there were 368,000 of them at the beginning of their migration. There were now a mere 110,000 going home. The Suebi, the most powerful of the Germans were said (a nice concession on Caesar’s part) to have controlled one hundred districts which each furnished 1000 men to fight each year – since the same warriors only fought every other year, this meant that there were at least 200,000 of them, and there were nearly 250,000 Gauls who came to the relief of Vercingetorix (including men from tribes such as the Nervii that Caesar claimed to have annihilated in recent years).2 A conception of state power as a function of demography and money would have been familiar to any Roman aristocrat who knew (as any Roman aristo- crat would have) the works of fifth-century Greek historians. -
Pu1cheria's Crusade A.D. 421-22 and the Ideology of Imperial Victory Kenneth G
Pulcheria's Crusade A.D. 421-22 and the Ideology of Imperial Victory Holum, Kenneth G Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Summer 1977; 18, 2; Periodicals Archive Online pg. 153 Pu1cheria's Crusade A.D. 421-22 and the Ideology of Imperial Victory Kenneth G. Holum .. 'EST qu'en effet l'empereur byzantin, comme son ancetre Cl'imperator des derniers siecles de Rome, est essentiellement, aux yeux de son peuple, un maitre victorieux." This pointed definition (from the pen of Jean Gagel) underscores a theme of imperial ideology which receives such insistent emphasis in the offi cial art, ceremonial and panegyric of late antiquity that it must correspond to a chilling reality. The defeat of an emperor threatened not only the integrity of the frontiers but internal stability as well and the ascendancy of the emperor and his friends. Conversely, if a weak emperor could claim a dramatic victory, he might establish a more effective hold on the imperial power. In A.D. 420-22 this inner logic of Roman absolutism led to innovations in imperial ideology and to a crusade against Persia, with implications which have escaped the attention of scholars. The unwarlike Theodosius II made war not to defend the Empire but to become "master of victory," and, as will be seen, to strengthen the dynastic pretensions of his sister Pulcheria Augusta. I The numismatic evidence is crucial. Between 420 and early 422 the mint of Constantinople initiated a strikingly new victory type, the much-discussed 'Long-Cross Solidi' (PLATE 2):2 Obverse AELPVLCH-ERIAAVG Bust right, diademed, crowned by a hand Reverse VOTXX MVLTXXX~ Victory standing left, holding a long jeweled cross, CONOB in the exergue 1 "l:Taupoc VLK01TOLbC: la victoire imperiale dans l'empire chretien," Revue d'histoire et de philosophie religieuses 13 (1933) 372. -
Saint Pulcheria
Saint Pulcheria Virgin, Empress of the Eastern Roman Empire In 399 AD, in the city of Constantinople, Aelia to have bishops reinstated who had been unjustly Pulcheria was born to the Easter Roman Emperor Flavius dismissed. Arcadius, and his wife Aelia Eudoxia. Arcadius was a In 421 AD, when Bishop Atticus reported the week and easily controlled emperor, reigning during a persecution of Christians by the Sasanian King Bahram V time when the empire was being invaded by various after the destruction of a Zoroastrian temple, Pulcheria Gothic armies comprised primarily of Arian-Christians influenced her brother to send troops to defend the who believed Jesus Christ, the Son, was a creation of the Christians in the Sassanid Empire. After a successful Father, rather than of one substance with the Father. campaign which Theodosius attributed to his sisters piety Pulcheria had an older sister who had passed away young. and virginity, Christians were allowed to return to In 400 AD, her sister Arcadia would be born, followed by Sassanid. During this time, Theodosius married a pagan Theodosius II and Mariana in 401 AD. In 402 AD, who took the name Aelia Eudocia, and converted to Arcadius went on to declare his one year old son Christianity. Theodosius II to be his co-Emperor. In 431 AD, the Ecumenical Council of Ephesus Despite the fact that Pulcheria’s family were was called to address an issue with the Nestorius of Nicene-Christians and accepted the reality of the Trinity, Constantinople, who denied Mary as the Theotokos, the her mother Eudoxia was in constant conflict with the “God-bearer.” Pulcheria supported Cyril of Alexandria, Patriarch of Constantinople, Saint John Chrysostom. -
Birkbeck Institutional Research Online
Birkbeck ePrints BIROn - Birkbeck Institutional Research Online Enabling open access to Birkbeck’s published research output Cracking the codex: late Roman law in practice Journal Article http://eprints.bbk.ac.uk/4977 Version: Accepted (Refereed) Citation: Humfress, C. (2006) Cracking the codex: late Roman law in practice Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 49(1), pp.241-254 © 2006 Wiley Blackwell Publisher Version ______________________________________________________________ All articles available through Birkbeck ePrints are protected by intellectual property law, including copyright law. Any use made of the contents should comply with the relevant law. ______________________________________________________________ Deposit Guide Contact: [email protected] Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 49 (publ. 2007), 251-64. Cracking the Codex: Late Roman Legal Practice in context. Caroline Humfress, Birkbeck College Introduction. Sometime between the second and fourth decades of the fourth century AD (probably shortly after the year 324, but just possibly as late as 348) the advocate Ammon wrote a letter home to his Mother in Panopolis, a major city of the Thebaid.1 Despite his own stated preference for a ‘…quiet life free from intrigue (as) befits those educated in philosophy and rhetoric…’2, 1 P.Ammon I 3 = The Archive of Ammon Scholasticus of Panopolis I: The Legacy of Harpocration (Pap. Colon. XXVI/1), edd. W.H. Willis and K. Maresch (Opladen, 1997), 19-46, dating P. Ammon I 3 to AD 348. For full discussion of the letter and its literary context see P. Van Minnen, ‘The Letter (and Other Papers) of Ammon: Panopolis in the Fourth Century AD’ in Perspectives on Panopolis. -
Niketas Choniates Versus Manuel I Komnenos: Disputes Concernig Islam in the Context of the Byzantine Tradition
Списание ЕПОХИ Издание на Историческия факултет на ВТУ „Св. св. Кирил и Методий” Том / Volume XXIV (2016), Journal EPOHI [EPOCHS] Книжка / Issue 2 Edition of the Department of History of St. Cyril and St. Methodius University of Veliko Turnovo NIKETAS CHONIATES VERSUS MANUEL I KOMNENOS: DISPUTES CONCERNIG ISLAM IN THE CONTEXT OF THE BYZANTINE TRADITION Dimitar Y. DIMITROV НИКИТА ХОНИАТ СРЕЩУ МАНУИЛ I КОМНИН: ПОЛЕМИКА, СВЪРЗАНА С ИСЛЯМА, В КОНТЕКСТА НА ВИЗАНТИЙСКАТА ТРАДИЦИЯ Димитър Й. ДИМИТРОВ Abstract: Byzantine society had very complex relations with the Islamic Eastern neighbors. Islam, to be sure, started and continued to be menace for Byzantium for the all long eighth centuries they used to coexist. However, Byzantine society needed a certain period of time to accept Islam as another religion, standing against Christianity in the East. After the first Byzantine revenge acts against Judaism a long tradition was formed with two main streams. The first of them envisaged Islam as a demoniac pseudo-religion (or anti-religion), the second being milder and ready to accept the Islamic neighbors not as a whole, but rather as different states, culturally not so different from Byzantium, with diplomacy playing role for keeping balance in the East. Thus, the Byzantine Realpolitik appeared as a phenomenon, what provoked crusaders to accuse Byzantium as being traitor to the Christian cause in the East. In that context should we pose the interesting incident at the end of Manuel I Komnenos’ reign (1143 – 1180). Both Church and society were provoked by the decision of the Emperor to lift up the anathemas against Allah from the trivial ritual of denouncing Islam. -
Walter E. Kaegi ——————————
oi.uchicago.edu/oi/AR/03-04/03-04_AR_TOC.html INDIVIDUAL RESEARCH Walter E. Kaegi Walter E. Kaegi continued to investigate, expand, and polish the embryo of his book manu- script The Dynamics of Muslim Invasions and Byzantine Resistance in North Africa. His book Heraclius Emperor of Byzantium, which Cambridge University Press published in 2003, contin- ues to sell well, his editor informs him. He published the following papers: “The Earliest Muslim Penetrations of Anatolia,” in Byzantine State and Society in Memory of Nikos Oikonomides, ed- ited by A. Avramea, A. Laiou, E. Chrysos (Athens, 2003), pp. 269–82; and “Les défaites de Byzance en Orient” and “Expansion musulmane. La conquête de l’Ouest” [French translations of “Religious Elements in Muslim Conquests” and “North Africa”] in Le Monde de la Bible (No. 154, November 2003): 14–19, 36–41. Kaegi also published some book reviews: “Review of Byzantium and the Arabs in the Sixth Century, Volume 2, Part 1,” by Irfan Shahid, in Journal of the American Oriental Society 123 (2003): 461–62; “Review of A Cumulative Bibliography of Medieval and Early Modern Military History and Technology, by K. DeVries,” for De Re Militari (2004): http://www.deremilitari.org/RESOURCES/REVIEWS/devries_cb.htm; and “Review of Armies of the Caliphs, by H. Kennedy, in International History Review 16 (2004): 105–07. Regarding publications now at press, Kaegi completed two articles that will appear in Byzantinische Forschungen 28 (2004): “The Interrelationship of Seventh-Century Muslim Raids into Anatolia with the Struggle for North Africa” and “Byzantine Studies Present and Future.” He also completed the following paper, “The Early Muslim Raids into Anatolia and Byzantine Reactions under Emperor Constans II,” which was accepted and will appear in the proceedings of the University of Erfurt (Germany) International Workshop on “The Encounter of Oriental Christianity with Islam in the 7th and 8th Centuries,” under the editorship of Emmanouela Grypeou.