Blood Over Soil: the Misconception of Nazi Environmentalism
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Beyond the Racial State
Beyond the Racial State Rethinking Nazi Germany Edited by DEVIN 0. PENDAS Boston College MARK ROSEMAN Indiana University and · RICHARD F. WETZELL German Historical Institute Washington, D.C. GERMAN lflSTORICAL INSTITUTE Washington, D.C. and CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS I Racial Discourse, Nazi Violence, and the Limits of the Racial State Model Mark Roseman It seems obvious that the Nazi regime was a racial state. The Nazis spoke a great deal about racial purity and racial difference. They identified racial enemies and murdered them. They devoted considerable attention to the health of their own "race," offering significant incentives for marriage and reproduction of desirable Aryans, and eliminating undesirable groups. While some forms of population eugenics were common in the interwar period, the sheer range of Nazi initiatives, coupled with the Nazis' willing ness to kill citizens they deemed physically or mentally substandard, was unique. "Racial state" seems not only a powerful shorthand for a regime that prioritized racial-biological imperatives but also above all a pithy and plausible explanatory model, establishing a strong causal link between racial thinking, on the one hand, and murderous population policy and genocide, on the other. There is nothing wrong with attaching "racial. state" as a descriptive label tci the Nazi regime. It successfully connotes a regime that both spoke a great deal about race and acted in the name of race. It enables us to see the links between a broad set of different population measures, some positively discriminatory, some murderously eliminatory. It reminds us how sttongly the Nazis believed that maximizing national power depended on managing the health and quality of the population. -
Gerr"1AN IDENT ITV TRANSFORNED
GERr"1AN IDENT ITV TRANSFORNED 1. Is GePmany a SpeciaZ Case? German identity problems are usually viewed as a special case. I do not think it is necessary to argue this point with any elabor ation. It is argued that the Germans' obsessions about identity reached a peak of mental aberration in the Second World War, when in a fit of total national insanity they set about mass murdering most of Europe on the grounds of arbitrary and invented grades of approved and disapproved races, drawn from a misunderstanding of physical anthropology. The sources of the identity problem have been subjected to a great deal of analysis, but remain obscure. l Before I go on to look at how true it is that German identity poses special problems, let me briefly mention a recent example of the extent to which the attitudes drawn from the Second World War have permeated our consciousness. I enjoy science fiction, and last summer I watched a film on TV, made in America by a consortium of apparently largely Mafia money, which concerned the invasion of the earth from outer space. The invaders were lizards from another solar system. They were lizards who were able to make themselves look like people by wearing a synthetic human skin, but underneath were reptiles. Some clever people observed this from the beginning, but were disbelieved. The lizards seemed friendly, and quickly acquired what were called collaborators, drawn from the ambitious and weak elements in society. Lizards played on conservative instincts, such as a desire for law and order. -
Alwin Seifert and Nazi Environmentalism
Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette History Faculty Research and Publications History, Department of 5-2020 Advocates for the Landscape: Alwin Seifert and Nazi Environmentalism Peter Staudenmaier Follow this and additional works at: https://epublications.marquette.edu/hist_fac Part of the History Commons Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette History Faculty Research and Publications/College of Arts and Sciences This paper is NOT THE PUBLISHED VERSION; but the author’s final, peer-reviewed manuscript. The published version may be accessed by following the link in the citation below. German Studies Review, Vol. 43, No. 2 (May 2020): 271-290. DOI. This article is © Johns Hopkins University Press and permission has been granted for this version to appear in e- Publications@Marquette. Johns Hopkins University Press does not grant permission for this article to be further copied/distributed or hosted elsewhere without the express permission from Johns Hopkins University Press. Advocates for the Landscape: Alwin Seifert and Nazi Environmentalism Peter Staudenmaier ABSTRACT Reexamining debates on ostensibly green facets of Nazism, this article offers a case study of the "landscape advocates" led by Alwin Seifert from 1934 to 1945. In contrast to previous accounts focused on the role of the landscape advocates in the construction of the Autobahn, the article assesses their work on a wide range of projects in Nazi Germany and across occupied Europe. It argues that existing scholarship has not fully recognized the extent of the landscape advocates' involvement in Nazi structures and has sometimes misunderstood the relationship between their environmental activities and blood and soil ideology. Seven decades after the defeat of Hitler's dictatorship, the European landscape still bears the scars of war and genocide. -
Volkswagen, Volksempfänger, Volksgemeinschaft: "Volksprodukte" Im Dritten Reich: Vom Scheitern Einer Nationalsozialistischen Konsumgesellschaft'
H-German Fraunholz on König, 'Volkswagen, Volksempfänger, Volksgemeinschaft: "Volksprodukte" im Dritten Reich: Vom Scheitern einer nationalsozialistischen Konsumgesellschaft' Review published on Wednesday, June 1, 2005 Wolfgang König. Volkswagen, Volksempfänger, Volksgemeinschaft: "Volksprodukte" im Dritten Reich: Vom Scheitern einer nationalsozialistischen Konsumgesellschaft. Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh Verlag, 2004. 310 S. + 21 Abb. EUR 36.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-3-506-71733-7. Reviewed by Uwe Fraunholz (Institute for the History of Technology and Engineering Sciences, Technische Universität Dresden) Published on H-German (June, 2005) Propaganda and Illusion In his study of so-called "people's products" in the Third Reich, historian of technology Wolfgang König impressively deconstructs die-hard myths concerning pretended mass consumption under Nazi rule. "People's products" were defined as inexpensive goods and services of high quality for the broad masses. Presenting, for the first time, a consistent history of these products, which were initiated by NS politics and jointly produced by industry or party- and state-owned companies, König does pioneering work. He not only covers technical consumer durables like radio receivers, television sets, refrigerators, and motorcars, but includes social housing construction and mass tourism as well. The stated purpose of the book is to evaluate the function of "people's products" in the context of national socialist policy. The author understands the promotion of these goods as an attempt to establish a particular Nazi version of consumer society. But the effort was complicated by conflicting goals: armament and an orientation towards autarchy actually limited the possibilities for consumption. Since it proved impossible to advance both massive armament and mass consumption, the vision of a consuming Volksgemeinschaft could not be realized. -
Fascist Ecology: the Gr" Een Wing" of the Nazi Party and Its Historical Antecedents Peter Staudenmaier Marquette University, [email protected]
Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette History Faculty Research and Publications History, Department of 1-1-2011 Fascist Ecology: The Gr" een Wing" of the Nazi Party and its Historical Antecedents Peter Staudenmaier Marquette University, [email protected] Published version. "Fascist Ecology: The Gr" een Wing" of the Nazi Party and its Historical Antecedents," in Ecofascism Revisited: Lessons from the German Experience. Eds. Janet Biehl and Peter Staudenmaier. Porsgrunn: New Compass Press, 2011: 13-42. Permalink. © 2011 New Compass Press. PETER STAUDENMAIER FASCIST ECOLOGY: THE uGREEN WING" OF THE NAZI PARTY AND ITS HISTORICAL ANTECEDENTS "We recognize that separating humanity from nature, from the whole of life, leads to humankind's own destruction and to the death of nations. Only through a re-integration of humanity into the whole of nature can our people be made stronger. That is the fundamental point of the biological tasks of our age. Humankind alone is no longer the focus of thought, but rather life as a whole . This striving toward connectedness with the totality of life, with nature itself, a nature into which we are born, this is the deepest meaning and the true essence of National Socialist thought:' 1 In our zeal to condemn the status quo, radicals often carelessly toss about epithets like "fascist" and "ecofascist;' thus contributing to a sort of conceptual inflation that in no way furthers effective social critique. In such a situation, 13 ECOFASCISM REVISITED it is easy to overlook the fact that there are still virulent strains of fascism in our political culture which, however marginal, demand our attention. -
Hard Hearts; the Volksgemeinschaft As an Indicator of Identity Shift Kaitlin Hampshire James Madison University
James Madison University JMU Scholarly Commons Masters Theses The Graduate School Summer 2017 Hard times; Hard duties; Hard hearts; The Volksgemeinschaft as an indicator of identity shift Kaitlin Hampshire James Madison University Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/master201019 Part of the European History Commons, Military History Commons, and the Other German Language and Literature Commons Recommended Citation Hampshire, Kaitlin, "Hard times; Hard duties; Hard hearts; The oV lksgemeinschaft as na indicator of identity shift" (2017). Masters Theses. 488. https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/master201019/488 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the The Graduate School at JMU Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of JMU Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Hard Times; Hard Duties; Hard Hearts; The Volksgemeinschaft as an Indicator of Identity Shift Kaitlin Hampshire A thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of JAMES MADISON UNIVERSITY In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History August 2017 FACULTY COMMITTEE: Committee Chair: Dr. Christian Davis Committee Members/ Readers: Dr. Michael Gubser Dr. Gabrielle Lanier To Mom and Dad, I do not know how I could have done this without you! II Acknowledgements Foremost, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my director Dr. Christian Davis for his support of my Master’s Thesis. Besides my director, I would like to thank the rest of my thesis committee: Dr. Michael Gubser and Dr. Gabrielle Lanier. My deepest thanks goes to my Graduate Director and Mentor Dr. -
German’ Communities from Eastern Europe at the End of the Second World War
EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE, FLORENCE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND CIVILIZATION EUI Working Paper HEC No. 2004/1 The Expulsion of the ‘German’ Communities from Eastern Europe at the End of the Second World War Edited by STEFFEN PRAUSER and ARFON REES BADIA FIESOLANA, SAN DOMENICO (FI) All rights reserved. No part of this paper may be reproduced in any form without permission of the author(s). © 2004 Steffen Prauser and Arfon Rees and individual authors Published in Italy December 2004 European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50016 San Domenico (FI) Italy www.iue.it Contents Introduction: Steffen Prauser and Arfon Rees 1 Chapter 1: Piotr Pykel: The Expulsion of the Germans from Czechoslovakia 11 Chapter 2: Tomasz Kamusella: The Expulsion of the Population Categorized as ‘Germans' from the Post-1945 Poland 21 Chapter 3: Balázs Apor: The Expulsion of the German Speaking Population from Hungary 33 Chapter 4: Stanislav Sretenovic and Steffen Prauser: The “Expulsion” of the German Speaking Minority from Yugoslavia 47 Chapter 5: Markus Wien: The Germans in Romania – the Ambiguous Fate of a Minority 59 Chapter 6: Tillmann Tegeler: The Expulsion of the German Speakers from the Baltic Countries 71 Chapter 7: Luigi Cajani: School History Textbooks and Forced Population Displacements in Europe after the Second World War 81 Bibliography 91 EUI WP HEC 2004/1 Notes on the Contributors BALÁZS APOR, STEFFEN PRAUSER, PIOTR PYKEL, STANISLAV SRETENOVIC and MARKUS WIEN are researchers in the Department of History and Civilization, European University Institute, Florence. TILLMANN TEGELER is a postgraduate at Osteuropa-Institut Munich, Germany. Dr TOMASZ KAMUSELLA, is a lecturer in modern European history at Opole University, Opole, Poland. -
Pedlars of Hate: the Violent Impact of the European Far Right
Pedlars of hate: the violent impact of the European far Right Liz Fekete Published by the Institute of Race Relations 2-6 Leeke Street London WC1X 9HS Tel: +44 (0) 20 7837 0041 Fax: +44 (0) 20 7278 0623 Web: www.irr.org.uk Email: [email protected] ©Institute of Race Relations 2012 ISBN 978-0-85001-071-9 Acknowledgements We would like to acknowledge the support of the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust and the Open Society Foundations in the researching, production and dissemination of this report. Many of the articles cited in this document have been translated into English by over twenty volunteers who assist the IRR’s European Research Programme. We would especially like to thank Sibille Merz and Dagmar Schatz (who translate from German into English), Joanna Tegnerowicz (who translates from Polish into English) and Kate Harre, Frances Webber and Norberto Laguía Casaus (who translate from Spanish into English). A particular debt is due to Frank Kopperschläger and Andrei Stavila for their generosity in allowing us to use their photographs. In compiling this report the websites of the Internet Centre Against Racism in Europe (www.icare.to) and Romea (www.romea.cz) proved invaluable. Liz Fekete is Executive Director of the Institute of Race Relations and head of its European research programme. Cover photo by Frank Kopperschläger is of the ‘Silence Against Silence’ memorial rally in Berlin on 26 November 2011 to commemorate the victims of the National Socialist Underground. (In Germany, white roses symbolise the resistance movement to the Nazi -
Intellectual Cultural and Social Life in the Third Reich by GEORGE L
Nazi Intellectual Cultural and Social Life in the Third Reich by GEORGE L MOSSE Translations by Salvator Attanasio and others The University of Wisconsin Press Contents INTRODUCTION xix 1. HITLER SETS THE TONE 1 Editor's Introduction 1 FROM CULTURE AS THE FAITH IN AN IDEAL REICH TO ITS DIFFUSION AMONG THE MASSES 5 The Power of Ideals 5 The Aryan as Custodian of Culture 5 The State Is Not an End But a Means 6 The Jew Has No Culture 7 The Necessity of Propaganda 7 How Hitler Viewed the Masses 8 Education Must Be Based on Ideals 9 Education, Instinct, and Will 10 HITLER DEFINES CULTURE IN DEFINING ART 11 The Cultural Renascence 11 2. WHAT SORT OF A REVOLUTION? 17 Editor's Introduction 17 THE GOOD FIGHT 24 Here Marched the New Germany 24 FRIEDRICH JOACHIM KLAEHN vii viii CONTENTS A Meeting-Hall Brawl 27 KURT MASSMANN THE BONDS OF FAMILY 30 National Socialism Has Restored the Family 30 HANNS ANDERLAHN The German Volk Is an Interlacing of Families 34 LUDWIG LEONHARDT Marriage, Morality, and Property 35 HERMANN PAULL THE IDEAL OF WOMANHOOD 39 The Tasks of Women 39 ADOLF HITLER Emancipation from the Emancipation Movement 40 ALFRED ROSENBERG Domestic Diligence from Blood and Soil 41 The Female Bird 41 JOSEPH GOEBBELS Women That We Can Love 41 Frau Goebbels on German Women 42 The Blond Craze - 43 A Shiny Nose and the German Nation 43 Faith and Beauty 44 Right Conduct 45 The Honor Cross of the German Mother 45 The Woman Student 46 Against the Political Woman 47 ENGELBERT HUBER THE SOCIAL REALITY 47 Does the Five O'Clock Tea Suit Our Time? 47 Fairytale Scenes on Peacock Island 53 Beautiful Gowns at the Annual Press Ball 54 Wanted: Croupiers 55 3. -
Nazi Party from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia
Create account Log in Article Talk Read View source View history Nazi Party From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia This article is about the German Nazi Party that existed from 1920–1945. For the ideology, see Nazism. For other Nazi Parties, see Nazi Navigation Party (disambiguation). Main page The National Socialist German Workers' Party (German: Contents National Socialist German Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (help·info), abbreviated NSDAP), commonly known Featured content Workers' Party in English as the Nazi Party, was a political party in Germany between 1920 and 1945. Its Current events Nationalsozialistische Deutsche predecessor, the German Workers' Party (DAP), existed from 1919 to 1920. The term Nazi is Random article Arbeiterpartei German and stems from Nationalsozialist,[6] due to the pronunciation of Latin -tion- as -tsion- in Donate to Wikipedia German (rather than -shon- as it is in English), with German Z being pronounced as 'ts'. Interaction Help About Wikipedia Community portal Recent changes Leader Karl Harrer Contact page 1919–1920 Anton Drexler 1920–1921 Toolbox Adolf Hitler What links here 1921–1945 Related changes Martin Bormann 1945 Upload file Special pages Founded 1920 Permanent link Dissolved 1945 Page information Preceded by German Workers' Party (DAP) Data item Succeeded by None (banned) Cite this page Ideologies continued with neo-Nazism Print/export Headquarters Munich, Germany[1] Newspaper Völkischer Beobachter Create a book Youth wing Hitler Youth Download as PDF Paramilitary Sturmabteilung -
The Anthropology of Space and Place in the Afrikaner Volkstaat Of
“PLACE OF OUR OWN”: The Anthropology of Space and Place In the Afrikaner Volkstaat of Orania by LISE HAGEN submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the subject ANTHROPOLOGY at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA PRETORIA Supervisor: Professor M. de Jongh Co-supervisor: Professor C.J. van Vuuren January 2013 Student number: 4107-018-6 I declare that “PLACE OF OUR OWN”: The Anthropology of Space and Place in the Afrikaner Volkstaat of Orania is my own work and that all the sources that I have used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. ___________________ _____________________ Signed Date (Lise Hagen) i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Dedicated to Hugo Hagen: father, artist & storyteller extraordinaire Carpe diem pappa Words are inadequate to convey the nuances and myriad facets to each and every step of this research journey. However, I humbly express my sincerest thanks to the following persons and institutions who contributed: The inhabitants, management and leadership of Orania for allowing me a glimpse into their lives. While there were many, many instances of assistance, collaboration and kindness, in particular I would like to thank Karel iv and Anje for food, and food for thought, the Strydoms, Lida and Nikke, for patience and Dr. Manie Opperman, Sebastian Biehl and Roelien de Klerk for their personal interest and support. Dankie Orania. My husband. Geliefde, thanks for accompanying me across the country and across the world, on roads certainly less travelled. To my supervisors Professors Mike de Jongh and Chris van Vuuren for their patient support and for fostering me, an anthropological cuckoo, above and beyond the call of duty. -
European Fascism Since 1919
PAPER 20. EUROPEAN FASCISM SINCE 1919 Introduction Fascism was the most consequential political invention of the twentieth century. Its challenge to the liberal, capitalist order of Europe was more momentous – and murderous – than that of communism. The terror and destruction unleashed by the major fascist regimes have left an indelible mark on the course of modern history and our collective memory. The symbols and imagery of fascism remain instantly recognizable, while its ideas have seen a remarkable renaissance in the past twenty years. Despite this enormous impact, fascism has proved strangely elusive as an object of historical analysis. Since 1945, it has been frequently explained away as a political pathology: a horrific, but fleeting deviation from Europe‟s path to modernity. Marxist commentators in particular have downplayed its significance by reducing it to a mere reflection of the „disintegrating bourgeois state‟. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, German (as well as Italian) historians insisted that „their‟ brand of fascism was so much more (or less) extreme than other variants that comparative interpretations were morally reprehensible (or lacking in heuristic value). Today, after a decade of renewed academic interest in „generic fascism‟, prompted by the works of Roger Griffin, Stanley Payne and Zeev Sternhell, there is still considerable scholarly hostility to the notion that fascism represented a serious alternative to parliamentary democracy and the free market on the one hand and communism on the other. Paper 20 takes fascism seriously. It provides a sober, scrupulous recharting of the fascist „third way‟, beyond the ira et studium of the anti-fascists and the pieties of the Sonderweg theorists.