Journal of Archaeology and Ancient History 2020 Number 28 Editor: Karl-Johan Lindholm Editorial Board: Assyriology: Olof Pedersén. Archaeology: Anders Kaliff, Neil Price. Classical Archaeology and Ancient History: Gunnel Ekroth, Lars Karlsson. Egyptology: Andreas Dorn.

Editorial history, illustrations : www.arkeologi.uu.se/Journal/jaah_28 ISSN: 2001-1199

Published: 2020-12-15 at http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-426054

The Late Roman and Early Byzantine Solidi of the Stiernstedt Ancient Collection

Svante Fischer1

1 [email protected]

Department of Archaeology and Ancient History Uppsala University,

MB ABSTRACT Svante Fischer 2020. The Late Roman and Early Byzantine Solidi of the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection.

Journal of Archaeology and Ancient History. 2020, No. 28 pp 1–26. http://urn. kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-426054

Thi s is a study of 33 Late Roman and Early Byzantine solidi from the period 394-565 that are kept in the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection. Th e solidi were acquired in the late nineteenth century by the co-founding president of the Swedish Numismatic Society, August Wilhelm Stiernstedt. After his death, the solidi along with 2,434 other were published a coherent assembly, the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection (Heilborn 1882). Th e entire collec- tion was acquired at a sale from the Bukowski auction house in by the Swedish-Texan antebellum cattle baron and gilded age banker Swante Swenson the same year. Together with many other coins and various prehistoric objects acquired in Sweden, the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collec- tion was donated by Swenson in 1891 to the State of Texas under the name of the Swenson Collection. Th e Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection is currently kept at the Dolph Briscoe Center for American History at the University of Texas at Austin. Th e study concludes with a catalogue of the 33 solidi. In the commentary, I have tried to identify and recontextualize the solidi by compar- ing them to recorded hoards from Scandinavia and the European Continent as well as unprovenanced solidi in Swedish and European collections.

KEYWORDS Late ; Scandinavian Migration Period; Roman ; Wilhelm August Stiernstedt; Coin collection; 19th century antiquarianism; Scandinavian Archaeology; Late Roman and Early Byzantine Numismatics Svante Fischer

The Late Roman and Early Byzantine Solidi of the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection

Introduction Th is study concludes a research project fi nanced by a 2018 grant from the Berit Wallenberg Foundation. 1 Th e purpose of this research project was to document and publish a number of solidi that were acquired in the late nineteenth century by Baron August Wilhelm Stiernstedt (1812–1880) (see Fig 1, Table 1). Th e solidi were included in his Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection, which is currently kept at the Dolph Briscoe Center for American History at the University of Texas at Austin.

Fig 1. August Wilhelm Stiernstedt. Photograph courtesy of Riksarkivet.

1 Th e research project has also been supported by the Gunnar Ekström Foundation for Numismatic Research, Th e Sven Svensson Numismatic Foundation, the Swedish Society for Ancient Monuments, the Dolph Briscoe Center and the Department of Classics of the University of Texas at Austin. I wish to thank D. Alex Walthall and Ingrid Edlund-Berry of the Department of Classics, and Stephanie P. Malmros of the Dolph Briscoe Center. I am also much indebted to the helpful staff of the Dolph Briscoe Center for their generous assistance and stoic patience.

3 6 6 6 6 5 6 5 6 5 7 6 6 6 5 5 6 6 6 6 7 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 5 6 12 12 11 12 12 Die-axis 4,4 4,4 4,4 4,4 4,43 4,51 4,43 4,39 4,39 4,45 4,41 4,36 4,41 4,44 4,45 4,42 4,28 4,42 4,46 4,35 4,19 4,45 4,36 4,48 4,44 4,48 4,44 4,44 4,42 4,36 4,45 5,16 4,44 4,28 Weight (g) Weight 20 20 19 21,9 19,7 19,5 19,6 20,09 21,35 21,01 22,86 20,49 21,48 21,26 21,95 21,58 21,19 21,98 20,64 20,95 20,79 21,18 20,07 20,39 20,47 21,02 20,24 20,51 20,31 20,25 20,28 22,27 21,46 20,98 Diam. (max) Mint Milan Ravenna Ravenna ? Gaul? Constantinople Rome Ravenna Milan Constantinople Constantinople Constantinople Constantinople Constantinople Constantinople Constantinople Constantinople Constantinople Constantinople Thessalonica Constantinople Constantinople Ravenna Constantinople Constantinople Constantinople Gotland? Gaul? Constantinople Italy? Mintmark CONOB RV MD MD RV RM RV IMITATION,RV IMITATION,RV CONOB COMOB RV MD CONOB CONOB,Beta CONOB,Sigma CONOB,Gamma CONOB,Gamma CONOB CONOB,Beta CONOB,Gamma CONOB,Theta CONOB,Heta THSOB CONOB,Delta CONOB;Epsilon COMOB,RV CONOB,Sigma CONOB,Iota CONOB,Iota IMITATION IMITATION CONOB COMOB Ruler ValentinianIII Honorius Honorius GallaPlacidia ValentinianIII ValentinianIII ValentinianIII ValentinianIII ValentinianIII Julius Nepos Thedosius II Thedosius II Thedosius II Thedosius II Marcian Leo I Leo I Leo I Leo I Zeno Zeno Zeno Zeno Zeno Anastasius Anastasius Justinian Justinian ? ? ? ? ? 455 412 395 395 430 455 440 447 472 477 402 447 408 420 434 456 456 466 466 466 466 472 491 491 491 491 491 491 565 Date (to) 451 402 394 394 426 425 430 425 425 441 468 474 394 441 402 408 431 451 451 462 462 462 462 457 474 474 474 474 474 474 491 491 535 527 Date (from) – – – X 27 X 506 X 287 X 202 X 257 X 510 X 510 X 605 X 605 X 605 X 605 X 616 X 929 X 930 X 930 X 929 X 929 X X 292X X 1287 X 1206 X 1206 X 2021 X 2005 X 2018 X 3711 X 3711 X 2816 X 3212 X 1205 X 3627 X MIB 74 RIC X/MIB RIC Fig, Plate Fig 11a-b, Pl IV Fig 26a-b, Pl IX Fig 19a-b, Pl VI Fig 29a-b, Pl X Fig 17a-b, VI Fig 6a-b, Pl II Fig 4a-b, Pl I Fig 5a-b, Pl II Fig 13a-b, Pl IV Fig 12a-b, Pl IV Fig 14a-b, Pl V Fig 15a-b, Pl V Fig 16a-b, Pl V Fig 25a-b, Pl VIII Fig 3a-b, Pl I Fig 10a-b, Pl III Fig 7a-b, Pl II Fig 8a-b, Pl III Fig 9a-b, Pl III Fig 18a-b, Pl VI Fig 20a-b, Pl VII Fig 21a-b, Pl VII Fig 22a-b, Pl VII Fig 23a-b, Pl VIII Fig 24a-b, Pl VIII Fig 28a-b, Pl IX Fig 27a-b, Pl IX Fig 30a-b, Pl X Fig 31a-b, Pl X Fig 32a-b, Pl XI Fig 33a-b, Pl XI Fig 34a-b, Pl XI Fig 35a-b, Pl XII Fig 36a-b, Pl XII 36 28 28 28 33 33 34 35 35 41 27 31 29 30 30 37 39 39 39 39 40 43 43 44 44 44 45 45 47 Page Inv. # 2400-2289 47 2400-2165 2400-2187 2400-2188 2400-2189 2400-22082400-2209 32 2400-2210 2400-2212 2400-2211 2400-2213 2400-2215 2400-22162400-2233 42 2400-2247 2400-2248 2400-2249 2400-2250 2400-2255 2400-22562400-2258 38 2400-2259 2400-2260 2400-2261 2400-2262 2400-2264 2400-22652400-2266 44 2400-2267 2400-2268 2400-2269 2400-2270 2400-2271 2400-2288 . Solidi in the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection issued 394-565. in the Stiernstedt 1 . Solidi Table

4 In 1849, Stiernstedt sent a solidus to the Swedish National Board of Antiquities, Riksantikvarieämbetet (RAÄ). It was struck for Constantine II in Aquileia (see Fig 2, p 53, Plate I). The coin was found by the farmstead of Ella near the lake Klämmingen in Gåsinge parish, Södermanland in the fall of 1848 by farmhands during potato harvest. It was acquired by the Swedish History Museum (SHM) and given the inventory number SHM 1500. It remains a highly unusual find as most such coins are found in hoards. The rationale behind the research project was to verify a lingering suspicion that at least some of the solidi kept at the University of Texas had been found in Sweden, too. This proved to be the case. The solidi must be regarded as decontextualized artifacts that have been deliberately stripped of a major part of their historical narrative. It must be emphasized that collecting coins in nineteenth century Sweden was an ambivalent process where people were aware that finds should be reported but coins were considered far more important than archaeological finds. This paper aims to restore context to the solidi. But in order return an archaeological value to the coins, the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection cannot be understood in isolation but must be integrated in a wider analysis. The solidi constitute unexplored new source material from the Scandinavian Migration Period. They have to be recontextualized in much larger studies. To do so, one must first publish an updated catalogue of the solidi. An initial obstacle for the research project was the fact that this very important coin collection has never been studied in any detail until recently. For a brief history of the collection from a Texan perspective, see King (1965), Kroll (1978); for a general numismatic description, see Castellano (2018a, 2018b). Only one of the solidi, coin 2400-2270, has been briefly mentioned in passim in the field of Late Roman and Early Byzantine numismatics. This was due to the fact that it belongs to a group of die-linked solidi from Etelhem Parish, Gotland, an integral part of the Scandinavian solidus horizon (Fagerlie 1967, 70, fn 84). In the course of my examination of the solidi, I have compared them to the corpus of recorded Late Roman solidi in Scandinavia along with most of the published recorded hoards from Italy and the European Continent. In particular, I have attempted to determine the find places of the solidi by comparing the distribution pattern of various solidus types. This endeavor was possible due to the considerable regional variation of recorded solidus finds in both Scandinavia and the European Continent. Thankfully, the recorded data from the main solidus contexts shows that various areas of Scandinavia and the European Continent were very different from each other. Certain types of solidi related to political events and military campaigns have circulated in separate networks and along specific importation routes during certain periods, resulting in very different solidus finds in various regions.

4 5 Stiernstedt and his Coin Collections – A Short Biography Baron August Wilhelm Stiernstedt may be described as a man of consequence. He was a state attorney and politician who served in the house of lords in the Swedish estates-general 1844–1866. In addition, he was a royal chamberlain 1849–1880, state herald of Sweden 1855–1880, and Swedish herald of arms in ordinary 1855–1861. He was a co-founder of the Swedish Numismatic Society (SNF) and served as its first president 1873–1880. Stiernstedt published a number of works on numismatics and heraldry, receiving a reward from the Royal of Letters, History and Antiquities (KVHAA) for his scholarship on Swedish bronze coinage (Stiernstedt 1863–64). He married well and subsequently settled on Hesselbyholm, the estate of his wife’s family near Strängnäs. Despite this at least superficially impressive career, Stiernstedt was described by the secretary of the SNF, the prominent Swedish academy member and poet Carl Snoilsky (1841–1903), as a ruthless person who employed unethical methods to enlarge his personal collection. This probably had to do with how Stiernstedt was able to acquire Snoilsky’s own collection when the latter filed for divorce and moved abroad (Lagerqvist 2009, 465). In fact, Stiernstedt was able to assemble at least two major coin collections. The first collection was posthumously published in 1881 and consisted of 3,356 Scandinavian coins (Stiernstedt 1881). The second was the collection of ancient coins. After Stiernstedt’s unexpected death of typhoid fever in Pojo, in 1880, his estate was liquidated. The surviving relatives had the two collections auctioned off in two major sales in 1882 and 1884. The Scandinavian collection was sold in 1884 to the affluent collector Herman Frithof Antell of Finland after prolonged negotiations. It was eventually acquired by the National Museum of Finland (NMF) in 1893 after Antell’s death. The second collection, the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection of 2,467 Ancient, Greek, Roman and Byzantine coins, was published in 1882 as a rather terse French-language catalogue with an impressive title: Catalogue descriptif de la collection des monnaies antiques, grecques, romaines et byzantines de feu Baron A. W. Stjernstedt; avec une appendice ; monnaies des rois et Vandales en Afrique. The catalogue was written by Otto Henric Heilborn (1856–1909) on behalf of the Bukowski auction house in Stockholm. It is uncertain but quite unlikely that Otto Heilborn added anything of scientific value to the catalogue. Heilborn eventually became a prominent Stockholm businessman and banker, but also a collector and amateur scholar. He had a successful career in banking, being elected to the executive board of Enskilda Bank after its reconstruction in 1902. As was customary for the well-connected élite of the time, Heilborn joined the ranks of the corps consulaire, serving as consul general of Mexico to Sweden 1895–1909. Heilborn was also a member of the Swedish Society for Anthropology and Geography. In addition, he had a colonial business enterprise in German Cameroon in the 1890’s. Although it is

6 abundantly clear that Heilborn was a very erudite person, it seems reasonable to assume that he wrote the catalogue at the age of 26 in his function as a relatively junior financial manager of the Stiernstedt estate or the Bukowski auction house rather than as a professional numismatist. Stiernstedt’s Ancient Coin Collection was probably far from complete when he died in 1880. Given the impressive size, it must be regarded an unfinished work in progress. It was an assemblage that consisted of many different collections and acquisitions. One possible source may have been the collection of Gustav Daniel de Lorichs (1785–1855), the Swedish chargé d’affaires in Spain 1814–1853. Some of Lorichs’ collection was acquired by the Royal Coin Cabinet in Stockholm (KMK) in 1863 and Stiernstedt may have been involved in this transaction (Castellano 2018b, 157). There are seven coins with inked inventory numbers belonging to another collection. (Four of these have sequential numbers in two segments: 3093-3094 (Coin 2400-718 , and Coin 2400-749 ), and 3102-3103 (Coin 2400- 848 Sabina, and Coin 2400-874 ). The remaining inventory numbers are: 3112 (Coin 2400-1114 ), 3116 (Coin 2400- 1223 ) and 3131 (Coin 2400-1896 Constantine I). As late as 1873, Stiernstedt sold three of the Roman coins to the Strängnäs coin collection (Hedlund 2012). Most likely, Stiernstedt hoped to use some of the collection to get hold of other more valuable coins in the future. Many of the solidi in the collection may have been kept by Stiernstedt as future bargaining chips. There was probably no reason for him to be sentimental and hold on to six worn and mutilated solidi in the name of Zeno from some non-reported Swedish hoard. This realization forces us to accept that what is preserved in the Stiernstedt collection today is not necessarily representative of what once passed through Stiernstedt’s hands. In addition, that Stiernstedt may have been able to procure solidi from the established collections of the KMK and the SHM, the Lund University Historical Museum (LUHM), and the Uppsala University Coin Cabinet (UUM) even if there are no records of such transactions. It is no secret that Jonas Hallenberg (1748–1834), the KVHAA secretary responsible for managing the KMK up to 1817 was by his own admission blatantly incompetent and lazy (Hallenberg 1804, Hildebrand 1971, 22). During his tenure at the KMK, Hallenberg refused to acquire all reported coin finds and left behind a disorganized mess that his successor Bror Emil Hildebrand (1804–1886) had to clean up for many years. Stiernstedt was a knowledgeable collector in certain fields, but not in regard to . There are errors in the auction catalogue of Heilborn (1882) than can possibly be attributed to Stiernstedt, notably the faulty attribution to Valentinian II (375-392) of a RIC X 506 struck in Constantinople under Marcian (450-457) in the name of Valentinian III (425-455). The three authorities employed for the classification are the French scholar Théodore Edmé Mionnet (1770-1842), author of Description des médailles antiques, grecques et romaines (1806–30, in 17 vols.), De la rareté et du prix des médailles romaines (1815; 3d ed. 1847), and the Danish scholars Christian Ramus

6 7 (1765-1832), author of Catalogus numorum veterum graecorum et latinorum Musei Regis Daniae (1816), and Christian Jürgensen Thomsen (1788–1865), see Brock (1866-1869). These were probably used by Stiernstedt and it is likely that the Heilborn 1882 catalogue simply copied the notes kept by the former. Despite not being an expert, Stiernstedt must have been quite aware as to which solidi were rare and more valuable than others in his own time. Besides Ramus (1816), Mionnet (1806–1830, 1847) and Thomsen’s collection published by Brock (1866-1869), he probably used the works of Hallenberg (1804), Sabatier (1862), and Brock (1874) to ascertain what was at hand in Swedish and Danish collections. It also seems likely that Stiernstedt was in contact with a contemporary circle of Danish collectors and numismatic scholars which included Thomsen, Ludvig Müller (1809–1891), Christian Fredrik Herbst (1818–1911) and Peter Brock (1842–1906). They were both museum curators and private collectors (with all ethical complications that such double standards imply) and quite knowledgeable about Late Roman coinage. Several of them may well have assisted Stiernstedt in various ways although this can only be confirmed by further study beyond the scope of this paper. In 1882, all coins listed in the Heilborn catalogue were acquired by Swedish-Texan antebellum entrepreneur and later gilded age philanthropist Swante Magnus Swenson (1816–1896) at the price of 4,500 Swedish Crowns.2 Swenson and his business partner and maternal uncle Swante Palm (1815– 1897) were two affluent collectors with a clever investment strategy. They had left their home in Barkeryd Parish, Småland for America in search of wealth and opportunity. They were determined businessmen, but also self-taught intellectuals eager to diffuse learning to others (Edlund-Berry 2017). Upon arrival in the then independent Republic of Texas and the United States in the late 1830’s and early 1840’s respectively, they soon Americanized their names from Svante Jeansson and Svante Svensson to Swante Palm and Swante M. Swenson. When Palm and Swenson had acquired enough wealth from steamboat trade on the Mississippi and landholdings in Texas, they diversified their investment portfolios by buying books, coins and other antiquities at auctions in Sweden and shipping them to Texas where the value immediately increased upon arrival. Both wisely stayed out of national American politics during the Civil War 1861–1865, but they were nevertheless involved in both Austin and Texan state politics before and after the Civil War as elected politicians and philanthropists. Especially Palm was very active, he donated books and money to public libraries and supported Lutheran congregations financially. Despite changing their names, Palm and Swenson deliberately kept their Swedish citizenship; Palm was even being granted diplomatic status by the United

2 This information has been gathered from a contemporary cursive hand-written pencil note in a copy of the Heilborn 1882 catalogue kept in the Royal Library (KB) in Stockholm: “Såld till Amerika för 4500 kr. Köparens namn är Svensson.” (Sold to America for 4,500 Crowns. The buyer is named Svensson).

8 Kingdoms of Sweden and Norway in 1866, climbing his way into selected few of the corps consulaire. He was later decorated with the Vasa Order by King Oscar II in 1883 in recognition for continuous services to the native country. Having transferred his main business interest from landholding in Texas to banking in New York City during the Civil War, Swenson donated the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection along with other collections he had acquired in Sweden to the State of Texas in 1891. The idea was that the collections should be studied at the new University of Texas at Austin. The official acceptance of the Swenson donation to the State of Texas was signed June 27, 1891 by Texas governor James Stephen Hogg (1851–1906). Swenson’s donation was shipped from Sweden in 1892, a whole decade after the auction of the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection. It finally arrived in Austin that same year. The Board of Regents of the University of Texas at Austin estimated the value of the Swenson donation to 75,000 US Dollars – no small net gain in value.

“Coins, not Finds” – Nineteenth Century Classical Education and Coin Collections To understand how and why the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection came into being, one needs to discuss the intellectual environment in which Stiernstedt existed. Despite the strong antiquarian tradition in Sweden, it is clear that coins, not finds, were considered most important even to many numismatists employed in museums. In the late nineteenth century, the study of Greek and Roman coins from the Mediterranean was associated with classical learning and education. The vast majority of these coins were decontextualized. Many towns and dioceses in Sweden and Finland that could pride themselves with museums, universities, junior colleges, seminars or senior high schools often had public coin collections. The roster includes , Jönköping, Helsinki (Helsingfors), Kalmar, Karlstad, Kristianstad, Lund, Örebro, Östersund, Porvoo (Borgå), Stockholm, Strängnäs, Sundsvall, Turku (Åbo), Umeå, Uppsala, Växjö and Visby (Hildebrand 1935, Hedlund 2012). In addition, there were often important libraries and book collections connected to the Greek and Roman coin collections. A case in point is Stiernstedt’s own numismatic library which was donated to the senior high school of Strängnäs along with a collection of 300 tokens. In many ways, Swenson’s acquisition of the Greek and Roman coins in the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection and Palm’s collection of rare books in should be seen in the light of this sentiment. The two Swedish-Texans simply wanted to reproduce in Austin what they knew of classical learning from Sweden, while also augmenting their status and self-value as generous philanthropists (Edlund-Berry 2017). Some coin collections were associated with private societies such as masonic lodges and social clubs (Lilienberg 1910). There were also a number of private

8 9 Sweden Finland Sweden Sweden Sweden Sweden Sweden United States Sweden Sweden Sweden Country Sweden NMF, HelsinkiNMF, Borgholm Finland Porvoo Visby Helsingborg Hudiksvall BM, LondonKalmar Lund UT Austin, TX Stockholm Uppsala GM, Visby Current Location Current KLM, Kalmar 1910 Final transfer Final 18261853 1894 1952 1926 1871 18821857 1892 1936 First recordFirst Collection Collection Bladh Anders Collection Killig Franz Borgholms fornminnesgårdBorgholms Borgå Gymnasium GM Helsingborgs Museum Hudiksvalls Museum Curle Collection Gotlandic KLM LUHM AncientStiernstedt Coin Collection Timmermansorden UUM Visby Gymnasium Coin collections with solidus finds from Sweden. 2. Coin collections with solidus finds from Table

10 collections, many of which were later donated to educational institutions or museums (Wiséhn 2009). Many of the coin collections and libraries were later subject to plunder. As a result, several book and coin collections have since been transferred to larger institutions. A case in point, the Strängnäs collections are now kept in the KB and the KMK in Stockholm (Lagerqvist 2009, Hedlund 2012, Andersson & Stenback 2018). Table 2 is a compilation of Swedish collections known to include solidi. The two county museums, Kalmar County Museum (KLM) and the Gotland County Museum (GM), and a municipal museum, Borgholms fornminnesgård, have solidi from Öland and Gotland. During her inventory 1958–1961, the American numismatist Joan M. Fagerlie (1967) visited both the KLM and GM, but the collection in the KLM has seen considerable growth since Fagerlie’s survey was published in 1967 (Herschend 1978, Westermark 1980, 1983, Kyhlberg 1986). Today, there is roughly a half-dozen nineteenth century private coin collections that still include Swedish finds of Late Roman solidi. In addition, there are two state university coin cabinets in Lund and Uppsala that keep solidi found in Sweden in their collections. Most of the solidi in these collections were probably retrieved in the late eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth century, before the National Board of Antiquities (RAÄ) began to acquire all prehistoric finds found in Sweden. By the mid-nineteenth century, the Swedish government began a policy of transferring recorded archaeological finds to Stockholm and the SHM. Under the tenure of the very able Swedish state antiquarian Bror Emil Hildebrand, the RAÄ emerged as the main buyer of solidi offered for sale on the open market. The recorded finds of solidi in the early nineteenth century from Öland and Gotland suggest that solidi could be acquired, once finds first had been reported and offered for sale to the government. In the 1930’s, the otherwise strict centralist policy of the RAÄ changed slightly. County museums were suddenly allowed to keep precious metal hoards. This meant that the counties of Kalmar and Gotland with frequent finds of solidi were allowed to keep important sections of the accumulating find horizon. At least four of the collections include solidi that are likely to come from Gotland: the Anders Bladh Collection, LUHM, UUM, and the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection. Then, there is a Christian Fredrik Herbst Collection (SHM 5307) acquired by the SHM in 1873–74 for 8,000 Riksdaler Riksmynt. It included 39 Byzantine and four West Roman gold coins, including solidi from Bornholm (Horsnaes 2009, 2013). The Byzantine coins are described in Danish in the SHM acquisition catalogue as ”en god og smuk samling” (a good and beautiful collection). These solidi now appear to be lost or at least unaccounted for. Three of the collections were created by two brothers – Professor Carl Säve (1812–1876) and Professor Pehr Arvid Säve (1812– 1887). They were capable historians, linguists, runologists, folklorists and ethnographers born and raised on Gotland, and both were members of the KVHAA. On Gotland, the Säve brothers are known to have donated solidi to the coin collections of Visby Gymnasium (where Pehr Arvid Säve taught)

10 11 and Gotlands Fornsal (the current GM), founded by Pehr Arvid Säve). On the mainland of Sweden, Carl Säve was the keeper of the UUM from 1857 to his death (Mäkeler and Berghaus 2001). Some of the coin collections have been removed from Sweden. Today, two collections are kept in Finland (part of Sweden until 1809), one in Britain and one in the United States. The by far largest preserved collection is the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection in Texas. As a rule, these collections were not included in Fagerlie’s 1967 survey of late Roman solidi in and Sweden, although she was clearly aware of at least one specimen in the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection. While Fagerlie studied solidi kept at LUHM, some lost solidi have since been recovered (Westermark 1980, 1983; Kyhlberg 1986). Below follows a brief presentation of some of the various collections, as they offer an insight in the antiquarian environment in which Stiernstedt operated. Professor Anders Bladh (1748–1834) was born in then Swedish Finland, served as the chief physician of the city of Stockholm and was a member of both the KVHAA and the KVA (Wiséhn 2009). He was given a reward in 1794 by the KVHAA for his lectures on Oriental coins found in Sweden. Bladh’s collection was donated to his old alma mater Åbo Universitet (currently the University of Turku, Finland). The collection included a gold bracteate and six gold coins, three of which were solidi. After had conquered Finland from Sweden, the university was later transferred in 1830 to the new capital of Helsinki (Helsingfors). In 1893, the coins were transferred anew to the newly inaugurated NMF, where coincidentally a major collection of Scandinavian Viking Age and Medieval coins that had once belonged to Stiernstedt came to be the cornerstone of the numismatic collection. The gold coins were published by Talvio (1978). Among these, Talvio noted a solidus imitation die-linked to finds from Gotland. There is also a solidus for Anthemius that is die-linked to the San Mamiliano hoard in Italy (Arslan 2015, no. 427; Fischer 2019b). The GM was founded in 1875 as Gotlands fornsal by that ubiquitous intellectual Pehr Arvid Säve, moving into its current buildings in 1880. The nearby Visby Gymnasium was where Pehr Arvid Säve taught for many decades. Like his brother in Uppsala, Säve had very high intellectual standards. Proof of his indefatigable spirit, the scientific collections of the Visby Gymnasium were very precious. Eventually, the school was renamed Sävegymnasiet in his memory. It was subsequently subject to considerable plunder, not least by Ragnar Engeström (1946–2008), a senior state antiquarian of the RAÄ, who served a prison sentence for stealing and selling Pehr Arvid Säve’s rare 1687 first edition of Isaac Newton’s Philosophiae Naturalis Principia Mathematica at Sotheby’s in London (Gardell & Simander 2015). Today, the combined collections from Visby kept at GM include 17 solidi. James Curle of Melrose (1862–1944) was a British collector who traveled to Gotland on at least two occasions in 1895–96 and 1901–1902 in order to acquire and decontextualize antiquities, armed with substantial sums of money and a self-serving interpretation of Swedish law. Curle had an unorthodox

12 way of treating Swedish antiquarian authorities, involving varying degrees of deceit, bribery, and chauvinist self-flattery. Curle’s Gotlandic collection was acquired by the British Museum (BM) in 1921 and given the inventory number 1922,0523 the following year (Kidd & Thunmark-Nylén 1990). Some 12 solidi are known to have been in Curle’s possession after his plunder on Gotland. Yet only four solidi can be identified in the BM today. It is difficult to estimate how many solidi have been stolen from Gotland over the years by the likes of Curle and Engeström. The diocese of Kalmar was a very learned environment in the late nineteenth century. The origins for the KLM can be traced back to 1871, when the association for ancient monuments in Kalmar County moved into Kalmar castle. From 1927, the museum received state funding. Under the leadership of Manne Hofrén, the museum began to keep finds of solidi from Öland. There are currently some 50 solidi in KLM. The hoard of Hulterstad was kept in the coin collection of Kalmar Läroverk in the nineteenth century before being transferred to the KMK. The bronze coins from the latter institution are currently kept in UUM. The LUHM is one of the oldest museums in Sweden. It is difficult to discern the exact origin of many of the solidi kept at the LUHM. Still it is certain that parts of the Kaggeholm hoard from Uppland in central Sweden discovered in 1783 were kept in Lund already in the nineteenth century, as in the case of Borgå Lyceum in Finland (Talvio 1975). Six unprovenanced solidi in the LUHM are very likely to be Swedish finds. They would not have looked out of place in the now lost hoard of Gyllerup in but could equally well come from Uppland or the Baltic islands. This brings the total of the LUHM solidus inventory to 14, eight of which were listed by Fagerlie (1967). Timmermansorden is a Stockholm masonic order founded in 1761. Most of the coin collection in the Timmermansorden was donated in the nineteenth century by the royal chamberlain C J Roos af Hjelmsäter, an affluent noble landowner from Västergötland. The coins are likely to have a Swedish origin. A 1910 inventory lists 3049 coins and medals (Lilienberg 1910). Today, there are two solidi in the collection, which are not listed in Lilienberg’s inventory, one is a Concordia issue for Arcadius (Fischer 2019c), the other is a RIC X 630 for Leo I with an assay mark. These were not included in the study of Fagerlie (1967), presumably because she was unfamiliar with the collection. Uppsala University is the oldest university of Scandinavia, founded in 1477. The earliest written record of an archaeological find coin by scholars of Uppsala University dates to 1686. The coin cabinet UUM was probably created in the eighteenth century at the bequest of Queen Lovisa Ulrika (1720-1782). In 1857, the newly appointed director of the coin cabinet Carl Säve listed 21 Byzantine gold coins. Among the 13 solidi currently kept in the Uppsala University Coin Cabinet are 11 coins from the period 395–565, several which are pierced and assay-marked specimens typical of Gotland. For some reason, Fagerlie (1967) never included these in her study although she must have been aware of them and the fact that Carl Säve was in charge of the UUM.

12 13 The Solidi in the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection. In total there are 33 solidi from the period 394–565, see Table 1. Some 12 imperial personae and five official imperial mints are represented, along with five separate pseudo-imperial mints. Among the latter, two sport the legend RV, two CONOB and one COMOB. It would have sufficed for Stiernstedt just to buy two small solidus hoards, one from Öland and one from Gotland in order to have all the solidi in the catalogue. On Öland, the Hjärpestad hoard (Fagerlie 1967, hoard no. 85-86) with 15 solidi provides almost all the early types. On Gotland, the Smiss hoard (Fagerlie 1967, hoard no. 122) with 25 solidi would provide the rest. There are a number of surprises in the composition of the collection. 1. There are no solidi for or Libius Severus. That is, there are no western solidi from the period 456–467. This can be explained by the absence of such coins on the market, though, see tables 3-4. 2. There are no solidi of the type RIC X 630 for Leo I, only RIC X 605 and RIC X 617. This means that all Leo I in the collection date from the period 457–466. 3. There are no solidi from the first reign or early second reign for Zeno from Constantinople. All five solidi postdate 477. The eastern solidi for Zeno are probably of a much later date than 477 given that I have compared them to the Esquiline hoard (tpq 480). It would seem that all solidi for Zeno are probably from the late 480’s. 4. There are no Constantinopolitan or Italian solidi for either Anastasius I or . That is, there are no genuine or Ostrogothic solidi from the period 491-527.

There is no overlap between several rulers in the collection. This is remarkable as both the period 466–476 and the later period 491–527 are unusually productive. In fact, the solidus output of the years 462–476 constitutes the apex of the entire fifth century. This means that substantial parts of the most frequent solidus types are missing in the collection. It cannot be excluded that Stiernstedt could have gotten hold of separate and unrelated solidus hoards, or that he had rid himself of overlapping solidi before he died, although this latter scenario seems unlikely. The simplest explanation is that he acquired most of the solidi in Sweden and that he was happy to keep as many as possible until he could get something with a better market value for them. In this case it seems most likely that the early solidi for Leo I are from Öland and the late issues for Zeno, the two imitations for Anastasius I and the two solidi for are from Gotland. Tables 3-4 also show that it would have been difficult for Stiernstedt to acquire many of the missing types as most such finds were reported and acquired by the Swedish government.

14 The Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection – Current State of Preservation The preserved correspondence between Swenson and the Board of Regents of the University of Texas is kept in a registrar’s file at the Dolph Briscoe Center. Letters exchanged between Swenson in New York and the Board of Regents of the University of Texas in Austin show that the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection arrived in Austin in 1892. It seems that the collection was perhaps not as appreciated by studious Texans as Swenson had once hoped (King 1965, Kroll 1978, Castellano 2018a, 2018b). From 1902 to 1926, the coins were stored in a safe to which the key had been lost, effectively safeguarded from both study and plunder. After 1926, the coins were stored in wooden cupboards with 200 slotted drawers. An inventory was made in 1936. From 1937 until 2002, the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection was kept as part of the larger Swenson Collection in many different places on the Austin campus – the Main Building, the Barker Center, the History Department, the basement of the Academic Center, and then at the Texas Memorial Museum (TMM). Preserved records show that a second inventory of the coins was conducted at the TMM in 1975–1978 using the numbers of the Heilborn 1882 catalogue, with the addition of a new prefix number 2400. The following prefix number 2401 was reserved for some 1,915 eighteenth century medallions belonging to the larger Swenson Collection. These medallions seem to be unrelated to the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection but were probably acquired in Sweden at the same time in the early 1880’s. The 1975–78 inventory was certainly not carried out by professional numismatists. The three persons conducting the inventory listed all coins in each numbered drawer in an annotated copy of the Heilborn 1882 catalogue. As a result, many coins were misplaced under incorrect inventory numbers. This was partially covered up by those conducting the inventory as they must have become aware that they were gradually creating more confusion as they went along. They hence construed several new inventory numbers with letter suffixes for coins that did not fit anywhere else (e.g. 2400-1914a) and then moved on to the next drawer. These erroneous additions obviously caused further chaos down the line but luckily not beyond each drawer, because coins that had been filed under new inventory numbers were then reported as missing from the very same drawer. The Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection was transferred with the rest of the Swenson Collection to the Dolph Briscoe Center in 2002. The Department of Classics initiated an inventory and new research on the coins of the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection in the Swenson Digitization project 2016 (Castellano 2018a, 2018b). The first steps towards a joint Swedish-Texan research project involving Swedish numismatists and the Swedish Numismatic Society began in 2018. The following year, I could travel to Texas to begin a study of the solidi supported by a grant from the Berit Wallenberg Foundation. The preliminary

14 15 results of the research conducted at the Dolph Briscoe Center were presented at a lecture at the Department of Classics in Austin on November 1, 2019.

Scientific Method and Project Implementation In October-November 2019, the main part of the research presented in this paper was conducted at the Dolph Briscoe Center. This research consisted of a three-stage process. Firstly, the coins and their individual file cards were compared to the registrar’s annotated copy of the Heilborn 1882 catalogue. I soon discovered that many of the new inventory numbers with letter suffixes created during the 1975–78 TMM inventory and the subsequent mixed-up inventory numbers of purportedly missing coins actually concerned the very same coins. In addition, I found that many coins had been misplaced under the wrong inventory numbers. As a rule, I was able to distinguish the misplaced coins from each other by comparing their reverse legends as indicated by the Heilborn 1882 catalogue. Coins 2400-2187, 2400-2188 and 2400-2189 (Honorius, 2 x Milan and 1 x Ravenna) could be distinguished from each other, as 2400-2187 has the legend MD in the reverse center. The bottom left seriff of the M is damaged. Thus, the Heilborn 1882 catalogue reads it as an no. Coin 2400-2188 has a regular legend MD, and coin 2400-2189 has RV (see Fig 4a-b, 5a-b. 6a-b). Coins 2400-2249 and 2400-2250 (Theodosius II) could be distinguished from each other as coin 2400-2249 is a CONCORDIA, whereas coin 2400-2250 is a VOT XXX (see Fig 8a-b, 9a-b). Coins 2400- 2255 and 2400-2256 (Marcian) could be distinguished from each other as coin 2400-2255 has the Greek letter Γ (Gamma, officina 3) at the end of the exergue, whereas coin 2400-2256 has no officina letter (see Fig 18a-b, 19a-b). Coins 2400-2264 and 2400-2268 (Zeno) could be distinguished from each other by their officinae letters Δ (Delta, officina 4) and I (Iota, officina 10) as indicated by the Heilborn 1882 catalogue (see Fig 28a-b, 31a-b). In addition, there are errors in the Heilborn 1882 catalogue in regard to coin 2400-2266 (Zeno) where the mint mark is not IIV but RV as in Ravenna. Similarly, coin 2400-2269 (Zeno) is CONOB Iota, not just CONOB (see Fig 32a-b). Coins 2400-2287 (a cast forgery excluded from the catalogue) and 2400-2288 (Justinian I) were misplaced but could be identified by the inventory card photographs. The solidi were then documented anew with digital equipment provided by the Department of Classics. Secondly, the coins were determined according to the major classification systems for solidi from this period. These are the DOC (Grierson & Mays 1992), the MIB (Hahn 1973), the MIBE (Hahn & Metlich 2000), and the RIC X (Kent 1994). From an archaeological perspective, it must be emphasized that recorded finds should always take precedence over decontextualized coins regarding the empirical source value. A major problem with the classification systems is that they were not conceived by archaeologists but written by numismatists and collectors mainly working with decontextualized coins in

16 sales catalogues and museum collections. In the case of the DOC, the recorded finds from Scandinavia were deliberately ignored. When some coins were deemed unclassifiable by me, I asked a number of colleagues for comparative evidence.3 The coins were then inspected for other characteristics such as wear, piercings, assay marks, graffiti, and mutilations. Thirdly, the actual dies were compared and matched to my database of some c. 7,000 individual solidi and 27,000 solidi in c. 120 hoards from Scandinavia, the European Continent and the Mediterranean. This helped identify die- linked coins, imitations and forgeries. After this initial three-stage process followed the analytical work where the solidi were attributed to specific periods that are particularly relevant for different areas of Scandinavia. Thereafter, the project was concluded by assigning the probable provenance of the various solidi following the distribution patterns of recorded solidus finds.

Wear There are different levels of wear among the coins in the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection. The general impression of the earlier solidi struck for Leo I in 457–466 is that they are all in good condition. This level of wear is typical of Öland but does not correspond to the finds from Gotland or Helgö where solidi of the same type are more worn and often pierced and/or mutilated. Most of the coins for Zeno (a later emperor) in the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection are less worn. These coins all date to Zeno’s second reign 476–491. They are more typical of Gotland, as there are only a handful of eastern solidi for Zeno from Öland, all of which are very worn and most of which date to Zeno’s first reign in 474–476. In short, the general picture that Fagerlie (1967) discerned in regard to the correlation between wear and chronology in regard to specific solidus issues on Öland and Gotland is not contradicted but rather confirmed by the coins in the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection.

Traces of Soil A most surprising feature is that many of the solidi still have soil or clay on them – they look exactly like proper archaeological finds of solidi kept in Swedish museums. There are traces of soil not least in the obverse helmets and looped letters such as O, P, A etc. on the eastern issues for Leo I and Zeno. There is even what looks like chip of white rock stuck in a solidus for Zeno. The frequent presence of soil on the solidi allows for the conclusion that many of the coins did not circulate among collectors who would have cleaned them, but rather came into Stiernstedt’s possession soon after having been discovered.

3 I wish to thank Ermanno A. Arslan and Fernando López-Sánchez for responding to my queries regarding the imitations from Gaul (Coins 2400-2211, 2400-2212, 2400-2271) and Italy (Coin 2400-2289).

16 17 It would be very interesting to see if the soil could be traced to specific locations in Scandinavia but such a research project is beyond the scope of this paper.

Mutilations The term mutilation describes a peculiar form of piercing on eastern solidi, that of a punch mark straight through the face of the three-quarter profile cuirassed and helmeted emperor. This was obviously intentional, and the idea must have been to separate these coins from other issues. A current working hypothesis is that the process of organized mutilation was a way for the East Roman administration to deactivate coins that was meant to be recycled as new coinage in the image of the current emperor (Fischer 2019a). In this scenario, the coins would be mutilated by tax officials as soon as tax was collected, and the mutilated coins were to be dispatched back to the imperial mint. This would explain the absence of any larger quantities of such coins in the Mediterranean. In many cases, the punch mark has subsequently been refilled with a gold pellet, suggesting that this was related to issues of weight standards. The most frequently mutilated imperial portraits are found on issues of Theodosius II, Leo I and Zeno, that is, the most common types of eastern solidus coinage circulating in the period 462–491. The earliest mutilated issue in Scandinavia is a VOT XX for Theodosius II (issued c. 421), a type that is generally missing in the Italian material, but part of a payment clearly considered important to the early fifth century import network to Scandinavia (Fischer 2017, Fischer 2019c). Meanwhile, most of the material dates to the reign of Leo I, and is of the very common type RIC X 605, struck c. 462–466. The mutilated corpus material ends with two issues of Justinian I, both from Gotland, but these specimens have hardly anything in common with the earlier mutilated issues. It is quite rare for mutilated solidi to appear within the recorded hoards inside the Empire. Fagerlie (1967, 145) argued that the mutilated solidi had received this treatment for political reasons somewhere in Barbaricum relatively close to the Empire, but prior to the arrival in Scandinavia given that there are two mutilated solidi in the Karsibor hoard in Pomerania (both struck for Theodosius II) and a few solidi in other European collections. This cannot be a correct general assumption given the current evidence. Once again, the important discovery of the San Mamiliano hoard complicates matters. It does contain at least one mutilated and refilled issue for Leo I and one for (Arslan 2015, no. 134 and no. 247). Thus, we can be certain that some form of organized mutilation of East Roman solidi struck for Leo I and Basiliscus did indeed take place inside the West Roman Empire, presumably in Italy during the turbulent years 475–477. The terminus ad quem of the San Mamiliano hoard is either 474 or 477, a solidus for being the final coin (Arslan 2015). But the youngest pierced coin in the hoard was issued

18 in Constantinople for Basiliscus in 475-476. For this to be a Scandinavian piercing, the coin would first have to travel up to Scandinavia from Constantinople, get pierced, and then be brought down to Italy and then be buried with 497 other solidi, just in time to be put aside with the Ariadne coin as the final coin – an extremely unlikely scenario. Rather, the more I look at the Mediterranean material, the more mutilations do I discover, the latest finds being in the Zeccone and Reggio-Emilia hoards. It could be argued that the mutilation process was a way for some key Continental actors to mark coinage that was about to leave their sphere of circulation, but it could simultaneously have served as a mark of quality for those about to return to Scandinavia with solidi that had been ear-marked for them. The current evidence appears inconclusive, as the key point is that the solidi were mutilated because they were about to leave the Empire for good. The Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection contains one mutilated solidus, coin 2400-2213 (Valentinian III).

Clippings The clipping of a coin is a common procedure whereby excess metal outside the center of the flan or rim of the die is removed after the striking of the coin. In periods of scarcity or relative isolation from main coin supplies, peripheral market actors often chose to clip coins further while keeping them in local circulation (Guest 2005). The Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection contains clipped solidi, notably coins 2400-2187 (Honorius), 2400-2216 (Julius Nepos) and 2400-2266 (Zeno). But there are also solidi that have not been clipped although they seem to have been very suited for this procedure.

Piercings Piercings were made on solidi primarily to test gold content, not to transform the coins into pendants. Piercing a solidus does not mean that one reduces its weight, as one simply pushes the gold aside within the mass of the original flan rather than away from the coin. This can be demonstrated by looking at the pierced solidi in the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection. In addition, piercings and mutilations could also be refilled with gold, increasing the weight of clipped coins. Piercings are relatively common in the Scandinavian solidus material, Fagerlie (1967, 137) listed 116 pierced solidi and 21 pierced and refilled solidi. That is to say that roughly 10% of the solidus material in Scandinavia is pierced. The regional differences are as usual quite striking. Fagerlie listed 43 pierced solidi on Gotland, the same number on Öland, with only 18 on the Swedish mainland and a mere 11 on Bornholm. Out of the 21 pierced and refilled solidi, ten were from Gotland and six from Öland. Among the 33 solidi in the catalogue, there are two pierced solidi, coins 2400-2215

18 19 (Valentinian III) and 2400-2262 (Leo I), and one pierced and refilled solidus, coin 2400-2264 (Zeno).

Imitations The idea to imitate a coin is only slightly younger than the idea to produce a coin. There are several imitations in the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection. Coins 2400-2211 and 2400-2212 are Gallo-Roman or Visigothic imitations in the name of Valentinian III. Both have traces of soil on them. The next two are imitations in the name of Anastasius I. Coin 2400-2271 is an early Merovingian Period imitation, probably from Gaul. Coin 2400-2270 is probably a Scandinavian imitation, possibly from Gotland. Coin 2400- 2289 is probably an Ostrogothic imitation in the name Justinian I. From an antiquarian perspective, it is clear that many of the imitations were correctly identified as such already in the nineteenth century. Thus, Stiernstedt must have been aware that he owned some imitations and may have deliberately sought to acquire imitations. In other cases, he mistakenly attributed the imitations to genuine imperial mints, presumably in good faith. The most important thing to remember, though, is that Stiernstedt’s choice of keeping certain solidus imitations may be indicative of their origin. The solidus imitations are not found everywhere. Rather, there is a distinct geographical distribution pattern that allows for some generalization.

Forgeries Second to the imitation is the forgery. There are two kinds of forgeries in regard to nineteenth century coin collections. First, there are ancient forgeries. These may have been recognized as such by collectors in the late nineteenth century but nevertheless retained. Second, there are more recent forgeries meant to fool collectors. The latter forgeries were produced already during the Renaissance, typically pretending to be coins for extremely short-lived or even fictitious imperial personae. The Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection has a number of recent forgeries, but these are mostly for third century and they are easy to identify (Castellano 2018a, 2018b). Among the coins I examined in the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection during October-November 2019, there were a few forgeries. Only one coin had to be excluded from the catalogue below, though. Coin 2400-2287 (purportedly Justinian I, Constantinople) is a gold-plated forgery. It is cast, not struck and made of gilt bronze. It is much thicker and more orange than coins 2400-2288 and 2400-2289. It is clear that coin 2400-2288 has not been used to create a copy. A coherent study of all forgeries in the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection is a considerable future challenge and beyond the scope of this paper.

20 Die-links The study of die-links is crucial in our understanding of the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection. The definition of a die-link is that it can be demonstrated that at least two coins have been struck with the same tool. It is undeniable that die-links prove that coins have been produced and then kept in the same place as other coins at some point in time and space. In a normal circulation process, coins are passed from hand to hand so that die-link chains are broken up and all coins become mixed up. But the circulation process of solidi was somewhat different since the coins were so valuable. Therefore, solidus die- links can tell us about specific distribution patterns. The die-links allow for a recontextualization of the solidi within Scandinavia. Given that we already know that coin 2400-2270 is die-linked to three find coins from Gotland (and these four are the only known examples their kind, see the catalogue entry below), we may hypothesize that if more coins turn out to match recorded die- linked coins found in clusters in given areas of Öland (e g Torslunda Parish) or Gotland (e g Etelhem Parish) it is very likely that a die-linked coin in the

Table 3. Scandinavian solidus hoards recorded before 1880 with missing solidi. Region Hoard Fagerlie 1967 no Year Reported solidi Missing solidi Uppland Kaggeholm 5 1783 21-29 17-25 Kalmar County Kalmar Castle 19 d before 1880 2 2 Blekinge Tjurkö 20 a 1817 1 1 Blekinge Målen 20 b 1838 1 1 Scania Gyllerup 26 1790 7 6 Scania Ö Vemmenhög 29 1824 1 1 Scania Rörsjön 31 1870 1 1 Scania Ystad 34 before 1872 1 1 Scania ? 35 b before 1872 1 1 Öland Bredsättra 50 1814 11 11 Öland Mossberga 74 1820 1 1 Öland Smedby 106 before 1880 1 1 Öland Smedby 107 before 1880 1 1 Öland Färjestaden 116 a before 1880 1 1 Öland ? 121 e before 1880 1 1 Öland ? 121 h before 1880 1 1 Gotland Sigvards 136 1703 5 5 Gotland Roma Kungsgård 168 b before 1880 1 1 Zealand Hvidore 196 1869 1 1 Zealand Assentorp 200 1868 1 1 Bornholm Kåsbygård 203 1839 14 4 Bornholm Kløvegård 209 1864 2 1 Bornholm Sylten 215 a 19th century 3 1 Bornholm Sylten 215 b 18th century 6 6 Bornholm Sønder 217 1763 1 1 Bornholm Sandegård 218 1869 4 1 Bornholm Soldatergård 219 1851 36 15 Bornholm Vester 223 1850 1 1 Bornholm ? 224 a 1690 2 1 Bornholm ? 224 e before 1880 3 3

20 21 1 1 2 Timmermansorden 1 1 1 3 Bladh, NMF 1 1 1 3 Curle, BM 1 1 1 1 1 1 6 LUHM 1 1 1 2 1 2 2 2 12 UUM 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 3 4 6 4 5 32 Stiernstedt 1 4 1 1 5 1 2 5 2 2 5 5 8 7 9 58 Collection total 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 5 5 6 16 18 84 23 Lost before 1880 before Lost Galla Galla Justinian Libius Severus Honoria Uncertain Imitation Basiliscus Arcadius Julius Nepos Anastasius Imitation Marcian Anastasius I Anthemius Honorius Valentinian III Zeno Theodosius II Emperor Leo I Total . Scandinavian solidus finds reported but missing before 1880 compared to unprovenanced finds in collections that include Swedish finds in collections that include to unprovenanced 1880 compared reported but missing before 4 . Scandinavian solidus finds Table 1880. finds of solidi before

22 Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection was discovered in the immediate vicinity. I was able to discern that at least seven of the 33 solidi in the catalogue are die-linked to other recorded solidi, mainly archeological finds from Italy and Sweden, see the entries for coins 2400-2209, 2400-2210, 2400-2213 (all in the name of Valentinian III), 2400-2215 (Anthemius), 2400-2216 (Julius Nepos), 2400-2266 (in the name of Zeno), 2400-2270 (in the name of Anastasius) below. This means that roughly a fifth of the solidi are die-linked, a feature that is perfectly in line with the ratio for Scandinavian finds discerned by Fagerlie (1967).

The Comparative Material One aim of this research project has been to verify to what extent Stiernstedt was able to get a hold of one or more solidus hoards along with various single finds from Denmark and Sweden in the nineteenth century. It cannot be excluded that solidi that were reported, laconically listed by Fagerlie (1967) as either not acquired, lost or no longer available, may well have ended up in the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection. There are a number of characteristic features of solidi found in Scandinavia which make them possible to identify as Scandinavian finds even within a decontextualized collection from the late nineteenth century. Above all, the solidus horizon of Scandinavia is very uneven and quite different from other regions except Italy. Within Scandinavia, certain types of solidi may be plentiful in one region only to be completely absent in adjacent areas (Fischer 2019a, 2019b, 2019c, 2019d, 2019e, 2019f). Table 3 shows the Scandinavian solidus hoards recorded before 1880 with missing solidi. Table 4 compares the recorded but missing solidi before 1880 to those in collections known to have Swedish finds of solidi in them. Where did Stiernstedt get his hands on the solidi in his personal collection? Given the data provided by Tables 3-4, the most likely answer is that he did not have to go very far to begin with, no longer than Copenhagen, Denmark at the most. It is known that an earlier Swedish collector, Anders Bladh, could assemble a private solidus collection up to 1826 simply by buying solidi that appeared on the market in Stockholm (Wiséhn 2009). Some two decades after Stiernstedt’s death, the British collector James Curle acquired twelve solidi in Visby in 1895–96 and 1901–1902. This material complicates matters, because Curle was able to procure solidi that had not been reported and some of the coins are quite atypical for Gotland. Despite the problematic issue of Curle’s uncanny ability to get his hands on unusual solidi in an unexpected place, it still seems most reasonable to begin the search for a possible origin by looking at what we know of non-acquired and lost solidus finds from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in Sweden that could have arrived in Stockholm or that Stiernstedt could have acquired through various contacts and travels to Denmark.

22 23 The study of the many reported but non-acquired solidus finds from Scandinavia is different from that of the recorded coins because the source material is quite complicated. Sometimes the reported but non-acquired finds are described in great detail, in other cases we are confronted with various sources that provide conflicting data. There are parts of solidus hoards that are known to have been found in one part of Sweden that can be found in a collection located far away from the find spot or even in a different country. In particular, it appears that a relative outsider such as the American numismatist Fagerlie who began assessing the material in the late 1950’s had no easy task in trying to determine the actual find dates and gathering correct information. In Denmark, there is first of all the problematic find horizon of Bornholm (Breitenstein 1944, Horsnaes 2013). The Soldatergård hoard of 36 solidi was reported in 1850-51, but 14 solidi soon went missing and are known by description only. The same story is true for the hoards from Kåsbygård and Spagergård. Other finds include issues known to Ramus (1816) and thus kept in Copenhagen that have since gone missing. In Sweden, the largest number of lost solidi is from Öland and Kalmar County, followed by the rest of the Swedish mainland. The figure for Gotland is lower, but there is evidence of coins coming from Gotland in private collections and decontextualized finds in the main Swedish university coin cabinets. The largest Swedish hoards that were discovered during this period but that are missing today are the 1811 discovery of Bredsättra on Öland (11 solidi), the 1790 discovery of Gyllerup in Scania (Hilfeling acquired seven out of perhaps as many as 24 solidi), the 1783 discovery of Kaggeholm in Uppland (figures range from 21 to 29 solidi, see Kyhlberg 1986), and the 1701 discovery of Sigvards on Gotland (five solidi and 28 denarii). More than a half-dozen solidi of the Gyllerup hoard are in the LUHM. Parts of the Kaggeholm hoard are in Borgå Gymnasium, Porvoo, Finland and the LUHM (Talvio 1975, Kyhlberg 1986). One may note that there are no reported unacquired finds of , and Arcadius from Sweden, but it is certain that Curle was able to purchase precisely such early solidi on Gotland in 1896 and 1902. Moreover, solidi for Valentinian I, Valens and Arcadius are present in the UUM collection that was managed from 1857 by Carl Säve, one of the two Gotland antiquarian brothers who kept a private collection of solidi currently in the GM in Visby. Tables 3-4 suggest that it is possible that many non-acquired finds ended up in the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection together with non-reported finds. In addition, it cannot be excluded that Stiernstedt stole or exchanged unprovenanced or poorly classified coins from other collections, not least the Lorichs and Herbst collections acquired by the KMK and the SHM in 1863 and 1873–74. Recently recovered solidus hoards from Öland are an important addition to our knowledge. In particular, new hoards from the parishes of Algutsrum, Hulterstad and Stenåsa are very important in that most of the early fifth century solidus types in the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection are present

24 in those hoards (Jahrehorn 2013a, 2013b, KMK dnr 711-1507-2004). Scandinavia has more mutilated and pierced solidi than elsewhere in recorded hoards. There are also more barbarous imitations of solidi than elsewhere. Finally, there are the die-links within Scandinavia (Fischer 2019a). This pattern has not changed for over a hundred years even after the introduction of mechanized agriculture and metal detectors. This can be very helpful at times, although the evidence from Curle’s travels to Visby serves as a warning against a deterministic approach (Fischer 2019c). Still, the distribution pattern allows for the assumption that certain solidus types in the Stiernstedt Collection are more likely to come from one region than another. In particular, we can with relative certainty exclude the island of Öland as the place of origin of the solidi struck after 476. By comparison, the distribution pattern of solidi in Italy and Western is very much conditioned by chronology (Fischer & López Sánchez 2016). Solidi have not circulated for longer periods in different regions after the Roman Empire state apparatus ceased to function effectively there, nor have there been opportunities to trade for solidi to any greater extent in the various successor kingdoms. The only area in the Western Europe, where there is both a continuous domestic production and an influx of solidi from Constantinople is Italy. Still, the Italian hoards are very different from each other, many hoards display greater similarities in terms of types with Scandinavian hoards that may be anywhere from a decade younger or older in terms of composition periods or deposition dates. It is precisely this strong connection to the Scandinavian material that makes the recorded Italian solidus hoards so useful as a comparative backdrop.

Conclusion A major aim of this paper has been to demonstrate that decontextualized solidi from a nineteenth century Swedish coin collection can nevertheless be connected to the Scandinavian Migration Period, the fall of the Roman Empire and the rise of the Germanic successor kingdoms in Gaul and Italy. This paper shows that Stiernstedt acquired solidi found in Scandinavia for his own private collection. Many were never even cleaned. It is uncertain if these were “reported but not acquired” coins that should have been preserved in Scandinavian museums. It remains a conundrum as to why Stiernstedt reported and handed in just one fourth century solidus in his early career, a coin that was far more precious than the fifth- and early sixth century solidi that were left in his own collection after his death. It is my hope that the results presented can breathe new life into the study of the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection. I have described the San Mamiliano hoard as “the mother of Ölandic hoards” (Fischer 2019b). The recent discovery of the Como hoard (Facchinetti 2019) suggests that we now also have something akin to “the grandmother of Ölandic hoards”. Along these lines, several of the fifth century solidi kept in the Stiernstedt

24 25 Ancient Coin Collection qualify the assemblage as “the prodigal son of Ölandic hoards”. A long-lost family member has finally returned to the fold again.

CATALOGUE OF SOLIDI This catalogue lists solidi in the chronological order of the emperors featured on the obverse sides, and then in the probable chronological order in which the solidi were produced. The short biographies of the emperors are meant to serve the reader as brief introductions to the current state of knowledge in regard to the production of solidi under their respective reigns and the distribution pattern of recorded solidus finds rather than exhaustive accounts of their lives. Each individual solidus has retained the heading of the Heilborn 1882 catalogue with the TMM inventory number prefix. Following the practice of Westermark (1980, 1983), Ungaro (1985) and Arslan (1987), some of the solidi that cannot yet be die-linked have nevertheless been given a typological reference to the most similar kind of solidus in the Scandinavian corpus (Fagerlie 1967, Kyhlberg 1986, Fischer, López Sánchez & 2011), the UUM and the LUHM, but also to the main Italian hoards, especially the Esquiline hoard (Molinari 2001), the Reggio-Emilia hoard (Degani 1959), the San Mamiliano hoard (Arslan 2015) and the Zeccone hoard (Brambilla 1870, Peroni 1967, Vismara 1998). In addition, there are references to Scandinavian find coins in the BM, and decontextualized solidi in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection (DOC).

ARCADIUS (395–408) Solidi in the name of Arcadius were struck already under his father in 383–394 in several different mints. There is only one recorded find coin of Arcadius from Constantinople in Scandinavia (Fagerlie 1967, no. 189; Fischer 2019c) and the other eastern mints are absent in the find material. By contrast, the production of solidi in Italy in the name of Arcadius continued under his younger brother Honorius 395–408 in the mints of Milan, Ravenna and Rome, all of which are present in the Scandinavian find material. These issues were in circulation in Italy into the mid-fifth century. They were brought to Scandinavia by returning mercenaries many years after they were struck. As a result, they have been recovered in several places in Scandinavia and in coin hoards with very different deposition horizons. There are three recorded finds of solidi for Arcadius from Italy on Öland, two of which are the earliest coins in the Björnhovda and Åby hoards (issues from Rome and Ravenna respectively). There is one recorded find from Milan on Öland, one in the Botes hoard on Gotland (tpq 518), and one relatively recent detector find on Bornholm (Horsnaes 2009). In addition, there are

26 a number of decontextualized or unprovenanced specimens from Milan in Swedish coin cabinets and private collections – one each in the KMK, UUM, LUHM and the Curle collection in the BM (inv nr. 1922,0523) – the latter from Gotland.

2400-2233. Arcadius, Milan mint. RIC X 1205. Fig 3a-b, Plate I, p 53. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 21.19 mm. Weight: 4.44 g. Die-axis: 12 o’clock. Obverse: D N ARCADI-VS P F AVG Emperor rosette-diademed, draped, and cuirassed bust right. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG / M - D. In exergue: COMOB Emperor standing front, head to right, his left foot set on captive, holding labarum with his right hand and Victory set on globe in his left. Condition: good. The coin has been cleaned and polished. Cross-shaped assay mark on right side of the obverse. Cf. Fagerlie 1967, no. 190–191; LUHM 30311, coin 9158.

Coin 2400-2233 belongs to a series RIC X 1205-1206 that was issued c. 394–402 in a fairly substantial volume. Given the relative wear of the coin and the distribution pattern in Scandinavia and the European continent, the most likely find place for Coin 2400-2233 is Öland or Gotland.

HONORIUS (395–423) Minting in the name of Honorius began already under his father Theodosius I in 393. Most imperial mints that issued solidi for Honorius are represented in the find horizon of Scandinavia, including a rare specimen from Thessalonica in the Björnhovda hoard on Öland (Fagerlie 1967, no. 4). By contrast, the only recorded Scandinavian find of an issue from Honorius’ Rome mint is from Gotland. It has erroneously been classified as a Ravenna specimen by Fagerlie (1967, no. 12). and Aquileia, two imperial mints that produced solidi in the name of Honorius under Theodosius I, but also are completely absent in Scandinavia. In total, Öland has 17 finds of Honorius, but not all mint marks have been recorded (there are eight certain issues from Ravenna, two from Constantinople and one from Milan). There are twelve recorded finds on Gotland (including six certain mint marks from Ravenna and two from Milan), five recorded finds from Bornholm, and two on the Swedish mainland. By comparison, the San Mamiliano hoard has 30 solidi for Honorius out of 498 (Arslan 2015, no. 1, 252–279). Of these, there are 27 issues from Ravenna (two of which share a reverse die-link), two issues from Milan, and one from Constantinople.

26 27 2400-2188. Honorius, Milan mint. RIC X 1206. Fig 4a-b, Plate I, p 53. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 21.35 mm. Weight: 4.43 g. Die-axis: 12 o’clock. Obverse: D N HONORI-VS P F AVG Emperor rosette-diademed, draped, and cuirassed bust right. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG / M - D. In exergue: COMOB Emperor standing front, head to right, his left foot set on captive, holding labarum with his right hand and Victory set on globe in his left. Condition: good, traces of soil. Cf. Fagerlie 1967, no. 5-6.

2400-2189. Honorius, Milan mint. RIC X 1206. Fig 5a-b, Plate II, p 54. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 21.01 mm. Weight: 4.39 g. Die-axis: 12 o’clock. Obverse: D N HONORI-VS P F AVG Emperor rosette-diademed, draped, and cuirassed bust right. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG / M - D. In exergue: COMOB Emperor standing front, head to right, his left foot set on captive, holding labarum with his right hand and Victory set on globe in his left. Condition: good, possibly cleaned. Cf. Fagerlie 1967, no. 5–6.

2400-2187. Honorius, Ravenna mint. RIC X 1287. Fig 6a-b, Plate II, p 54. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 20.09 mm. Weight: 4.51 g. Die-axis: 12 o’clock. Obverse: D N HONORI-VS P F AVG Emperor rosette-diademed, draped, and cuirassed bust right. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG / R - V. In exergue: COMOB Emperor standing front, head to right, his left foot set on captive, holding labarum with his right hand and Victory set on globe in his left. Condition: very worn, clipped, traces of soil. Cf. Fagerlie 1967, no. 7–21.

The two Milan issues 2400-2188 and 2400-2189 belong to the very first years of Honorius’ reign, c. 394–395. The third coin 2400-2187, from Ravenna, was struck after his move there in 402. These early dates suggest that if the coins have been recovered in Scandinavia, they were probably imported before 476. It follows that they are therefore more likely to come from Öland than elsewhere. Given the relative wear of the coin and the distribution pattern in Scandinavia and the European continent, the most likely find place for all three coins is Öland, although Gotland cannot be excluded.

THEODOSIUS II (408–450) Solidi in the name of Theodosius II were struck already by his father Arcadius in 402. This means that Theodosius II appeared on official Roman coinage

28 for almost the entire first half of the fifth century. Various imitations in his name were produced long after his death. Most of the official solidi were struck in Constantinople and Thessalonica, although there were minor issues struck by Honorius and in Aquileia, Milan, Ravenna and Rome. The solidi from Constantinople are very common, but they seem to have been gradually removed from circulation after 476. Most of Theodosius’ solidus issues are represented in Scandinavia with recorded finds even in the peripheral countries of Finland and Norway. There are 88 recorded finds of solidi for Theodosius II from Öland alone. Out of a total of four solidi, Stiernstedt had three different types in his collection, two of which belong to the comparatively less common CONCORDIA types issued 402–408 and 408–420, the two others being the very common VOT XXX MVLT XXXX type struck in 431 and the COS XVIII IMP XXXXII type struck from 441 to c. 447. Some of these issues have the reverse legend COMOB rather than the usual CONOB. There is no consensus as to why this is the case or what it means. Explanations have ranged from an itinerant comitatensian mint in Asia Minor to a mark for coins destined to be exported to Italy as subsidies to Valentinian III, or possible evidence for some sort of major reorganization of the Constantinople mint (Fagerlie 1967, 39, fn 57; Grierson & Mays 1992, 61, 147; Kent 1992, 189–190; 1994, 78, 80–81). For some reason, the COMOB issues are more frequent than the CONOB issues in Scandinavia. Note that this feature is something at least Kent (1994) was well aware of. It is an atypical feature compared to the two largest assemblies of solidi issued by Theodosius II, namely the hoards from Bina, Slovakia (Kolnikovà 1968) and Szikancs, Hungary (Birò-Sey 1975) This suggests that Scandinavians had access to a different source of solidi struck with a separate set of COMOB dies, although these were obviously made in Constantinople, too (as emphasized by Grierson & Mays 1992).

2400-2248. Theodosius II, Constantinople mint, officina Beta. RIC X 27. Fig 7a-b, Plate II, p 54. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 20.64 mm. Weight: 4.45 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N THEODOSIVS P F AVG Emperor diademed, helmeted and cuirassed three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Reverse: CONCORDIA AVGGG, officina letter Beta. In exergue: CONOB Constantinopolis seated facing, holding sceptre and Victory on globe, resting her foot on prow; star in left field. Condition: fair, assay mark in the shape of an x on the right side of the obverse, traces of soil on the reverse. Cf. Fagerlie 1967, 194–195.

28 29 2400-2249. Theodosius II, Constantinople mint, officina Sigma. RIC X 202. Fig 8a-b, Plate III, p 55. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 20.95 mm. Weight: 4.42 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N THEODOSIVS P F AVG Emperor diademed, helmeted, three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Reverse: CONCORDIA AVGG, officina letter S. Constantinopolis seated facing, holding sceptre and Victory on globe, resting her foot on prow; star in left field. In exergue: CONOB Condition: worn, possibly cleaned. Cf. Fagerlie 1967, no. 196–198.

The CONCORDIA type from Constantinople is derivative of the reverse type first issued under Theodosius I in 379 (Kent 1993, Fischer 2019c, 97). There are two types of Concordia in the name of Theodosius II. They differ in the number of G’s in the reverse legend. Kent (1994) argues in the RIC X that the triple GGG is an earlier version struck during the reign of Arcadius in 402–403 up to 408 (RIC X 27 and RIC X 31), and that the double GG (RIC X 202) is a later continuation under Theodosius II from c. 408–420. The San Mamiliano hoard has two RIC X 202 out of 498 solidi. They share an obverse die-link (Arslan 2015, no. 2–3). There are two recorded finds of RIC X 27 from Öland and three recorded finds of RIC X 202 from Scandinavia, one from Öland, two from Gotland, one of which is in the Curle Gotlandic Collection in the BM (inv nr. 1922,0523). Given the relative wear of the coins and the distribution pattern in Scandinavia and the European continent, the most likely find places for both solidi are on Öland or Gotland.

2400-2250. Theodosius II, Constantinople mint, officina Gamma. RIC X 257. Fig 9a-b, Plate III, p 55. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 20.79 mm. Weight: 4.28 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N THEODO - SIVS P F AVG Emperor diademed, helmeted and cuirassed three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Reverse: VOT XXX -MVLT XXXX officina letter Γ. In exergue: CONOB Constantinopolis enthroned left, globus cruciger in right hand, scepter in left, left foot on prow, shield at right. Condition: worn, cross-shaped assay mark on left side of the obverse, traces of soil. Cf. Fagerlie 1967, no. 227–234.

Coin 2400-2250 is part of the vast output of solidi that all mark the celebration of Theodosius’ tricennalia in 431. Fagerlie lists 48 such coins marked CONOB and four with COMOB (Fagerlie 1967, no. 220–267 and 283–287) and the sum for all of Scandinavia is probably considerably higher. Given the relative wear of the coin and the distribution pattern in Scandinavia and the European continent, the most likely find place is Öland or Gotland.

30 2400-2247. Theodosius II, Constantinople mint. RIX 292. Fig 10a-b, Plate III, p 55. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 21.98 mm. Weight: 4.4 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N THEODO - SIVS P F AVG Emperor diademed, helmeted and cuirassed three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Reverse: IMP XXXXII COS. XVII. P . P. In exergue: COMOB Constantinopolis enthroned left, globus cruciger in right hand, scepter in left, left foot on prow, shield at right. Condition: worn, traces of soil. Cf. Fagerlie 1967, no. 306–331.

Coin 2400-2247 was issued for the celebration of Theodosius’ seventeenth consulate in the forty-second year of his reign, that is 441. The coin legend IMP XXXXII, etc. was used until c. 447. This version is usually dated to after c. 443 based on the dots separating sections of the reverse legend (Kent 1992). Fagerlie lists 39 coins marked COMOB (Fagerlie 1967, no. 293-331) and 15 with CONOB Fagerlie 1967, no. 268–282). Given how frequent the COMOB type is in the recorded Scandinavian find material compared to other areas, not least the large hoards from Slovakia and Hungary, coin 2400-2247 is most certainly a Scandinavian find. It could come from anywhere in Scandinavia, although such finds are more frequent on Öland than anywhere else.

GALLA PLACIDIA (421–425) Galla Placidia was the younger half-sister of Arcadius and Honorius. Through her mother Flavia Galla, she was a grandchild of Valentinian I (364–375) and his second wife Justina who was possibly related to Constantine I (305–337). Galla Placidia thus possessed considerably more imperial pedigree than her older brothers, something that explains her exalted position in early fifth century politics. Galla Placidia issued solidi in Aquileia, Ravenna and Rome from the late reign of Honorius until her son Valentinian III came of age in 425. While the issues from Aquileia are very rare, the recorded issues of Galla Placidia from Ravenna and Rome are relatively easy to track. There are not too many dies and only a half dozen recorded hoards that contain these solidi, the last one being the Zeccone hoard, deposited in c. 480 (Brambilla 1870, Peroni 1967, Vismara 1998). There are two recorded finds on eastern Öland from the neighboring parishes of Sandby and Stenåsa, one from the Åby hoard (Fagerlie 1967, no. 335) and one single find from Norra Kvinneby (Fischer 2019d, 248, Fig 8). There is one obverse die-link between the solidus from Norra Kvinneby and a specimen from the Klein Tromp I hoard in Pomerania, currently kept in the Berlin Coin Cabinet (inv no. 18200536, cf. Dahmen 2015). There is one obverse die-link between Åby and an unprovenanced specimen kept in the Ravenna Coin Cabinet (Ercolani Cocchi, Zurli & Iannucci 1983, no. 70/2242).

30 31 2400-2208. Galla Placidia, Ravenna mint. RIC X 2021. Fig 11a-b, Plate IV, p 56. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 22.86 mm (including rim). Weight: 5.16 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N GALLA PLA - CIDIA P F AVG Empress, draped bust right, wearing triple pearl and necklace, christogram on sleeve; above, manus dei holding wreath. Reverse: VOT XX - MVLT XXX / R - V In exergue: COMOB Victory, winged, draped, standing left, supporting long jeweled cross, star in right. Condition: very worn, gold rim soldered to the coin, broken off loop, traces of soil. Cf. Fagerlie 1967, no. 335; Fischer 2019d, 248, Fig 8.

Coin 2400-2208 is the only solidus in the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection with traces of a loop. This is interesting, as the important looped multipla for Honorius and Galla Placidia from the Dutch hoard of Velp come to mind (Quast 2009). The most recent study on looped solidi in Scandinavia is Fischer (2019d) which provides a catalogue of some 66 looped solidi from the fourth to the sixth centuries. Given the considerable wear on the coin and the poor condition of the loop, the combined distribution pattern in Scandinavia and the European continent of looped solidi and the distribution of solidi in the name of Galla Placidia, the most likely find place is the Swedish mainland or Denmark rather than Öland, although the latter cannot be excluded.

VALENTINIAN III (425–455) Placidus Valentinianus ruled in Italy for three decades and struck many different solidus issues in Milan, Rome and Ravenna. In addition, there were a number of solidus issues in his name struck in Constantinople. There is no consensus on the precise order of the Italian issues, not least since Valentinian III had to move his court a few times. There is also evidence of reverse dies from certain mints being recut to be used in other mints. Given that so many solidi were struck for Valentinian III over a long period, one would perhaps expect a general horizontal distribution pattern and very few die-linked coins. But the distribution pattern in Scandinavia is most peculiar, to say the least. Öland is the one Scandinavian region with a very heavy concentration of solidi in the name of Valentinian III. There are 58 recorded issues on Öland, most of which were first mapped by Herschend (1978), showing a distribution pattern with an epicenter around Björnhovda in the Mörbylånga Valley on western Öland extending into Midland forest on central Öland. The very distinct distribution pattern is also the case for specific mints – 10 out of 16 solidi from the Rome mint in the name of Valentinian III recorded in Kalmar County (that is, Öland and eastern Småland) are die- linked to each other, the San Mamiliano hoard and the Sorte Muld area on Bornholm. Valentinian III, together with Zeno, holds the record of being the most frequent emperor in the solidus material within the Stiernstedt Ancient

32 Coin Collection. The collection contains official issues from the mints of Constantinople, Ravenna and Rome and two imitations (both purported Ravenna issues). The Milan mint is absent, however. This is not surprising given how rare the Milan issues are in Scandinavia, with one out of 11 solidi on Gotland, and four out of 58 solidi on Öland. There were four different solidus issues struck in Constantinople in the name of Valentinian III in the period 424–452. The first three, RIC X 242- 245, followed by RIC X 260, and then RIC X 287, RIC X 294, RIC X 302, RIC X 311, RIC X 315, RIC X 325 were issued in 424–425, 431 and 441– 447 respectively, coinciding with the largest major issues for Theodosius II. The final issue, RIC X 506, was struck under Marcian perhaps already in 451. The main difference between the types is the reverse, where the later RIC X 506 sports the image of Victoria standing with cross. These types are relatively rare in recorded hoards, both on the Continent and in Scandinavia.

2400-2210. Valentinian III, Ravenna mint. RIC X 2005. Fig 12a-b, Plate IV, p 56. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 21.9 mm. Weight: 4.39 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D И PLA VALEИTI-NIANVS P F AVG Emperor rosette-diademed, draped, and cuirassed bust right. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG / R-V. In exergue: COMOB Emperor standing facing, holding long cross in right hand, Victory on globe in left, foot on human-headed serpent. Condition: worn, traces of soil on the reverse. Cf. Fagerlie 1967 no. 75-76; DOC no. 864.

Coin 2400-2210 has a particular type of obverse with a clear-cut profile which makes it very easy to identify. It is probably an official issue. Still, there is something wrong with obverse exergue legend with two reverse И’s in the initial cluster D И PLA VALEИTI. There are two similar solidi from the Saltholm and Soldatergård hoards on Bornholm that were undoubtedly struck from dies made by the same engraver’s workshop with the identical faulty legend (Fagerlie 1967, no. 75–76), and one coin in the San Mamiliano hoard that is somewhat similar (Arslan 2015, no. 323). Fagerlie (1967, 13, fn 19) notes that there is something strange about the two coins from Bornholm but refers to similar issues discussed by Ulrich-Bansa (1949, pl L, coins h–l). Given the comparative evidence, it appears very likely that the coin is from Öland or Bornholm.

2400-2209. Valentinian III, Rome mint. RIC X 2015. Fig 13a-b, Plate IV, p 56. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 20.49 mm. Weight: 4.45 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N PLA VALENTI-NIANVS P F AVG, Emperor rosette-diademed, draped, and cuirassed bust right. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG / R-M. In exergue: COMOB Emperor standing facing, holding long cross in right hand, Victory on globe in left, foot on human-headed serpent. Condition: fair, traces of soil. Die-linked

32 33 obverse to Fagerlie 1967 no. 36-37, Arslan 2015, no. 323, Horsnaes 2009, no. 29, fig. 3:33. Die-linked reverse to Arslan 2015, no. 305-306. Coin 2400-2209 has an obverse die-link to both Björnhovda and Åby (the two most important recorded hoards on Öland), Kanonehøj by Brændesgård in the Sorte Muld area on Bornholm, and the Noli hoard in Liguria (Arslan 2007), and obverse and reverse die-links to San Mamiliano (the most important recorded hoard in Italy). Given the distribution pattern in Scandinavia and the European continent, the most likely find place is Öland, perhaps somewhere on the central island within the cluster of parishes of Torslunda, Algutsrum, Norra Möckleby, Sandby, Stenåsa and Hulterstad.

2400-2212. Valentinian III, uncertain mint. RIC X 3711. Fig 14a-b, Plate V, p 57. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 21.48 mm. Weight: 4.41 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D И PLA VALEИTI-NIANVƧ P F AVG Emperor rosette-diademed, draped, and cuirassed bust right. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG / R-V. In exergue: COMOB Emperor standing front, head to right, his left foot set on captive, holding labarum with his right hand and Victory set on globe in his left. Condition: fair, traces of soil. Cf. Panvini Rosati 1953, no. 421–422, Fagerlie 1967 n 84–85, Horsnaes 2002 no. 6, DOC no. 835.

Coin 2400-2212 is almost certainly an imitation. It was probably struck in Gaul in c. 425–430. Both the obverse and the reverse iconography imitates Honorius’ later issues from Ravenna, while both obverse and reverse legends imitate regular issues for Valentinian III. The type is easy to identify due to its rather careful execution of the obverse portrait, but this workmanship is accompanied by some blatant flaws in the lettering, notably reversed Ƨ and И and incomplete A’s. In contrast to Kent’s more likely attribution to Gaul in the RIC X, both Fagerlie (1967, 13) and Grierson & Mays (1992, 235) accept this type as a genuine issue, arguing that haste is the reason for the poor spelling. The latter are aware of only six issues from four separate sets of dies, two of which are in the Comiso hoard. They suggest an issue date to september 425, right after the death of emperor Johannes and the arrival of Valentinian III in Ravenna from Aquileia. I am currently aware of at least six different sets of dies, and there are probably many more. Besides the two coins no. 421–422 in the Comiso hoard in , Italy (tpq 431, cf. Panvini Rosati 1953), there are two finds of this type from Denmark, one from Zealand (Fagerlie 1967, no. 85) and one from the Fuglsangsager hoard on Sorte Muld on Bornholm (tpq 435, Horsnaes 2002), both of which are looped. This suggests that they were imported early and kept apart from other solidi, because there was some form of awareness that the coins were different or particularly important. There is one recorded find from the Åby hoard on Öland, a hoard in which there are several other early imitations from Gaul (Fischer 2019f). Given the distribution pattern in Scandinavia and the European continent, the most likely find place is Öland or Bornholm.

34 2400-2211. Valentinian III, uncertain mint. RIC X 3711. Fig 15a-b, Plate V, p 57. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 21.26 mm. Weight: 4.36 g. Die-axis: 12 o’clock. Obverse: D N PLA VALENTI-NIANVS P F AVG Emperor rosette-diademed, draped, and cuirassed bust right. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG / R-V. In exergue: COMOB Emperor standing facing, holding long cross in right hand, Victory on globe in left, foot on human-headed serpent. Condition: fair, traces of soil. Die-linked obverse and reverse to a clipped specimen in the Piancastelli Collection (Ercolani 1980, no. 504).

Coin 2400-2211 is an imitation, probably struck in Gaul in c. 425–445. The iconography is that of Honorius’ later issues from Ravenna, while the legend is that of Valentinian III. The coin is die-linked to a clipped issue in the Carlo Piancastelli Collection (Ercolani 1980, no. 504). The coin could possibly come from Öland given the many imitations from the same period found there, but it cannot be excluded that Stiernstedt acquired it from the European continent.

2400-2213. Valentinian III, Constantinople mint. RIC X 287. Fig 16a-b, Plate V, p 57. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 21.95 mm. Weight: 4.41 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N VALENTIN – IANVS P F AVG Emperor diademed, helmeted, cuirassed bust three-quarter facing, spear in right hand over shoulder, shield with horseman. Reverse: IMP . XXXXII . COS-XVII P P. In exergue: CONOB Constantinopolis enthroned left, globus cruciger in right hand, scepter in left, left foot on prow, shield at right. Condition: mutilated and refilled, a crack visible across the face on the obverse, traces of soil. Die-linked obverse and reverse to RIC X 287 plate coin.

Coin 2400-2213 is important for two reasons. Firstly, it is a rare coin type, classified as an R4 in RIC X (Kent 1994, 262). It is die-linked to the plate coin in RIC X, but unfortunately there is only a reference to an auction sale number 135.2085 in the RIC X catalogue. There are only two recorded hoards in Scandinavia and Italy with related types of solidi. The San Mamiliano hoard has one RIC X 294 (Arslan 2015, no. 45) and one RIC X 315 (Arslan 2015, no. 44) out of a total of 498 solidi. There is one RIC X 311 in the Helgö hoard out of 47 solidi (Fagerlie 1967, no. 31). Secondly, coin 2400-2213 is mutilated and refilled. This condition allows for a number of conclusions. It is very rare for mutilated solidi to appear in hoards deposited outside of Scandinavia or in continental museum collections. In Scandinavia, the vast majority of mutilated solidi belong to hoards deposited after 476. As a rule, the final mutilated coins belong to Leo I, typically RIC X 605 (struck to 462–466) (Fischer 2019a). The problem, however, is that mutilated solidi of an earlier date are often present in such hoards – a case in point is a mutilated issue for Marcian in the Björnhovda

34 35 hoard (Fagerlie 1967, no. 371). In other words, we have no guarantee that the coin belongs to a hoard deposited after 476 or that the coin is from Öland, although this seems likely.

2400-2165. Valentinian III. Constantinople mint, officina Delta. RIC X 506. Fig 17a-b, Plate VI, p 58. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 20 mm. Weight: 4.43 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N VALENTIN – IANVS P F AVG Emperor diademed, helmeted and cuirassed three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG officina letter Δ. In exergue: CONOB Victory, winged, draped, standing left, supporting long jeweled cross, star in right. Condition: worn, traces of soil. Cf. Fagerlie 1967, no. 30; Jahrehorn 2013b.

Coin 2400-2165 is of the type RIC X 506. It was incorrectly attributed to Valentinian II in the Heilborn 1882 catalogue, thus the relatively low inventory number. Stiernstedt was probably under the impression that this was a coin issued for Valentinian II and that this made the coin a rarity. There are no reported finds of solidi for Valentinian II in all of Scandinavia, although there is a pierced specimen in the National Museum, Copenhagen, KP 830.8. (To make sure that there were no further fifth century coins misplaced in the late fourth century part of the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection, I examined all listed coins for Valentinian I, Valentinian II and Theodosius I in the catalogue. It turned out that many issues for Valentinian II were mistaken for Valentinian I, but not the other way around. There was no confusion between the coins of Theodosius I and Theodosius II.) RIC X 506 is a relatively rare coin in proper archaeological contexts with only three certain cases. The oldest recorded specimen is in the Childeric grave in Tournai, (Chiflet 1655, Fischer & Lind 2015, 5, Fig 2, no. 4). There are two other finds from Öland of RIC X 506. The first is from the Björnhovda hoard (Fagerlie 1967, no. 30). The second is from a hoard discovered during a rescue-detection in 2011 in Hulterstad Parish on eastern Öland (Jahrehorn 2013b). The latter coin from officina Delta has an obverse-reverse die-link to a specimen in the Magyar Nemzeti Museum in Budapest (Depeyrot 1996 type 505, 26-27) and an obverse die-link to the DOC I plate coin 864 (Grierson & Mays 1992, ), which is the same as the RIC X 506 plate coin. Given the comparative evidence from Scandinavia and the European Continent, it appears very likely that the coin is from Öland.

MARCIAN (450–457) Solidi were struck by Marcian in Constantinople and Thessalonica in the East. After 452, the western emperors Valentinian III, (and possibly also Majorian) struck solidi in his name in Milan, Ravenna and Rome. It is unlikely that Marcian had any control over the Italian mints, although he probably subsidized Valentinian III with his own coinage. The solidi from Constantinople are very common, but they seem to have been

36 gradually removed from circulation after 476. Marcian’s solidus output from Constantinople is characterized by order and regularity (Fischer 2014, 112). Die-links are relatively rare, and to my knowledge there is no record of an obverse die-link connecting separate officinae. Kent (1994, 96) argues in the RIC X that the issues without an officina mark on the reverse are from Marcian’s later reign, while Grierson & Mays (1992, 158) arrive at precisely the opposite conclusion in the DOC, preferring an early date for the issues without officina mark. There are 17 solidi for Marcian out of 365 from Öland. There are 34 solidi for Marcian out of 498 in the San Mamiliano hoard (Arslan 2015, no. 59–74), of which 29 have officina marks. In San Mamiliano, there are two obverse die- links with two coins each, both with officina marks from matching officinae (Arslan 2015, no. 59–60 (Alpha) and 61–62 (Epsilon)). By contrast, on Öland, there is currently only one obverse die-link between the Stora Brunneby hoard and one of the eight issues for Marcian in the Casa delle Vestali hoard in Rome (Fagerlie 1967, no. 351; Fischer 2014, 112, fn 25). Note that this issue without officina mark is the final coin in the Stora Brunneby hoard, which happens to be the earliest recorded solidus hoard from Öland with a tpq of 451(Fischer, López-Sánchez & Victor 2011). This could perhaps suggest that solidi with officina marks should be regarded as later issues, given how frequent they are in the later San Mamiliano hoard. Solidi from the Thessalonica mint for Marcian are rare features in recorded hoards. The San Mamiliano hoard has only one issue while the Åby hoard has two. The seven finds from Gotland, four from Bornholm, and two from mainland Sweden were all struck in Constantinople. There is also one worn and unprovenanced issue in the LUHM. Surprisingly enough, the double-struck solidus for Marcian found in 1967 in Building group 3 on Helgö on the Swedish mainland is in very fine condition, in stark contrast to the worn issues from the two main solidus hoards from Helgö (Kyhlberg 1986). This should serve as a reminder that find coins from proper archaeological contexts need not be worn even if most coins in the same area usually are in a very worn condition.

2400-2255. Marcian, Constantinople mint, officina Gamma. RIC X 510. Fig 18a-b, Plate VI, p 58. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 21.18 mm. Weight: 4,42 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N MARCIA-NVS P F AVG Emperor diademed, helmeted and cuirassed three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG, officina letter Γ. In exergue: CONOB Victory, winged, draped, standing left, supporting long jeweled cross, star in right field. Condition: good, traces of soil. Cf. Fagerlie 1967, no. 352.

36 37 2400-2256. Marcian, Constantinople mint. RIC X 510. Fig 19a-b, Plate VI, p 58. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 19.5 mm. Weight: 4.4 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N MARCIA-NVS P F AVG Emperor diademed, helmeted and cuirassed three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG. In exergue: CONOB Victory, winged, draped, standing left, supporting long jeweled cross, star in right field. Condition: good, traces of soil. Cf. Fagerlie 1967, no. 351.

It appears that the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection has one solidus for Marcian with an officina mark and one without, and we simply do not know which one was struck first. Given the distribution pattern of the two types in Scandinavia and the European continent, the most likely find place for both of these solidi is Öland.

LEO I (457–474) Solidi were struck for Leo I in Constantinople and Thessalonica in the East. During the reigns of the western emperors Majorian, Libius Severus and Anthemius, there were solidi struck in the name of Leo I in Milan, Ravenna and Rome. It is unlikely that Leo I had any control over the Italian mints except during the reign of Anthemius 467–472, when the Rome mint seems to have been operated by a Constantinopolitan satellite workshop (Fischer 2014). The issues from Constantinople for Leo are by far the most frequent of fifth century coins recovered in Scandinavia. This reflects the fact that this emperor also issued more solidi than any other fifth century eastern emperor except for Theodosius II. As demonstrated by Italian hoard of San Mamiliano, huge sums of Constantinopolitan solidi must have been sent to Italy as subsidies to Anthemius (Fischer & López Sánchez 2016). Much of this material continued to circulate in Italy after 476, as demonstrated by the Reggio-Emilia hoard (Degani 1959). This is where Scandinavians could have had easy access to the solidi, receiving lump payments consisting of both older and contemporary solidi struck in Italy. There are 93 recorded solidi for Leo I on Öland alone. Most of this material was mapped by Herschend (1978), with a fairly even distribution pattern all over the island. The Ölandic material is in fair condition and contains many die-linked issues, suggesting a close relationship to the original sources in Italy. By contrast, the solidi struck for Leo I from Helgö and Gotland are usually mutilated and worn, reflecting the fact that these solidi were brought from Italy only in the very late fifth century. In addition, it is clear that most issues from Öland are of the earlier RIC X 605 type, whereas the later RIC X 630 type is far more frequent on Gotland and Helgö (Fischer 2008b). It has already been noted above that the latter type does not occur in the Stiernstedt Ancient Coin Collection.

38 2400-2258. Leo I, Constantinople mint, officina Beta. RIC X 605. Fig 20a-b, Plate VII, p 59. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 20.07 mm. Weight: 4.46 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N LEO PE-RPET AVG Emperor diademed, helmeted and cuirassed three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG, officina letter B. In exergue: CONOB Victory, winged, draped, standing left, supporting long jeweled cross, star in right field. Condition: good, traces of soil.

2400-2259. Leo I, Constantinople mint, officina Gamma. RIC X 605 Fig 21a-b, Plate VII, p 59. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 20.39 mm. Weight: 4.35 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N LEO PE-RPET AVG Emperor diademed, helmeted and cuirassed three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG , officina letter Γ. In exergue: CONOB Victory, winged, draped, standing left, supporting long jeweled cross, star in right field. Condition: fair, traces of soil.

2400-2260. Leo I. Constantinople mint, officina Theta. RIC X 605. Fig 22a-b, Plate VII, p 59. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 20.47 mm. Weight: 4.19 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N LEO PE-RPET AVG Emperor diademed, helmeted and cuirassed three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG, officina letter Θ. In exergue: CONOB Victory, winged, draped, standing left, supporting long jeweled cross, star in right field. Condition: very worn, x-shaped assay mark on right side of obverse, traces of soil.

2400-2261. Leo I, Constantinople mint, officina Eta. RIC X 605. Fig 23a-b, Plate VIII, p 60. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 20 mm. Weight: 4.45 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N LEO PE-RPET AVG Emperor diademed, helmeted and cuirassed three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG, officina letter H. In exergue: CONOB Victory, winged, draped, standing left, supporting long jeweled cross, star in right field. Condition: good, traces of soil.

Coins 2400-2258-2261 are all of the very common type RIC X 605. I have not been able to identify die-links to other coins. The wear and assay-marks on the coins are reminiscent of hoards from Öland and San Mamiliano. The

38 39 obverse and reverse types are all different with separate officina marks, but the most prominent features of the busts (in particular the two floating stripes from the back of the helmet and the order of rivets on the cuirass) fits well with the coins from the recently discovered hoards from Algutsrum Parish and Hulterstad Parish (Jahrehorn 2013a-b). It is quite common to find several Leo I RIC X 605 in precisely those areas of Öland, too, whereas RIC X 630 is more common in Sandby and Stenåsa Parishes. Given the comparative evidence it seems likely that all four coins are from Öland. It is even possible that the coins could have been found in one single place and acquired on one occasion.

2400-2262. Leo I, Thessalonica mint, officina Zeta. RIC X 616. Fig 24a-b, Plate VIII, p 60. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 21.02 mm. Weight: 4.36 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N LEO PE-RPET AVG Emperor diademed, helmeted and cuirassed three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG, officina letter Z. In exergue: THSOB Victory, winged, draped, standing left, supporting long jeweled cross, star in right field. Condition: worn, pierced, possibly cleaned. Cf. Fagerlie 1967, no. 526.

Coin 2400-2262, a pierced solidus from Thessalonica for Leo I, integrates itself into a horizon of solidi flowing west and north from Thessalonica after 457 (Fischer 2016, Fischer & López Sánchez 2016). There is no real consensus as to exactly when this coin type was struck, except that it was probably before 466. The coins are not that frequent in the recorded hoard material. There is one find of a RIX 617 in Croatia (Alföldi 1924), and two RIC X 617 in the Nahác hoard in Slovakia (Prohászka 2009, Budaj & Prohászka 2011). There is one RIC X 619 out of 60 solidi in the Reggio-Emilia hoard (Degani 1959, no. 40). In the San Mamiliano hoard, there are nine out of 498 (Arslan 2015, no. 225–233), most of which are RIC X 618. There are ten recorded finds of Leo I from the Thessalonica mint in Scandinavia (Fagerlie 1967, no. 522–531). There are four on Öland (one of which is pierced), four from Bornholm, and three on Gotland (one of which is pierced and one which is looped) but none on the Swedish mainland. Given the distribution pattern in Scandinavia and the European continent, the most likely find place is Öland, where the Hjärpestad hoard provides by far the best parallel.

ANTHEMIUS (467–472) The coinage of Anthemius is extremely rich and diverse with official issues from Milan, Ravenna and Rome, struck in the years 467–472. In addition, there are many different types of pseudo-imperial issues (Arslan 2015, Pliego Vásquez 2015, 132–133). The most important hoard associated with Anthemius is that of Casa delle Vestali in Rome (Ungaro 1985, Fischer 2014). In addition, the San Mamiliano hoard has a large proportion of solidi in the name of Anthemius, 81 out of 498 (Arslan 2015, no. 384–464). There are 19

40 recorded finds of Anthemius from Öland, ten from Bornholm, and five from Gotland. 2400-2215. Anthemius, Rome mint. RIC X 2816. Fig 25a-b, Plate VIII, p 60. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 21.58 mm. Weight: 4.4 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N ANTHE-MIVS P F AVG Emperor diademed, helmeted and cuirassed three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Reverse: SALVS R-EI P-VBLICAE: In exergue: COMOB Two emperors, draped, cuirassed, standing front, each holding spear in outer hand and supporting a globe surmounted by a cross between them. Condition: very worn, pierced, assay mark on the reverse in the shape of a knife’s edge, traces of red clay. Die-linked to obverse to Sotheby’s, Nelson Bunker Hunt Collection, II (6044), lot 943 (21-22 June 1990). Cf. Fagerlie 1967, no. 163.

Coin 2400-2215 has traces of red clay on it (possibly pottery). The solidus is die-linked to a specimen in the former Nelson Bunker Hunt Collection and can be classified as one of many variations of RIC X 2816. Interestingly enough, there is currently no die-link to other documented finds of RIC X 2816 in Scandinavia or Italy (Fischer 2014, Arslan 2015). Given the distribution pattern in Scandinavia and the European continent, the most likely find place is Öland. As far as a more precise possible origin is concerned, there are several non-acquired finds of solidi in the name of Anthemius from both Öland and Gotland to choose from, see Tables 3-4.

JULIUS NEPOS (474–477?) Julius Nepos was arguably the last legitimate in Italy. His many different issues of solidi are very hard to date and order in one single meaningful pattern. Solidi in his name were struck in Milan, Ravenna, Rome and Arles. There is no consensus on how long he reigned or from where. It is not known when he ceased to issue solidi in his own name, nor the related issues for Basiliscus and Zeno. Kent (1994, 204) argued in the RIC X that there are two phases in which Nepos issued solidi from northern Italy, before and after the reign of Romulus (475–476), even up to 480. This hypothesis cannot be proven given the current evidence. Nothing prevents several different actors in Italy from striking issues in the name of Basiliscus and Zeno in 476–477 with dies produced in the same workshop that also produced dies for Julius Nepos in 474–475, without ever having to involve Julius Nepos himself. The recorded hoard material from Scandinavia, Belgium and Italy shows a fragmented picture. The Italian finds are the most numerous. There are 24 recorded solidi for Julius Nepos in the San Mamiliano hoard including rare issues from Arles (Arslan 2015, no. 467–483), but only six in the Zeccone hoard (see Brambilla 1870, no. 11). The remaining five issues from the Zeccone hoard cannot be identified among the solidi kept at Musei

40 41 Civici di Pavia (see Peroni 1967, Vismara 1998). There are four issues in the Esquiline hoard (Molinari 2001 no. 6, 13–15). In Scandinavia, there are a total of twelve (Fagerlie 1967, no. 171–182). Eight have been found in Sweden (three of which are from Kalmar County and Öland), and four in Denmark. In Belgium, there are five in the Vedrin hoard (Lallemand 1965 no. 45–49) and one in the Childeric grave in Tournai (Chiflet 1655, Fischer & Lind 2015, 5, Fig 2, no. 9).

2400-2216. Julius Nepos, Ravenna mint. RIC X 3312. Fig 26a-b, Plate IX, p 61. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 19.5 mm. Weight: 4.4 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N IVL NE-POS P F AVG: Emperor diademed, helmeted and cuirassed three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG: R – V. In exergue: COMOB Victory, winged, draped, standing left, supporting long jeweled cross. Condition: worn, clipped, traces of soil. Die-linked obverse to Fagerlie 1967 no. 181 (LUHM 30311, no. 8752), and the Vedrin hoard (Lallemand 1965, no. 49). Die-linked reverse to San Mamiliano (Arslan 2015, no. 471).

Coin 2400-2216 is struck twice with the two overlapping strikes visible in the lower right exergue. The obverse is die-linked to a specimen reported to have been found on Gotland (Fagerlie 1967, no. 181) kept in the LUHM, and one double-struck specimen in the Vedrin hoard (Lallemand 1965, no. 49) with the double strike visible in the upper left exergue. These three coins all have different reverses. The reverse die-link to San Mamiliano (Arslan 2015, no. 471) has a different obverse. The classification of the RIC X is based on the reverse where a final colon in the reverse legend on the exergue distinguishes the two types RIC X 3312 and RIC X 3313. This typology does not consider the fact that there are a number of reverse and obverse die-links connecting various finds. By contrast, the San Mamiliano hoard (the largest recorded assemblage of coins in the name of Julius Nepos) has an unrelated obverse die-chain of four solidi, but these coins all have different reverse dies of RIC X 3312 and RIC X 3313 (Arslan 2015, no. 467–470). In other words, this obverse known from two separate Swedish collections and one in the Vedrin hoard appears to be unrelated to the San Mamiliano hoard. Instead, it should be noted that there is a further die-link for Julius Nepos between Blekinge, Sweden (Fagerlie 1967, no. 178) and the Vedrin hoard (Lallemand 1965, no. 47). Given the distribution pattern in Scandinavia and the European continent, the most likely find place for coin 2400-2216 is Öland (where the Hjärpestad hoard provides the best parallel), Gotland or the Swedish mainland. There is at

42 least one missing solidus for Julius Nepos from the Gyllerup hoard in Scania, although it could be identical with Fagerlie (1967, no. 181), which is die- linked to coin 2400-2216.

ZENO (474–475, 476–491) There were solidi struck for Zeno in Constantinople and Thessalonica (albeit without the old mintmark THSOB) in the East, and Milan, Ravenna and Rome in the West. The solidus coinage in the East is clearly divided into two separate periods, caused by the intermittent usurpation by Basiliscus. Similarly, the pseudo-imperial issues from Italy in the name of Zeno are very distinct from each other and often belong to separate workshops under the control of competing warlords. There is at least a half-dozen political actors in Italy in the period 474–491 who could have struck solidi in the name of Zeno.

2400-2266. Zeno, Ravenna mint. RIC X 3627. Fig 27a-b, Plate IX, p 61. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 20.31 mm. Weight: 4.44 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N ZENO P-ERP AVG Emperor diademed, helmeted and cuirassed three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG. In exergue: CONOB Victory, winged, draped, standing left, supporting long jeweled cross, star in right field. Condition: worn, clipped, two assay marks on the obverse, traces of soil. Die- linked obverse to the Reggio-Emilia hoard (Degani 1959, no. 59).

Coin 2400-2266 belongs to the uncertain period 474–476 and could possibly be attributed to the reign of Julius Nepos. There is only one other archaeological find of the type in the Reggio-Emilia hoard (Degani 1959, no. 59), which is also the RIC X plate coin, classified as R5 (meaning that it was considered the only known specimen according to Kent). The Stiernstedt specimen is clearly of the same obverse die as the Reggio-Emilia coin but the reverse is from a different die. Given the distribution pattern in Scandinavia and the European continent, the most likely find place is Öland, Gotland or the Swedish mainland.

2400-2264. Zeno, Constantinople mint, officina Delta. RIC X 929. Fig 28a-b, Plate IX, p 61. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 20.24 mm. Weight: 4.48 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N ZENO PERP AVG Emperor diademed, helmeted and cuirassed three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG, officina letter Δ. In exergue: CONOB Victory, winged, draped, standing left, supporting long jeweled cross, star in right field. Condition: worn, a white opaque rock and black soil are stuck on the bottom left of the helmet on the obverse.

42 43 2400-2265. Zeno, Constantinople mint, officina Epsilon. RIC X 930. Fig 29a-b, Plate X, p 62. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 20.51 mm. Weight: 4.44 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N ZENO PERP AVG Emperor diademed, helmeted and cuirassed three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG, officina letter Ε. In exergue: CONOB Victory, winged, draped, standing left, supporting long jeweled cross, star in right field. Condition: very worn, traces of soil, possible traces from a spade or plow.

2400-2267. Zeno, Constantinople mint, officina Sigma. RIC X 930. Fig 30a-b, Plate X, p 62. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 20.25 mm. Weight: 4.48 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N ZENO PERP AVG Emperor diademed, helmeted and cuirassed three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG, officina letter S. In exergue: CONOB Victory, winged, draped, standing left, supporting long jeweled cross, star in right field. Condition: good, traces of soil on the reverse.

2400-2268. Zeno, Constantinople mint, officina Iota. RIC X 929. Fig 31a-b, Plate X, p 62. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 20.28 mm. Weight: 4.44 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N ZENO PERP AVG Emperor diademed, helmeted and cuirassed three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG, officina letter I. In exergue: CONOB Victory, winged, draped, standing left, supporting long jeweled cross, star in right field. Condition: good, pierced and refilled.

2400-2269. Zeno, Constantinople mint, officina Iota. RIC X 929. Fig 32a-b, Plate XI, p 63. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 19.6 mm. Weight: 4.44 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N ZENO PERP AVG, Emperor diademed, helmeted and cuirassed three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG, officina letter I. In exergue: CONOB Victory, winged, draped, standing left, supporting long jeweled cross, star in right field. Condition: very worn, traces of soil, possible traces from a spade or plow on obverse, assay mark in the shape of a Lorraine cross on left reverse.

Coins 2400-2264–2265 and 2400-2267–2269 all belong to the second reign of Zeno. I have not been able to identify die-links to other coins. The wear is quite uneven. Two of the coins look like most finds from late hoards on

44 Gotland, while three appear rather well preserved. Given the distribution pattern in Scandinavia and the European continent, the most likely find place for all five coins is Gotland.

ANASTASIUS I (491–518) The long reign of Anastasius I was one of relative stability. Major currency reforms of the nummi in 498 and a steady output of solidi left a major mark on the post-Roman world. As a result, gold coins in the name of Anastasius I are among the most common imitations, especially in Italy and Gaul. This has to do with the nature of politics in the barbarian successor kingdoms in Western Europe where there was a strong incentive to appear as if ruling with the approval of the emperor. Anastasius’ reign also had a major impact on the solidus import to Scandinavia, something especially evident in the recorded material of both genuine issues and imitations in his name in the major hoards from Gotland and Helgö.

2400-2271. Imitation of Anastasius I, uncertain mint. Fig 33a-b, Plate XI, p 63. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 21.46 mm. Weight: 4.42 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N ANASTA – SIVS P P AVG Emperor diademed, helmeted and cuirassed three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG, officina letter Θ. In exergue: CONOB Victory, winged, draped, standing left, supporting long jeweled cross, star in right field. Condition: worn, multiple punch marks on the obverse, traces of soil.

Coin 2400-2271 is an early Merovingian Period imitation, presumably from Gaul. While the ornaments on the front of the helmet on the obverse and the Victoria of the reverse are typical of the Merovingian Period imitations found in Gaul (cf. Lafaurie 1997, pl 1-4, Lafaurie & Pilet-Lemière 2006), this specific coin has no distinct parallel in the recorded material from either Gotland or . It cannot be excluded that this solidus was procured by Stiernstedt from coin dealers or collectors on the European continent but given the fact that there are two Merovingian Period imitations of Anastasius I without parallels in the main Helgö hoard (Fagerlie 1967, no. 720–721), a Scandinavian find place is perfectly possible.

2400-2270. Imitation of Anastasius I, uncertain mint. Fig 34a-b, Plate XI, p 63. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 22.27 mm. Weight: 4.4 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N ANASTA – SIVS PP AVG Emperor diademed, helmeted and cuirassed three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Possible j-rune right. Reverse: V?CTO-- ?AVGGG, uncertain officina letter. In exergue: CONOB Victory, winged, draped, standing left, supporting long jeweled cross, star in right field.

44 45 Condition: good, possibly cleaned. Die-linked obverse and reverse to Fagerlie 1967, no. 716 (Botes hoard, no. 137b) and Fagerlie 1967, 717 (Smiss hoard, no. 122), KMK dnr. 100778.

Coin 2400-2270 was known to Fagerlie (1967, 70, fn 84), but her description makes it clear that she had never seen a picture of it. It is an unusual imitation, in all likelihood made on Gotland as the only known find-places are on Gotland (Fagerlie 1967, no. 716–717, KMK dnr 100778). It remains a conundrum as to why Fagerlie never made the connection between a coin that she knew was in a Swedish private collection (albeit kept in Texas) and the two find coins from Gotland, to which may be added another specimen discovered during a rescue detecting campaign. Both the obverse and reverse legend pose major problems. From a strict graphematic perspective, one would be inclined to label many of the characters as runes and Greek letters. In particular, it is very difficult to explain the presence of what looks to be a *jara-rune j on the right side of the imperial portrait on the obverse as anything but an intentional and meaningful grapheme. Given the distribution pattern where the die-linked finds are concentrated to southern Gotland, the most likely find place is within a very narrow radius. By the same token one should be cautious in attributing a certain provenance due to these circumstances. A case in point is the solidus imitation found in a late Migration Period grave on Selaön in Södermanland in 1895 (Fagerlie 1967, no. 753) that turned out to be die-linked to another imitation in the Botes hoard on Gotland, but the latter was only discovered during yet another post-plundering rescue detection campaign in 2001 (Fischer 2008a).

JUSTINIAN I (527–565) Justinian I struck three basic types of solidi in the East (Anthioch and Constantinople), North Africa () and in Italy (Ravenna and Rome). The first type issued in Constantinople imitates the style of his predecessors Anastasius I and Justin I. The second type sports the obverse image of the emperor in full profile. This is the most common type, it was struck in all official mints that issued solidi. The third type was struck in Italy by Ostrogothic rulers and retains the old traditional three-quarter profile. In addition, there are many pseudo-imperial issues of varying artistry. The immense output of coinage during the reign of Justinian I was a consequence of his ambitious expansionist policies. For some reason, his reign also marks the end of the influx of solidi to Scandinavia. There are currently recorded finds of Constantinopolitan solidi for Justinian I from Blekinge, Gotland, and Södermanland in Sweden. There are Western issues and imitations from Gotland and Öland in Sweden and Jutland and Zealand in Denmark.

46 2400-2288. Justinian I, Constantinople mint. MIB 74. Fig 35a-bc. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 20.98 mm. Weight: 4.36 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N IVSTINIANVS – SIVS P PAVG Emperor diademed, helmeted and cuirassed three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Reverse: VICTORI-A AVGGG. In exergue: CONOB Angel standing facing, holding long staff topped with Christogram in right hand and globus cruciger in left hand, star right. Condition: fair, double-struck reverse, possibly cleaned.

Coin 2400-2288 is a genuine Constantinopolitan issue for Justinian I. There are ten recorded issues from Gotland and two from the Swedish mainland (Fagerlie 1967, no. 731–741). There is also an unprovenanced solidi of this type in the UUM. There are only two die-linked coins from Constantinople in the Scandinavian material, both from Gotland (Fagerlie 1967, no. 737–738). Given the distribution pattern in Scandinavia and the European continent, the most likely find place is Gotland.

2400-2289. Imitation of Justinian I, uncertain mint. Fig 36a-b, Plate XII, p 64. Photograph by the author. Diameter: 19 mm. Weight: 4.28 g. Die-axis: 6 o’clock. Obverse: D N IVSTINIANVS – SIVS P PAVG Emperor diademed, helmeted and cuirassed three-quarter facing bust, holding spear over shoulder and shield decorated with horseman. Reverse: VICTOR-AAGGG AV? In exergue: COMOB Victory, winged, draped, standing left, supporting long jeweled cross, star in right field. Condition: fair, cleaned.

Coin 2400-2289 is probably an Ostrogothic imitation with a corrupt reverse legend but there are no obvious parallels in the published material classified by Arslan (1989, 1994) or Metlich (2004). It would seem that the obverse seeks to imitate the iconography of a pseudo-imperial Italian issue while the reverse conforms to this with its COMOB legend. There are several imitations of Justinian I known from Scandinavia, both Ostrogothic and Merovingian, including a recent find from Zealand (Fagerlie 1967, no. 742–47, Horsnaes 2012b). The material is relatively small and there is no distinct distribution pattern, although finds are more frequent on Gotland. Given the distribution pattern in Scandinavia and the European continent, the most likely find place is Gotland, although a possible purchase or exchange with a collector cannot be excluded.

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50 Kent, J. P. C. 1993. ‘Concordia’ solidi of Theodosius I: A reappraisal. The Numismatic Chronicle 153, Pp 77–90. Kent, J. P. C. 1994. RIC X. The divided Empire and the fall of the Western parts 395–491 A.D., London. Kidd, D. and Thunmark-Nylén, L. 1990. James Curle of Melrose and his collection of Gotlandic antiquities. Fornvännen, Journal of Swedish Antiquarian Research 1990, Pp 153–173. King, D. 1965. Treasure – more lost than found. Alcalde – University of Texas Alumni Monthly Magazine, January 1965. Pp 16–18. Kolniková. E. 1968, Nález neskororimskych solidov v Bini, okres Nové Zámky. Numismaticky Sbornik 10, Pp 5–50. Kroll J. H. 1978. Swenson’s Princely Gift. Discovery – Research and Scholarship at the University of Texas. Pp 16–20. Kyhlberg, O. 1986. Late Roman and Byzantine Solidi, An Archaeological analysis of coins and hoards. In: Excavations at Helgö X. Coins, Iron and Gold, ed. B. Hovén, Stockholm. Pp 13–126. Lafaurie, J. 1997. Monnaies frappées en Gaule à l’époque de Clovis. In: M. Rouche (ed). Clovis, histoire et mémoire. vol. 1. : Presses de l’Université de Paris- Sorbonne. Pp 769–802. Lafaurie, J. & Pilet-Lemière, C. 2006. Monnaies du Haut Moyen Age découvertes en France (Ve –VIIIe Siecle), Orléans. Lagerqvist, L. O. 2009. August Wilhelm Stiernstedt. Svenskt Biografiskt Lexikon. Band 34. Stockholm: Riksarkivet. Pp 464–467. Lallemand, J. 1965. Vedrin: sous d’or de à Anastase, Études numismatiques 3, Pp 109–144. Lilienberg, V. E. 1910. Timmermansordens Mynt- och Medaljsamling. Upprättad år 1910. Stockholm: Ivar Hæggströms bokförlag. Mäkeler, H. & Berghaus, P. 2009. Carl Säve, der Fund von Kättilstorp und die karolingischen Münzen im Münzkabinett der Universität Uppsala. In: H. Nilsson (ed.): Opus mixtum. Uppsatser kring Uppsala universitets myntkabinett (Studia Numismatica Upsaliensia, 4), Uppsala 2009, Pp 157–200. Metlich, M. A. 2004. The coinage of Ostrogothic Italy & A die study of Theodahad folles, by E. A. Arslan and M. A. Metlich. London: Spink.Mionnet, Th. E. 1806–30. Description des médailles antiques, grecques et romaines (17 vols.), Paris: Impr. de Testu. Mionnet, Th. E. 1847. De la rareté et du prix des médailles romaines (3ed.), Paris: Impr. de Testu. Molinari, M. C. 2001. Il ripostiglio di solidi di V secolo dall’Esquilino, Bullettino della CommissionenArchaeologica Comunale di Roma, 102, 2001, Pp 121–128. Panvini Rosati, F. 1953. Ripostiglio di aurei tardo-imperiali a Comiso. Accademia dei lincei: Recondati morali, serie 8. Pp 422–40. Peroni, A. 1967. Oreficerie e metalli lavorati tardoantiche e altomedioevali del territorio di Pavia. Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo di Spoleto. Pliego Vásquez, R. 2015. La Amonedación Visigoda del Reino de Tolosa (c. 417--c. 507). Su representación en el conjunto de San Mamiliano de Sovana, in Arslan & Turchetti 2015. Pp 123–136. Prohászka, P. 2009. Ost- und Weströmische Goldmünzen aus dem 5. Jahrhundert im Karpatenbecken, in Wołoszyn 2009. Pp 83–115.

50 51 Quast, D. 2009. Velp und Verwandte Schatzfunde des frühen 5. Jahrhunderts. Acta Praehistorica et Archaeologica 41. Pp 207–230. Ramus, C. 1816. Catalogus numorum veterum graecorum et latinorum Musei Regis Daniae. Copenhagen. Sabatier, J. 1862. Description des monnaies byzantines. Paris: Rollin et fils. Sotheby’s, 1990. The Nelson Bunker Hunt Collection: highly important Greek and Roman coins. Catalogue. New York. Vols 1–2. Stiernstedt, A. W. 1863–1864. Om kopparmyntningen i Sverige och dess utländska besittningar. KVHAA handlingar. Stockholm: KVHAA. Stiernstedt, A. W. 1881. Beskrifning öfver framlidne friherre A.W. Stiernstedt norska och danska myntkabinett. Stockholm. Talvio, T. 1975. Fynd av romerska mynt i Finland. Nordisk Numismatisk Årsskrift 1979–80 (1982). Pp 36—54. Talvio, T. 1978. Folkvandringstida solidi, Nordisk Numismatisk Unions Medlemsblad 1, (1978). Pp 7–9. Ulrich-Bansa, O. 1949. Moneta Mediolanensis (352–498). Venice: Carlo Ferrari. Ungaro, L. 1985. Il ripostiglio della Casa delle Vestali, Roma, 1899, Bolletino di Numismatica, III/I, gennaio-giugno, 47–160. Vismara, N. 1998. Il ripostiglio di Zeccone e le sue vicende successive il ritrovamento, Museo in rivista. Notiziario dei Musei civici di Pavia, 1.1998. Pp 78–85. Westermark, U. 1980. Fynd av äldre romerska guldmynt i Kungl. Myntkabinettets samling. Nordisk numismatisk unions medlemsblad 5. Copenhagen. Pp 99–104. Westermark, U. 1983. Solidi found in Sweden and Denmark after 1967, Numismatiska Meddelanden XXXIII. Pp 29–40. Wiséhn, I. 2009. Doktor Hall, Hr Arfvedsson, amiralitetsapotekaren Moses Söderström, målaren Hallgren m.fl. Privatpersoners myntsamlingar i Kungl. Myntkabinettet, Svensk numismatisk tidskrift 2, Pp 3–34. Wołoszyn, M. (ed.) 2009. Byzantine Coins in Central Europe between the 5th and 10th century. Proceedings from the conference organised by Polish Academy of Arts and Sciences and Institute of Archaeology University of Reszów under the patronage of Union Académique International (Programme No. 57 Moravia Magna). Cracow: Institute of Archaeology University of Reszów.

52 PLATE I

Fig 2a-b. SHM 1500. Ella, Gåsinge, Södermanland, Sweden. RIC VIII, pl. 13, n.9. Constantine II (AD 337-340), Aquileia. Obverse: CONSTANTINVS MAX AVG Emperor diademed, facing right. Reverse: VICTORIA. In exergue: SMAQ Victory advancing left, holding wreath and palm. Diameter: 20.5 mm. Weight: 4.36 g. Die- axis: 12 o’clock. Photograph courtesy of KMK/SHM.

Fig 3a-b. Coin 2400-2233. Photograph by the author.

Fig 4a-b. Coin 2400-2188. Coin 2400-22. Photograph by the author.

52 53 PLATE II

Fig 5a-b. Coin 2400-2189. Photograph by the author.

Fig 6a-b. Coin 2400-2187. Photograph by the author.

Fig 7a-b. Coin 2400-2248. Photograph by the author.

54 PLATE III

Fig 8a-b. Coin 2400-2249. Photograph by the author.

Fig 9a-b. Coin 2400-2250. Photograph by the author.

Fig 10a-b. Coin 2400-2247. Photograph by the author.

54 55 PLATE IV

Fig 11a-b. Coin 2400-2208. Photograph by the author.

Fig 12a-b. Coin 2400-2210. Photograph by the author.

Fig 13a-b. Coin 2400-2209. Photograph by the author.

56 PLATE V

Fig 14a-b. Coin 2400-2212. Photograph by the author.

Fig 15a-b. Coin 2400-2211. Photograph by the author.

Fig 16a-b. Coin 2400-2213. Photograph by the author.

56 57 PLATE VI

Fig 17a-b. Coin 2400-2165. Photograph by the author.

Fig 18a-b. Coin 2400-2255. Photograph by the author.

Fig 19a-b. Coin 2400-2256. Photograph by the author.

58 PLATE VII

Fig 20a-b. Coin 2400-2258. Photograph by the author.

Fig 21a-b. Coin 2400-2259. Photograph by the author.

Fig 22a-b. Coin 2400-2260. Photograph by the author.

58 59 PLATE VIII

Fig 23a-b. Coin 2400-2261. Photograph by the author.

Fig 24a-b. Coin 2400-2262. Photograph by the author.

Fig 25a-b. Coin 2400-2215. Photograph by the author.

60 PLATE IX

Fig 26a-b. Coin 2400-2216. Photograph by the author.

Fig 27a-b. Coin 2400-2266. Photograph by the author.

Fig 28a-b. Coin 2400-2264. Photograph by the author.

60 61 PLATE X

Fig 29a-b. Coin 2400-2265. Photograph by the author.

Fig 30a-b. Coin 2400-2267. Photograph by the author.

Fig 31a-b. Coin 2400-2268. Photograph by the author.

62 PLATE XI

Fig 32a-b. Coin 2400-2269. Photograph by the author.

Fig 33a-b. Coin 2400-2271. Photograph by the author.

Fig 34a-b. Coin 2400-2270. Photograph by the author.

62 63 PLATE XII

Fig 35a-b. Coin 2400-2288. Photograph by the author.

Fig 36a-b. Coin 2400-2289. Photograph by the author.

64