ISLAM REALITAS: Journal of Islamic & Social Studies Vol. 5, No. 1, January-June 2019

Zaki Faddad Syarif Zain State Islamic University (UIN) Raden Fatah e-mail: [email protected]

Anisatul Mardiah State Islamic University (UIN) Raden Fatah Palembang e-mail: [email protected]

Submission: 4 April 2019 Revised : 15 June 2019 Published: 20 July 2019

Abstract This paper aims to determine the dynamics of Muslim Chinese and Malay relation in Palembang. This qualitative research is conducted with descriptive analytics. Data are obtained by interviews, documentation, and observation. This study engages the socio-historical approach, namely studying the conflict and integration between and Chinese in Palembang by looking at the history and the socio-politics. The research finds that the conflict between the two groups was strongly influenced by the political dynamics at the national level which spreads to Palembang. On the other hand, the process of integration between Chinese and Malays is unique and naturally integrated which is solved pragmatically The integration potentiality lies on the local narratives of a strong attachment between Malay and Chinese cultures. Keywords: Chinese, Malay, Conflict, Integration, Palembang

Abstrak Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui pasang surut relasi kelompok Muslim Tionghoa dan Melayu di tingkat lokal yaitu Palembang. Penelitian ini termasuk dalam penelitian kualitatif yang disajikan dengan deskriptif analitis. Data diperoleh dengan wawancara, dokumentasi dan observasi. Penelitian ini termasuk penelitian deskriptif kualitatif dengan pendekatan sosio historis, yaitu mengkaji konflik dan integrasi antara Melayu dan Tionghoa di Palembang dengan menilik pada sejarah dan kondisi sosial politik yang melatarbelakanginya Dari penelitian yang dilakukan ditemukan bahwa konflik antara kedua kelompok itu sangat dipengaruhi oleh dinamika politik di tingkat nasional (baca: yang terjadi di Jawa) yang berkembang hingga Palembang. Selanjutnya, integrasi antara Tionghoa dan Melayu memiliki keunikan tersendiri karena berjalan dengan natural didasarkan pada prinsip pragmatis. Sedangkan potensi integrasi dapat dilihat narasi-narasi keterikatan yang kuat antara Melayu dan Tionghoa yang menambah khazanah multikultural dari budaya Melayu Palembang itu sendiri. Kata Kunci: Tionghoa, Melayu, Konflik, Inegrasi, Palembang.

Background still hampered 1 . The politics of segregation Despite the fact that the existence of during the Dutch colonial government until Chinese people who have already lived in the New Order and the spread of negative for centuries and have vast stigma have made Chinese community is seen influenced Malay culture, the relationship between the two ethnic groups were not always inharmonious. Various discrimination is still experienced by this community because the 1 B G Setiono, Tionghoa dalam Pusaran Politik (Jakarta: Trans Media, 2008), process of integration with local residents is , p. 43. Lihat juga Kodiran, „Asimilasi Etnis Tionghoa Indonesia dan Implikasinya terhadap Integrasi Nasional :Studi di Kota Tanjungbalai Provinsi Sumatera Utara‟ {unpublished doctoral thesis, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta , 2012}, p. 231.

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as the other or foreigner which led to conflict political elites 5 . Many Chinese people were and discrimination2. given access to run their businesses but were This paper aims to determine the dynamic marginalized in political affairs. In addition, of Chinese and Malay relation in Palembang. Wertheim assumes that anti-Chinese sentiment The qualitative research is presented with is caused by economic competition and the descriptive analytics. Data is obtained by struggle for intermediaries position in the interviews, documentation, and observation. commerce6. In Palembang context, Azra sees This study engages the socio-historical that the economic position of Chinese people approach, namely studying conflicts and in Palembang was very special, during the integrations between Malays and Chinese in Colonial period they replaced the role of Arab Palembang by looking at the history and the and local businessmen as the main trader and socio-political approach. The research finds broker of plantation products as export that the conflict between the two groups was commodities from indigenous people7. strongly influenced by the political dynamics at Furthermore, there was a political the national level which spreads to Palembang. separation that placed the Chinese settlement On the other hand, the process of integration separated from the Arabs and Natives. The between Chinese and Malays is unique and colonial government's efforts were intended to naturally integrated which is based on weaken Islamic resistance after the collapse of pragmatic principles 3 . The integration the . In addition, potentiality lies on the local narratives of a Sommers-Heidhues makes it clear that there strong attachment between Malay and Chinese was competition between indigenous cultures. entrepreneurs and Chinese businessmen, and Several studies have investigated that the high social inequality between the Chinese causes of conflict in Chinese society are mainly minority and the indigenous majority as the on political, economic and cultural factors. cause of social jealousy and anti-Chinese From political factors, Takeshi Shiraishi argues sentiments in Palembang. that the conflict between Muslims and Chinese In addition to the structuralist point of is due to the racial segregation policy of the view, this research also looks at a cultural Government, which placed standpoint which sees a significant cultural the Chinese group in a higher class than the difference between Chinese and Islam as the natives that aimed to weaken nationalist cause of the difficulty of the integration sentiment4. From an economic point of view, process among Chinese in Palembang. Tan stated that in the Suharto era, Chinese However, the cultural point of view allows the businessman acted as "money machines" both process of integration among Chinese groups for the interests of the government and with Islam. For example, some Chinese

2 Graham K Brown, The Formation And Management of Political Identities: Indonesia and Malaysia 5 Eugene K B Tan, „From Sojourners to Compared (New York: Centre for Research on Citizens: Managing the Ethnic Chinese Minority in Inequality, Human Security and Ethnicity, 2005), p. 34. Indonesia and Malaysia‟, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 24.6 3 Muhiddinur Kamal, „Harmony in Diversity: (2001), 949–78 Study on Potential Harmonious Multicultural Society . “Pantara” Regions (Panti-Tapus-Rao) Northern Border 6 W. F. Wertheim, „Changes in Indonesia‟s Social of West ‟, Islam Realitas: Journal of Islamic & Social Stratification‟, Pacific Affairs, 28.1 (1955), 41 Studies, 4.2 (2018), 148 . . 7 Azyumardi Azra, „The Indies Chinese and the 4 Shiraishi T, The Rise of China and Its Implications Sarekat Islam an Account of the Anti-Chinese Riots in for East Asia." In Sinicization and the Rise of China (UK: Colonial Indonesia‟, Studia Islamika, 1.1 (1994), 25–53 Routledge, 2013), p. 136-166. .

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consider there is no problem with religious centuries). Palembang has a big river that differences in one family, thus some of them connects many canals which all flow to Musi see that the conversion into Islam is not a River and continues towards the sea. The problem. If previously some studies had estuary of the river was very crowded strait, discussed the conflict and integration of Bangka Strait which was the main route for Chinese and Indigenous people in the Arab, Indian and Chinese traders in the Indonesian context, this paper discusses the archipelago. Hence, the kingdom dynamic relation of both ethnicities in the local became the strongest kingdom in Archilepago context, Palembang. at the time because it controlled the trading routes so that foreign traders include Muslim The Origin of Muslim Chinese Community in Palembang traders will stop at the ports of Srivijaya 10 Palembang is a city which has one of the kingdom . most strategic port in the archipelago. The city Based on Chinese writing sources, it can of Palembang has long been known as a be seen that ethnic Chinese groups have begun commercial centre. Palembang has a big river, to settle in Palembang since the 7th century. which had been used as routes of When this area was still ruled by Srivijaya, the international commerce by China, Arab, Persia, Chinese came and settled in Palembang to India, and Europe traders. Therefore, culturally learn Sanskrit language and commerce. The the city of Palembang has various cultural location of their settlements was probably elements and pluralistic society. around the Gedingsuro (Tanggo Buntung) site Palembang as an international port city and the Air Bersih site (Boom Baru). The has existed since centuries ago, even in the evidence that shows the existence of these 13th century, the name Palembang was first settlements is the remnants of the structure of mentioned in Chinese chronicles in 1225 the Temple, Arca and Chinese ceramic which was written in Chinese spelling as Po- fragments from the Srivijaya kingdom. Chinese lin-fang8. ceramic fragments from the Tang dynasty are 11 In the past, Palembang became the most found in the Air Bersih site . important city for commerce and shipping in FJ Mored quoted from Hanafiah claims western Indonesia that connected three that Chinese people did not leave much 12 important regions of Asian traders, namely influence in Palembang . The influence was China, India, and Arabia. In fact, Palembang only in terms of trade taken in Chinese as in was one of the most important ports which the Malay-Palembang dialect. It is reasonable formed cosmopolitan city since the period of because the Chinese term was commonly the Srivijaya maritime empire and the introduced by traders from Fukien/Canton Palembang Sultanate9. who settled throughout the archipelago. In our Geographically, Palembang has a strategic opinion, the claim is not completely true. The location as an international commerce and influence of Chinese culture is materially found shipping lane since the Srivijaya kingdom (7-13 in historic architectures, including the design of the old palace (Keraton Lamo), the Great

8 D Hanafiah, Melayu-Jawa: Citra Budaya dan Mosque, and the newest Palembang Sejarah Palembang (Jakarta: RajaGrafindo Persada, 1995) Darussalam palace at Benteng Kuto Besak. p. 54. 9 Jumhari, Sejarah Sosial Orang Melayu Kerturunan 10 Hanafiah. Arab dan Cina di Palembang dari Masa Kesultanan Palembang 11 Purnawati, „Tugu Prasasti Cina‟, Jurnal Hingga Reformasi (Padang: BPNST Padang Press, 2010), Tamaddun, 27. 1 (2004), 12. p. 4. 12 Hanafiah.

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The most obvious architecture in the form of a The establishment of the Palembang pyramid on the roof of these places. Sultanate began with the events of the seizure Kukang (Palembang) was the second- of the power of the Demak Kingdom in 1546. largest colony outside where Admiral It was based on the writings of a Priayi in Cheng Ho had already formed colonies in Palembang written in Jawi letters as quoted in several areas in Java. Cheng Ho and his the history book of by entourage stopped at Kukang (Palembang) for Abdullah the first time in 1407 AD. According to Ma "It has been reported that several Huan, Cheng Ho's translator who children of the kings had moved accompanied him on an expedition, in from the land of Java to the land of Palembang, the admiral was given a special task Palembang to run away from the riots when the Pajang by Emperor Yong Le to liberate this area from attacked Demak. The one who the pirate group Chen Yuzi, a non-Muslim became king in Palembang among from Fujian to secure maritime trading routes them was Ki Gede Ing Suro Tuo, in Nanyang or Southeast Asia 13 After Ki Gede Sido Ing Lautan's son, successfully cracking down pirate Chen Yuzi, when Kiyai Gede Ing Suro Tuo's according to Johan Hanafiah, Admiral Cheng death, he was replaced by Ki Gede Ing Suro Mudo, Ki Gede Ing Alir's Ho settled three times in Palembang, but no son and they were all sons of the record was found that revealed the exact king who move from the land of purpose of his arrival. Java to the land of Palembang, that In addition, the spread of Islam in all of them were twenty-four Palembang cannot be separated from the role numbers of people there".14 of the Chinese community. Arya Damar who was told as the ruler of Palembang, around The founder of the Palembang Sultanate 1434 AD and also the adoptive father of was a descendant of Pangeran Trenggono who Raden Fatah according to Parlindungan had moved to Palembang under the leadership of Chinese name Swan Liong. He was an envoy Ki Gede Ing Suro Tuo and settled in Kuto from Gan Eng Tju, the leader of the Chinese Gawang hamlet, an area around the Palembang community in Southeast Asia. Then he led the Lamo. As is known, Prince Trenggono is the Kukang (Palembang) region as the successor son of Raden Fatah and the grandson Prabu of Cheng Ho. Kertabumi Brawijaya V of with his Raden Fatah, the founder and the first wife a Chinese princess who was born and king of Demak Kingdom was born in raised in Palembang. Thus it can be concluded Palembang. He has Chinese name Djin Bun that Chinese people are likely the ancestors of (Strong Man). Raden Fatah is the son of Raja the Palembang Darussalam Sultanate. Chinese Brawijaya V and a princess of Champa, some people have experienced perfect assimilation says that she is Chinese descent who already with local residents. Moreover, the Chinese lived in Palembang. The story indicates that the descendants were able to become local Chinese Muslim community in Palembang has authorities, so that Chinese influence was not fused perfectly with the local people, both only in its culture but also in the power structurally and culturally through marriage. structure.

14 M. Abdullah, (ed.al), Kota Palembang Sebagai 13Tan Ta Sen, Cheng Ho and Islam in Southeast Asia Kota Dagang dan Industri (Jakarta: IDSN Depdikbud, (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2009), 1984), p. 56. p. 23.

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The book The History of Sumatra, The Dynamic of Muslim Chinese and containing Government, Laws, Customs and Malay Relations in Palembang

Manners of the Native Inhabitants written by If in Bangka, most of the Chinese people William Marsden in 1784 states that in work as tin coolers, whereas Chinese people in at that time there were Chinese Palembang worked as traders. They became people settled in that area. Marsden mentioned the trading partners of the Sultan, and some that there was a Chinese resident named Kee took the role to be intermediary traders of Son who was the smartest among people who imported goods. The roles of Chinese traders in worked on the farm. He worked tirelessly and the 18th century were more varied, ranging was very diligently. Because the land was not from retailers, groceries, mindring (creditors), to fertile, he almost went bankrupt until he was brokers of large commodities such as pepper helped by a British company, the East India and tin. Most Chinese people traded using Company15. "wangkang" traditional Chinese boats. During In fact, there were already many Chinese the Sultanate, those who did not convert to immigrants in the Palembang Darussalam Islam were considered foreigners. That was the Sultanate. Most of them already converted to reason why they lived in the rivers. That means Islam. Those who were Muslim can occupy the Sultanate was still suspicious and cautious important positions in the government. Some about Chinese people. As Sevenhoeven (1971) of them even married the family of the stated, "if the Chinese were allowed to live in sultanate. For example, Sultan Mahmud the land, they may be dangerous, whereas if Badaruddin I (1722-1757) wife was descended they live in rafts of bamboo they could always from Chinese Semarang16. be controlled and easily burned their rafts." Chinese colonies in Palembang during the Usually Chinese lived on the rivers with their Palembang Darussalam sultanate that came in rafters, while Arabs had already settled on the the 18th century were tin miners. Since 1722, land. Both groups worked as intermediaries. the Sultan realised that the tin mining There are no exact figures on the number of techniques of the Chinese people were far Chinese and Arabs who settled in Palembang more advanced compared to the primitive during the sultanate era 17 . During the technology of the local community. Therefore Palembang sultanate, Chinese people usually the Sultan recruited many Chinese from South traded crockeries, silks, gold, iron pans, China. The Sultan appointed a Chinese medicines, tea, sweets, and other Chinese Peranakan named Cung Huyut (Bong Hu But) goods. At the end of the Palembang Sultanate to bring in tin porters from South China. This the policy regarding Chinese community began effort actually followed the experience of the to change, they allowed building houses on the Sultan of Perak and the Sultan of Johor who land. This was indicated by the house of first employed Chinese miners. After the Chinese‟s leader who had a house on the edge Sultan sold tin minings to the VOC, in order to of the Musi River on dry land 18 . zamaEven increase tin production in Bangka, the VOC though they obtained permission to live on increased the number of coolies by bringing in land, not all Chinese people were able to build many workers from China. houses on land so it is not surprising that there were still Chinese people who live in raft houses. After Dutch took over the power of 15 Setiono. 16 Barbara Watson Andaya, „The Cloth Trade in Palembang Sultanate in 1821, the Dutch began Jambi and Palembang Society during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries‟, Indonesia, 48.48 (1989), 27 17 Jumhari. . 18 Hanafiah.

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to change the regulations regarding Chinese Chinese and Arabs and other foreign nations, settlements. By the colonial government, they were in the second layer while the majority of were placed in the area of 7 Ulu and its native people were in the lowest social strata. surroundings. This ethnic Chinese settlement (Ari, 2002, p.49) The population of the was marked by the presence of the Chinese Chinese community in Palembang increased Kapitan house, temples, and cemeteries. The from time to time. Based on J. L Van area is generally known as Chinatown and is Sevenhoven's record, at the beginning of the still exist nowadays19. The problem of Chinese Dutch government in Palembang, the Chinese settlement in an exclusive way is a colonial population was around 800 people. Then, at government policy called the Wijkenstelsel the end of the 19th century, the population policy. Chinese leaders in the region have increased to 4,72621. military ranks such as mayor (major), Kapitan The growth of population was also (captain) and lieutenant (linen). Chinese because in the 1920s Palembang began to settlements are explicitly separate from introduce free trade. In that context, the ethnic indigenous settlements. Chinese in Palembang was able to dominate Regarding Chinese settlements in the market. Chinese in Palembang was able to Palembang, according to Hanafiah states as become the dominant group since they run follow: their own enterprises or worked in large "Liang Taow Ming. Liang was able companies. to bind a strong union between the In Palembang, they were not rough Chinese people so that they became coolies like those found in East Sumatra, and a strong community and quite Bangka Belitung in particular. Most of them respected by the Dutch Colonial Government. When the colonial are traders who quickly expanded their power became stronger over the businesses in many economic sectors which are Palembang Darussalam Sultanate, often referred to as conglomerate22. the Dutch began to point 'Chinese The development of the ethnic Chinese officers' to rule the 7 Ulu region businesses was supported by their ability to and its surroundings. 'Officers' integrate themselves with the local community were initially been tasked with through trading cooperation. Chinese ethnic regulating the Chinese community only. However, along with the traders were able to take advantage of various growing strength of the Dutch, economic sectors that were not touched by 'officers' of China also began to European companies. Western companies that take control of indigenous run their businesses in Palembang did have a 20 communities” . wide market and even reach Europe. But they

During the Dutch colonial period, there did not get into local markets. This situation is was a dramatic change, namely the occupied by Chinese traders. By cooperating commencement of the implementation of with Pasirah or leader of the local community racial segregation policies aimed to perpetuate in the interior of Palembang they were able to colonial power. The obvious change is the master the local market. Trading activities with occurrence of classifications of society based on races, in which Westerners were placed as 21 J I van Sevenhoven, Lukisan Tentang Ibu Kota upper class, Foreign Easterners such as Palembang, Seri Terdjemahan Karangan-Karangan Belanda (Jakarta: KITLV Press, 2015) , p. 3. Pembauran di Indonesia (Jakarta: Gema Insani, 2010) p. 23. 22 Mestika Zed, Kepialangan, Politik, dan Pevolusi: 20 Hanafiah. Palembang, 1900-1950 (Jakarta: LP3ES, 2003), p.78.

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local communities included retailers of daily On the other hand, Chinese people took necessities, small traders, brokers or advantage of the policy. They were able to intermediaries of export commodities such as adapt to local people from the interior coffee and rubber23. Their adaptation ability to Palembang. Moreover, under colonial local communities was their strength. It should administration, they were appointed as tax be remembered that the Chinese community in collectors, pawnbrokers, salt monopolies, Palembang was not monolithic, especially opium traders for the sake of the government, regarding its attitude towards the local and as brokers (middleman) of the coffee community. Most of those who settled in commodity. Palembang was born and raised in this area and The exclusive social class of the Arab were easily integrated horizontally. They group itself has gradually diminished. Since the considered or felt closer to other Chinese beginning of the 20th century, none of the people who lived in the Dutch East Indies companies owned by Arabs has stakes in the rather than from mainland China. However, transportation industries, a sector that was very some of them did act like foreigners, especially important in the economy in Palembang. In those who were big traders from Singapore, the field of agriculture, they had no more which many of them only related to large control in commodity exports which were European companies. actually growing rapidly at the time. The Their development in the economic sector Chinese group has been well integrated with was also supported by the discrimination the local community in Palembang since policies adopted by the Dutch colonial Palembang was the centre of the commerce government. The Chinese businessmen which grew as a cosmopolitan city so that it received more privileged than other Asian was accustomed to plurality. communities such as Arabia and India. The However, Colonial policies that privileged position of Arab traders in the 20th centuries the Chinese group would gradually prone to under Dutch colonialism experienced dramatic conflict at the time of the National Movement changes. During the Palembang Sultanate, in until the independence period. the 18th and early 19th centuries, the position The period of the initial national of the Arab group was relatively stronger movement, the period of national awakening compared to that of the Chinese group. They was responded uniquely in Palembang and emerged as strong businessmen in the clothing distinguished it because of the emergence of business and shipping lines, for example, Said movements in Java. The initiation of the Aboe Bakar bin Ahmad, the richest Arab Syarikat Islam movement in Palembang in businessman who owned a large Palembang 1913 launched programs including 1) free of sugar factory in the first half of the 19th taxes and physical labour 2) providing century. He was successful in developing and assistance in social affairs, charity and funeral processing sugar cane on the outskirts of 3) assisting party members throughout the Palembang by imitating the sugar industry in Dutch East Indies and 4) giving legal Java. 24 However, under Dutch East Indies information and protecting the people from authority, the condition gradually changed at injustice. These programs are very different the end of the 19th century. The colonial from the aim of the previous SI predecessor government did not allow Arab businessmen movement Syarekat Dagang Islam (SDI) which to run their business in the interior Palembang. run the night watch program (Rekso Roemekso Association) that focused its 23Zed. 24Zed.

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purpose on the boycott of Chinese resulted in a decline of the prices of export businesspeople25. commodities in the Palembang region which Within three years of the establishment of had an impact on decreasing the income of the SI Palembang branch, this organization local communities and native entrepreneurs was able to gain memberships up to 33,400 who were members of the PSII. 2) Unequal people. That made SI the strongest branch treatment from the colonial government which outside Java, far exceeding its closest privileged Chinese entrepreneurs resulted in competitors in West Sumatra and North jealousy for Arab and Indigenous Sumatera. Although SI was formed to provide entrepreneurs. The economic dominance of social protection and legal assistance for its the Chinese group was regarded as a thorn in followers, the sentiment of religious identity the flesh by some businessmen, especially could not be separated, it was effective to bind those who were affiliated with Islamic groups. local people of Palembang since they had a Interestingly, although the quantity of the Malay Islamic identity. In 1931, SI had become mass was very large, it did not cause significant a political party (Indonesian Islamic material losses from the Chinese. This was Congregation Party: PSII) with one of its because the atmosphere of the demonstration leaders Bratananta who organized mass to was still under control due to the attitude of conduct a massive demonstration against the Chinese entrepreneurs who were able to Chinese groups. The origin of the action was approach the Islamic elites. To reduce the in May 1931 that actually did not originate widespread anti-Chinese sentiment, the unity from Palembang. of the Palembang Chinese community of The rally was the response from the Tionghwa Tjong Siang and several large Cirebon based Chinese publisher Hoa Kiao Chinese companies such as The Chinese newspaper in early May 1931 that contain Rubber Association immediately showed writings deemed insulting to the Prophet financial support and sympathy for the Muhammad. Reactions did not only appear activities of the Al Islam Committee. among local Islamic groups in Java but spread In the 1945-1946 Revolution, the to other areas. In Palembang in particular, beginning of the establishment of the Republic leaders of large Islamic movements such as of Indonesia, Palembang had a new regional PSII encouraged the masses to rally on the government led by governor AK Gani. The streets. The anti-Chinese action from the early days of independence were overwhelmed Islamic group is said to be very impressive, at by the spirit of struggle. Chauvinist identity least in terms of the number of demonstrators. and ethnic differences were obscured in the The action is considered the biggest same identity as the Indonesian nation. demonstration that ever happened. Bratananta Nationalism which became a shared identity was able to mobilize 10,000 demonstrators was deemed in binary opposition against through the Al Islam Committee. foreigner and colonialism. Gani himself The demonstration which took place in promised to do everything to liberate the mid-May voiced the defence of Islam from Indonesian people from the dominance of reports that were considered religious Queen Wilhelmina‟s country, and every person blasphemy. Actually, the demonstration was who did not obey Sukarno and Hatta's very much influenced by other factors. First, government would be labeled as a criminal26. there was an economic depression which

25 Zed. 26 Zed.

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The last sentence is a reminder for those This caused unrest and gained tension among who were hesitant and opposed the Republic. the local community in the city28. At that moment, Chinese elites experienced a In Palembang, during the occupation of dilemma. During the Dutch occupation, they Allies, many vigilante groups had been formed gained a special position and high social class in the early days of the revolution. They made under the Europeans. During the Japanese sporadic resistance that even targeted civilians occupation, they began to be rivalled by the who were considered pro-allies. The most well- emergence of indigenous entrepreneurs. Unlike known radical group at the time was Boeroeng the Dutch who relied heavily on ethnic Hantoe. The lascar (paramilitary group) was Chinese in supporting economic activities, originally formed by AK Gani during the Japan tended to support Native elites because Japanese occupation and then was led by the Japanese suspected Chinese elites had a Raden Mangoen. Boeroeng Hantoe carried out close relationship with the anti-Japanese anarchic actions such as intimidating and movement in China. (Siauw, 1999) Native plundering the Chinese who were considered business elites who were from Palembang such as foreigners and pro against the allies.29 Raden as Ghani Aziz and Dasaad before the Japanese Mangoen's men were not reluctant to kidnap occupation had gained the trust to take over and seized all Chinese property. Some of them the textile monopoly from Chinese companies were later released, but the victims were almost because at the same time the war broke out all killed and their bodies were thrown into the between Japan and China in 1937. The Musi River. In February 1946, there was a indigenous elites were incorporated in the report that up to 800 Chinese were abducted business cooperation formed by Hatta, among by the militia. Protection was given by Allies others, aimed at competing with Chinese army but the loss was inevitable, some of the entrepreneurs. After Japan occupied Indonesia, Chinese people were moved to European several Japanese economic activities relied residents in Talang Semut. The terror did not heavily on Indigenous elites such as Ghani seem to stop. The group still carried out acts of Aziz, H. Shamsoedin, and BR Motik27. terror and kidnapping of Chinese people and Some people from the Chinese group in carried out sabotage to the European Palembang had an attachment to nationalist residentials in Talang Semut.30. movements in China during the Japanese Again, violence against Chinese groups occupation in Indonesia. When the news about occurred in 1947. This time it took a lot of the defeat Japanese against the allies and casualties and became a dark tragedy for the rumour that Chiang Kai Shek's army was going Chinese group in Palembang. The tragedy was to Indonesia to take over Japanese power was actually an impact of the January 1, 1947 battle spread, several people from the Palembang which was known as a five-day five-night battle Chinese group held a demonstration to in which militia and the Army of Republic celebrate it in the centre of the City. They carried out a sporadic attack on the allies and raised the Chinese flag in the rallies. Similar people who were considered pro-allies. The demonstrations were also held in Prabumulih. Palembang-Chinese community was the most victims in the incident. Around 2050 Chinese people died, 1000 injured, 600 lost, and 900 residential houses burned down. The incident 27 Peter Post, „The Formation of the Pribumi Business Élite in Indonesia, 1930s-1940s‟, Bijdragen Tot de Taal-, Land- En Volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities 28 Zed. and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia, 152.4 (1996), 609–32 29 Zed. . 30 Zed.

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also crushed the Indian people of Palembang. policy was also prone to negative effect which About 50 of their shops were burned31. echoed anti-Chinese sentiments. Since the Functionally, conflicts can produce beginning of the Revolution until the 1960s integration. The Palembang Chinese Palembang was known as a paradise for community had its own initiative to bring smugglers mainly in the rubber sector directly about reconciliation with native Malay people. to Singapore. Actually, not only Chinese elites Several Chinese Palembang organizations became smugglers, but the republican, expressly stated their support for the Republic. especially local elites, also enjoyed the situation Instead of addressed retaliation or sued the in Palembang both for business purposes and republic for their losses, they even blamed the for financing the army in the revolution period. Netherlands for the tragedy, although its When the American business network imposed nature was to protect its own interests or the embargo due to the involvement of the tended to be political, they showed their People's Republic of China in the 1953 Korean support the republic and brought War, Palembang was affected because America reconciliation between Chinese and Malay saw Indonesia as the axis of Chinese trading people in Palembang. network through Singapore. As a result, the A group that openly supports the rubber business which had become the most Republic of Indonesia for the incident is the lucrative business became collapsed that Chinese Labor Union (CLU). Liem Djie Lan, affected farmers to large exporters. In this leader of CLU, held a demonstration situation, it is easiest to blame Chinese demanding that the Dutch compensate for businessmen, such the criticism expressed in losses due to the 1947 New Year event. Liem the Fikiran Rakyat, a local newspaper that even demanded the abolition of the Chinese Chinese entrepreneurs were impatient which captain. This demonstration was to show the resulted in lower rubber prices and was not public that the CLU seems to be the most pro- responsible for the situation33. Republican among other Chinese groups. Furthermore, Sukarno‟s government also Though the Chinese captain Lie Sio Sing once sought to integrate the Chinese population in attended the Heroes' Day commemoration on Indonesia. This was triggered by their November 10, 194632. However, these attitudes citizenship status. In 1960 the Sukarno showed the concrete intention of the Chinese Government imposed a dual citizenship status to adapt to social change and to cooperate with for the Chinese community, especially those the Republic. who were born in Indonesia. This Dual In the Sukarno era, sentiment towards the Citizenship status was the result of a Chinese was still happened mainly due to diplomatic agreement between Indonesia and economic inequality. The government issued the Chinese government in 1955. As a result of Government Regulation No. 10 of 1959 which this policy, many residents of the Chinese essentially prohibits Chinese people, especially community were repatriated to the PRC. The those who were not Indonesian citizens, from regulation even made the PRC government opening their businesses outside the city level. react that demanded the government revoke This regulation can also be seen as the the Government Regulation. Rules that Government intention toward nationalism of seemed anti-Chinese in Indonesia had an economic sectors and strengthen the impact on the Chinese community in indigenous economic base. However, the Palembang. On August 11, 1960, around 1179

31 Zed. 32 Zed. 33 Fikiran Rakyat, 25 March 1961.

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Chinese left Palembang to China by boarding immediately took steps so that the communist The Ang Sun ship at the port of Tanjung Api- ideology did not infiltrate through the Chinese Api. 34 Besides, in the period 1950-1960, The group. Suharto then continued the name sentiment of anti-communist was popular change policy for the Chinese community mainly in Sumatra where the military was carried out by Sukarno with the Cabinet involved, which resulted in intimidation on the Presidium Decree No.127/U/ Kep/12/1966. Chinese who are pro against the government To break the propaganda of communism from of the PRC (People's Republic of China). China, Suharto also cancelled the Dwi Furthermore, the Sukarno government Citizenship status for the Chinese community. attempted to take steps to assimilate the They were required to choose to become Chinese community, even though they were Indonesian citizens or be returned to the optional. One of the assimilation processes People's Republic of China. was to change its Chinese name. Chinese who The New Order government then wanted to change their name obliged to report imposed assimilation policy for the Chinese to the court and then announce it in the State community by issuing Circular issued by the News. President, in this case, Ampera Cabinet The step of assimilation, the complete Presidium No.SE.06 / Pres. Kab / 6/1967 amalgamation of the original characteristics of dated June 28, 1967. In this instruction, the certain cultures with the surrounding culture, is President banned all matters relating to the agenda of the Old Order and New Order Chinese. This included the banning of the governments. However, the assimilation Confucian religion, Tjap Go Meh celebration, program was a false step, especially during the the Chinese-language press, fusing Chinese New Order period. The New Order regime schools and ethnic organizations. In tried to eliminate pluralistic identities to merge Palembang, the policy regarding the into what is called national culture. prohibition of Confucianism, in particular, had Unfortunately, the assimilationist policy was a significant impact on this religion. In not accompanied by the integration process Palembang until now, most of the Confucian based on democratic principles rather New Chinese community merged into Buddha Order Regime abolished the pillar of Chinese Tridharma. Culture including disbanded Chinese school, One of the assimilation instruments was Chinese press and Chinese organisation35. to replace the use of the Tionghoa to Chinese. After the tragedy of the G.30S PKI, The government's step was taken under the Suharto rose to President of the Republic of pretext of accelerating the process of Indonesia. With Supersemar's powerful letter, assimilating the Chinese community so the he suppressed all elements of communism. In conflict between the Chinese and native this policy, the Chinese community was community after the G.30 S PKI tragedy was affected, especially some Chinese communities not widespread. Although the objectives were in Indonesia who had a close relationship to integration, the government, on the other the communist government of the PRC and hand, did not recognize the Chinese the Old Order government. Inevitably, Suharto community as part of Indonesia's diversity. Even from the citizenship status, the Chinese did not get a National Identity Card, they were 34 The Singapore Free Press, 11 August 1960. 35 Leo Suryadinata, „Kebijakan Negara Indonesia required to make an SKBRI (Certificate of Terhadap Etnik Tionghoa: dari Asimilasi ke Citizenship for the Republic of Indonesia). Multikulturalisme?‟, Antropologi Indonesia, 0.71 (2014) , p.1-12.

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The May 1998 event was the culmination legend of the origin of Kemaro Island. Apart of an anti-Chinese sentiment that seemed to from the accuracy of the legend36, at least it is a "continued to be maintained" as a result of narrative that illustrates the rich multicultural dysfunctional policies. Palembang is one of the values of the , especially cities that had a dark history of violence against regarding the close relationship between Malay Chinese citizens. Many shops were burned, and Chinese. In addition, the narrative also is hundreds to thousands of them were killed, an alternative to the great narrative so far and many women were raped. related to female figures. The narrative that has .In the Reformation era, President been developing, in general, tells the story of a Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) abolished Chinese princess who was married by a local discriminatory regulations during the New ruler and gave birth to a prominent leader, Order against the Chinese community. Since such as a story on Raden Patah mother who the Reformation era, the three pillars of the was a Chinese princess. It does not only Chinese community began to be bold, namely symbolize the values of multiculturality, but the Chinese-language press, Chinese schools, there is also a narrative about equality of the and Chinese-based organizations. Chinese lion statuses of both communities. dance began to perform in the general event, In addition, there is a Candra Nadhi (Soei Imlek and Cap Go Meh began to celebrate, Goat Kiang) temple located in the 10 Ulu Chinese-language press was published Palembang. Inside the temple, there is a tomb Abdurrahman Wahid even acknowledged of their ancestor who is a Chinese Muslim. Confucianism as the 6th official religion Chinese are not allowed to offer offerings that recognized in Indonesia. Furthermore, contain pork. In addition, Kampung 10 Ulu Indonesia's 5th President Megawati made shows a harmonious interaction between Chinese New Year as a national holiday. From Chinese and Muslim communities in the various government decisions, the Palembang Reformation era. The Chinese community Chinese existed to live together with the from the Chandra Nadhi Foundation Palembang community. Gradually, integration contributed to the construction of the al between the Chinese and Malays regained Ghazali mosque which is right next to the strength. existing Temple. The Foundation's initiative It is undeniable that Palembang Malay was also driven by the support of the culture cannot be separated from Chinese Palembang city government under Mayor influence. It can be seen from various kinds of Eddy Santana. The Foundation requested material culture, ranging from culinary, permission to assist the construction of the traditional clothing, and architectural buildings Mayor and local residents, and together the to festivals such as the Telok Abang festival Mayor inaugurated the establishment of the and Bidar boat festival which are celebrated Mosque. every August 17th. Various activities carried out by the On the other hand, there are sacred places Palembang Chinese community always involve in Chinese temples that show the harmonious local residents (read: Muslims). The Cap Go relation between Chinese and Islam. For Meh celebration that is held in every full moon example, Hok Tjing Rio Temple, founded in after Chinese New Year is widely attended by 1962 on Kemaro Island in which there is a local residents regardless of religion. The tomb (read: vestige) of a Muslim named Regional Government declared it a regional Fatimah whose fell in love with a Chinese 36 named Tan Bun Ann. The story becomes a Harun (Local historian), Interview {Friday, 23 May 2018}

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festival to attract tourists. Many boats are competition, inequality, and cultural (religious) rented by Chinese people for anyone who differences become sources of conflict. wanted to go to Pulau Kemaro. During the Physical conflicts occur when the national festival, many local residents get the benefit. political situation is in a period of crisis such as Small traders, most of them are a local during the Revolution and Reformation period. resident, such as the owners of the boats, and The conflicts can be resolved based on the the guards who earn money on the celebration. economic and political interest in which In addition to the tradition of almsgiving of the Indonesian Chinese need cooperation to run Chinese community can be given to everyone. their business. While the potentiality for The regional government after the reformation integration lays on the narratives of a strong era also encourages integration between the attachment between Malays and Chinese which Chinese and Malay communities in Palembang. is the nature of the multicultural culture of In 2006, the Palembang city government Malay Palembang. encouraged Kemaro Island to become a References regional tourist attraction, but the management returned to Hok Tjing Rio land and temple Books owners, namely the Tridharma Hok Cheng Bio Abdullah, M., (ed.al), Kota Palembang Sebagai Worship Foundation. The City Government Kota Dagang dan Industri (Jakarta: IDSN also recommended the construction of the Depdikbud, 1984) Pagoda as an icon of the place of worship. The Brown, Graham K., The Formation and government proposal was welcomed by the Management of Political Identities: Indonesia Foundation and immediately built the pagoda and Malaysia Compared (New York: Centre for Research on Inequality, as a landmark and added the uniqueness of Human Security and Ethnicity, 2005) Kemaro island. The place now becomes the tourist destination which is visited not only by Hanafiah, D., Melayu-Jawa: Citra Budaya dan Sejarah Palembang (Jakarta: RajaGrafindo Chinese people who want to worship but also Persada, 1995) local tourists both from Palembang and from is now starting to make the multicultural asset Jumhari, Sejarah Sosial Orang Melayu Kerturunan as an attraction for tourist destinations in Arab dan Cina di Palembang dari Masa Palembang. Kesultanan Palembang Hingga Reformasi (Padang: BPNST Padang Press, 2010) Conclusion Sen, Tan Ta, Cheng Ho and Islam in Southeast The dynamics of Muslim Chinese and Asia (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Malay relations cannot be separated from the Asian Studies, 2009) theme of identity. There is actually no sharp Sevenhoven, J. I. van, Lukisan Tentang Ibu Kota disputes between Malays and Chinese identity. Palembang, Seri Terdjemahan Karangan- Malay identity is an eclectic identity, in which Karangan Belanda (Jakarta: KITLV there is a Chinese element in it, however, Press, 2015) Islamic identity becomes prominent. . affected by the emergence of identity politics T., Shiraishi, The Rise of China and Its Implications since racial policies during the Dutch colonial for East Asia." In Sinicization and the Rise of government until the New Order period. In China (UK: Routledge, 2013) addition, other issues such as economic

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Zed, Mestika, Kepialangan, Politik, dan Pevolusi: 2003) Wertheim, W. F., „Changes in Indonesia‟s Zen, Abdul Baqir, Etnis Cina dalam Potret Social Stratification‟, Pacific Affairs, 28.1 Pembauran di Indonesia (Jakarta: Gema (1955), 41 Insani, 2010)

Journals Other references Andaya, Barbara Watson, „The Cloth Trade in Kodiran, „Asimilasi Etnis Tionghoa Indonesia Jambi and Palembang Society during the dan Implikasinya terhadap Integrasi Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries‟, Nasional :Studi di Kota Tanjungbalai Indonesia, 48.48 (1989), 27 Provinsi Sumatera Utara‟ {unpublished doctoral thesis, Universitas Gadjah Azra, Azyumardi, „The Indies Chinese and the Mada, Yogyakarta , 2012} Sarekat Islam an Account of the Anti- Fikiran Rakyat, 25 March 1961 Chinese Riots in Colonial Indonesia‟, Studia Islamika, 1.1 (1994), 25–53 The Singapore Free Press, 11 August 1960 May 2018} Kamal, Muhiddinur, „Harmony in Diversity: Study on Potential Harmonious Multicultural Society “Pantara” Regions (Panti-Tapus-Rao) Northern Border of West Sumatra‟, Islam Realitas: Journal of Islamic & Social Studies, 4.2 (2018), 148 Purnawati, „Tugu Prasasti Cina‟, Jurnal Tamaddun, 27. 1 (2004), 12 Post, Peter, „The Formation of the Pribumi Business Élite in Indonesia, 1930s- 1940s‟, Bijdragen Tot de Taal-, Land- En Volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia, 152.4 (1996), 609–32 Suryadinata, Leo, „Kebijakan Negara Indonesia Terhadap Etnik Tionghoa: Dari Asimilasi ke Multikulturalisme?‟, Antropologi Indonesia, 0.71 (2014) Tan, Eugene K B, „From Sojourners to Citizens: Managing the Ethnic Chinese Minority in Indonesia and Malaysia‟, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 24.6 (2001), 949– 78

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