Belgium, 2010 Political Data Yearbook
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TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE World Leadership Alliance-Club de Madrid Annual Report 2019. Table of Contents Printed in Madrid, Spain. 2020. This report is also an interactive document that, through the use of QR codes, allows readers to view videos, ANNUAL REPORT 2019 news and additional materials that support the information provided in this document. 4 Message from the President 6 Introduction 8 Next Generation Find QR Codes Access the Read QR Codes Follow link to Democracy in the report camera App with phone view content 24 Shared Societies Project 26 Preventing Violent Extremism 40 Outreach and Development World Leadership Alliance-Club de Madrid (WLA-CdM) is the largest worldwide assembly of political leaders 44 Communications working to strengthen democratic values, good governance and the well-being of citizens across the globe. As a non-profit, non-partisan, international organisation, its network is composed of more than 100 democratic 46 Finance and former Presidents and Prime Ministers from over 70 countries, together with a global body of advisors and expert practitioners, who offer their voice and agency on a pro bono basis, to today's political, civil society leaders and policymakers. WLA-CdM responds to a growing demand for trusted advice in addressing the Administration challenges involved in achieving democracy that delivers, building bridges, bringing down silos and promoting dialogue for the design of better policies for all. This alliance, providing the experience, access and convening power of its Members, represents an 48 About WLA-CdM independent effort towards sustainable development, inclusion and peace, not bound by the interest or pressures of institutions and governments. -
Caretaker Cabinets in Belgium
This article from Politics of the Low Countries is published by Eleven international publishing and made available to anonieme bezoeker RESEARCH NOTE Caretaker Cabinets in Belgium A New Measurement and Typology Régis Dandoy & Lorenzo Terrière* Abstract Keywords: caretaker government, Belgium, cabinets, political crisis. Belgium is probably the world’s best known case of where caretaker gov‐ 1 Introduction ernments reside. Yet a clear scholarly definition and measurement of this Political scientists often use Belgium concept is missing. Based on a as an ideal case study for discussing detailed analysis of the Belgian fed‐ processes of government formation eral cabinets, this research note and of caretaker cabinets. Combined explores the main characteristics and with its complex multilevel institu‐ measures the length of the various tional architecture and its enduring caretaker periods. We find that Bel‐ regionalist tensions, these processes gium was governed for no less than have attracted much attention from 1,485 days by a caretaker govern‐ the international community. The var‐ ment between 2007 and 2020, which ious episodes of the lengthy federal equals more than four full calendar government formation even kept the years. This research note also pres‐ international media in suspense over ents a novel typology of caretaker the last decade. The fact that Belgium periods based on the institutional had a caretaker government through‐ and political practice within the Bel‐ out its successful EU presidency term gian legislative and executive in 2010 impressed many European branches. This typology can be used observers. to assess caretaker periods at other Caretaker periods mark the transi‐ levels of government as well as in tion between the termination of one other countries in order to improve government and the start of another. -
The Dutch-French Language Border in Belgium
The Dutch-French Language Border in Belgium Roland Willemyns Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Germaanse Talen, Pleinlaan 2, B-1050 Brussels, Belgium Thisarticle is restricted to adescriptionof languageborder fluctuations in Belgium as faras itsDutch-French portion isconcerned.After a briefdescription of theso-called ‘languagequestion’ in Belgium thenotion of languageborder is discussedin general. Then comesan overviewof thestatus and function of thelanguage border in Belgium and of theactual language border fluctuations as they haveoccurred up to thepresent day. Two problem areas:the ‘ Voerstreek’and theBrussels suburban region are discussedin moredetail. Afterwards language shift and changethrough erosionin Brusselsare analysed as wellas thepart played in thatprocess by linguisticlegislation, languageplanning and sociolinguisticdevelopments. Finally a typology of language borderchange is drawn up and thepatterns of changeare identified in orderto explain and accountforthea lmostunique natureoftheBelgianportion of the Romance-Germanic language border. 1. Introduction Belgium (approximately10 million inhabitants) is a trilingualand federal country,consisting of four different entitiesconstituted on the basisof language: the Dutch-speaking community(called Flanders;58% of the population),the French speaking one (called Wallonia;32%), the smallGerman speaking commu- nity (0.6%)and the Dutch-French bilingual communityof Brussels(9.5%). Since regionalgovernments have legislative power, the frontiersof their jurisdiction, being language borders, are defined in the constitution (Willemyns, 1988). The Belgian portionof the Romance-Germaniclanguage borderis quite remarkablefor mainly two main reasons: (1) itsstatus and function have changed considerablysince the countrycame into existence; (2) itspresent status andfunction arealmost unique ascompared to all the otherportions under consideration.Because of thatit has frequently caughtthe attention(and imagi- nation)of scientistsof variousdisciplines (although,for a long time,mainly of historians;Lamarcq & Rogge,1996). -
April 08 from the Editor
From the Editor’s Desk In the Belgian legislative elections of 10 June 2007 the Flemish and Francophone Christian Democrats and Francophone and Flemish Liberals of Wallonie and Bruxelles received enough seats in the Chambre des représentants (81 of 150) to form a coalition government. However, the two parties were opposed on the question of reform of the Belgian federal in- stitutions demanded by the Flemish, who want more autonomy within the confederation that is Belgium. The different francophone parties were opposed to this. This desire for greater autonomy has many sources. First, Flanders has a much stronger economy than Walloon (the Flemish pay 67-68% of income taxes and account for 85% of all exports (National Public Radio, 11-8-07). This means that they must make very large finan- cial transfers to the French-speaking areas in order to keep them afloat (the French-speaking part of Belgium has an unemployment rate of 20%). There are also cultural and linguistic factors. From the very beginning French was the language of the elites including the Flemish themselves as well as the Walloons. In Flanders Dutch was spoken by the peasants and the Flemish proletariat. Most Flemish writers wrote in French. So many Flemish from the poorer social classes saw themselves as scorned and came to resent the hostility of the francophone bourgeoisie whom they saw as arrogant and imperialistic (Marianne, 17-23 November 2007: 68-73; article by Elie Barnavi). The Flemish feel particularly threatened in Bruxelles, which historically is part of Flanders, but where 85% of the inhabitants speak French. -
A Nation and an Idea
Chapter 2 A Nation and an Idea Scholars of international relations face a frustrating existence. Reducing the diplomatic behavior of entire nations to a model based on a set of measur- able variables sooner or later encounters the problem of accounting for that least measurable of national characteristics, that of identity. Identity has been often discussed and much studied but it is not particularly easy to reduce to a clear set of statements, because observational difficulties and biases easily intrude into any such qualitative descriptions of nations. In fact, historically the descriptions of national identity were fraught with generalizations which bordered on the mundane and were at times little more than race-based opin- ions attributing particular characteristics to entire national groups, with little or scientific backing. But these opinions were not necessarily valueless; at least they attempted, however inaccurately, to create a picture of the culture and way of thinking of a nation, and that goal should be maintained even if we look for better ways to achieve it. In studying the behavior of a particular nation in a particular time, we may base our analysis on the rational considerations of the moment, but we also need to consider the history of the particular issue, the history of the nation and how that has influenced its perspective on that crisis, and that nation’s identity, which creates the vision that its leaders and servants have of the crisis. References to that national identity in the past sometimes tended to gloss over how perspectives could also be shaped by class and other parameters, especially important here as the diplomats were mostly from a very different background than the “average” person of their home countries. -
The Impact of the Extension of the Pedestrian Zone in The
THE IMPACT OF THE EXTENSION OF THE PEDESTRIAN ZONE IN THE CENTRE OF BRUSSELS ON MOBILITY, ACCESSIBILITY AND PUBLIC SPACE Imre Keserü, Mareile Wiegmann, Sofie Vermeulen, Geert te Boveldt, Ewoud Heyndels & Cathy Macharis VUB-MOBI – BSI-BCO Original Research EN Since 2015, the Brussels pedestrian zone has been extended along boulevard Anspach. What impact did this have on travel and visiting behaviour, the perceived accessibility of the centre, and the quality of its public space? Brussel Mobiliteit (Brussels Capital Region) commissioned a large-scale follow-up survey to VUB-MOBI & the BSI-BCO to answer this question and monitor the effects before and after the renewal works. Brussels Metropolitan Area (BMA) inhabitants, city-centre employees and pedestrian zone visitors were questioned. This paper presents the most important findings from the 4870 respondents of the pre-renewal survey. A more detailed analysis will be available in the full research report (forthcoming, VUB-MOBI – BSI-BCO & Brussel- Mobiliteit). In general, more respondents were in support of a car-free Blvd Anspach than against it. Most visitors go to the new pedestrian zone for leisure-related purposes. Overall, the users are also mostly regular visitors, including inhabitants of the city centre and other Brussels inhabitants. In terms of appreciation of public space, the most problematic aspects are cleanliness and safety concerns whether during the day or by night. Furthermore, 36% of the BMA respondents stated that the closure for cars has influenced their choice of transport when going to the city-centre. Many of them use public transport more often. Lastly, the authors put forward recommendations to improve the pedestrian zone considering the survey’s results. -
The Dutch-French Language Border in Belgium
The Dutch-French Language Border in Belgium Roland Willemyns Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Germaanse Talen, Pleinlaan 2, B-1050 Brussels, Belgium Thisarticle is restricted to adescriptionof languageborder fluctuations in Belgium as faras itsDutch-French portion isconcerned.After a briefdescription of theso-called ‘languagequestion’ in Belgium thenotion of languageborder is discussedin general. Then comesan overviewof thestatus and function of thelanguage border in Belgium and of theactual language border fluctuations as they haveoccurred up to thepresent day. Two problem areas:the ‘ Voerstreek’and theBrussels suburban region are discussedin moredetail. Afterwards language shift and changethrough erosionin Brusselsare analysed as wellas thepart played in thatprocess by linguisticlegislation, languageplanning and sociolinguisticdevelopments. Finally a typology of language borderchange is drawn up and thepatterns of changeare identified in orderto explain and accountforthea lmostunique natureoftheBelgianportion of the Romance-Germanic language border. 1. Introduction Belgium (approximately10 million inhabitants) is a trilingualand federal country,consisting of four different entitiesconstituted on the basisof language: the Dutch-speaking community(called Flanders;58% of the population),the French speaking one (called Wallonia;32%), the smallGerman speaking commu- nity (0.6%)and the Dutch-French bilingual communityof Brussels(9.5%). Since regionalgovernments have legislative power, the frontiersof their jurisdiction, being language borders, are defined in the constitution (Willemyns, 1988). The Belgian portionof the Romance-Germaniclanguage borderis quite remarkablefor mainly two main reasons: (1) itsstatus and function have changed considerablysince the countrycame into existence; (2) itspresent status andfunction arealmost unique ascompared to all the otherportions under consideration.Because of thatit has frequently caughtthe attention(and imagi- nation)of scientistsof variousdisciplines (although,for a long time,mainly of historians;Lamarcq & Rogge,1996). -
Benoît Rihoux1, Audrey Vandeleene1, Lieven De Winter1, Pierre
Belgium (2014 – published 2015) Benoît Rihoux1, Audrey Vandeleene1, Lieven De Winter1, Pierre Baudewyns1, Serge Deruette2 1 Centre de Science Politique et de Politique Comparée (CESPOL), Université catholique de Louvain, Belgium; 2Université de Mons, Belgium INTRODUCTION The year 2014 was particularly dense, with simultaneous regional, parliamentary and European Parliament elections on 25 May. This was followed by a relatively short government formation process towards an unprecedented ‘Swedish’ federal cabinet. The electoral cycle took place in the context of a still quite difficult socioeconomic situation and ethnolinguistic tensions at the elite level. ELECTION REPORT Regional Elections: 25 May 2014 Most parties did not present a separate regional and federal manifesto (De Winter and Van Wynsberghe forthcoming), therefore blurring regional and federal issues. Remarkably, following the electoral results at the regional level (Blaise et al. 2014b), the regional government formations brought regionalist parties in power in three of the five regional/community governments. In Flanders, the N-VA became the predominant party in the Flemish region, replacing the CD&V, and thus legitimately claimed the leadership of the formation of the Flemish executive, which resulted in the formation of the Bourgeois I government with the N-VA, the CD&V and the Open VLD. At the Walloon elections, of the three incumbent coalition parties (PS, CdH and Ecolo) only the latter lost heavily, with the fourth traditional party (MR) regaining some ground, as well as the newcomers PTB and PP. The new Walloon government was formed as a left-centre coalition of the PS and CdH, under the leadership of P. Magnette (PS), while the executive of the Francophone community government was headed by the incumbent R. -
Opening up the Planning Landscape
PLANNING LANDSCAPE OPENING UP THE BEITSKE BOONSTRA PETER DAVIDS ANNELIES STAESSEN Over the past 15 years, the actor-relational approach of planning grew and evolved from an interactive system between leading actors, factors of importance within evolving institutional OPENING UP settings to a co-evolutionary perspective on spatial planning. The various actor-relational and complexity-sensitive research and applications in the Flemish and Dutch landscape and THE PLANNING beyond collected in this book demonstrate how this actor- relational approach of planning is not a fixed methodology but rather an attitude which (co-)evolves depending on specific the Netherlands and Beyond to Spatial Planning in Flanders, 15 years of Actor-relational Approaches LANDSCAPE themes, insights and surroundings. Therewith, the book forms a showcase of the wide applicability of the actor-relational approach in enduring or deadlocked planning processes. The combination of scientific exposés, column-like retrospective intermezzos and concise boxes is structured according to the main 15 years of Actor-relational Approaches ingredients of the approach: actors, relations and approaches. to Spatial Planning in Flanders, The book offers an exploration of the consistencies in its (theore- tical) insights, addresses future challenges in actor-relational and the Netherlands and Beyond complexity-sensitive planning research and discusses its potential for future planning in the Eurodelta region and beyond. ANNELIES STAESSEN PETER DAVIDS BEITSKE BOONSTRA OPENING UP THE PLANNING -
Responsive Public Management
Responsive Public Management IGPDE /Research Office Public Management Monitoring News - No. 42 - February 2012 Belgium The Di Rupo Government: State and public management reforms A new government and a focus on budgetary consolidation On 6 December 2011, after a year and a half of negotiations, a new Belgian coalition government was sworn in. It consists of twelve ministers1 and six ministers of State, under the leadership of the French-speaking Socialist Elio Di Rupo. The ministerial posts are divided between six political parties, including social democrats, Christian democrats and liberals from both the French- and Dutch-speaking communities. The government does not include the major winner in the June 2010 elections, the New Flemish Alliance (N-VA), because it withdrew from the talks. The civil service, which had previously been managed by a specific Federal Public Service (FPS)2, is now the responsibility of the Minister of State for the Civil Service and the Modernisation of Public Services (Hendrik Bogaert), attached to the Minister of Finance and Sustainable Development (Steven Vanackere). Administrative simplification is now the purview of Olivier Chastel, Minister for the Budget. Budgetary restraint is a pressing issue. In its proposed policy statement of 1 December 2011, the government made putting public finances back on a sound footing a top priority3. Even before the vote on the 2012 budget took place, an initial budget review was scheduled for the end of February4. This was triggered by a likely downward revision of growth forecasts and an ongoing Excessive Deficit Procedure initiated by the European Commission5, which requested that certain expenditures be suspended pending the corresponding budget adjustments. -
Brussels and in the Main Belgian Cities, and the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg
BUILDING STORIES STORIES OF BUILDINGS BEFIMMO ANNUAL FINANCIAL REPORT 2015 YEARS 2003 2007 2009 Acquisition of the Capital increase of Capital increase of Poelaert building €261.2 million €166.6 million First communication as per 2006 2008 Global Reporting Initiative Acquisition of the Acquisition of a (GRI) 2001 90% shareholding in registered offices of Fortis Takeover of Sicafi Fedimmo Banque in Antwerp (Meir) CIBIX SCA and in Leuven (Vital) Prize-winner in the “Exemplary Buildings 1998 2007” competition for the Takeover of WTC SA and Empress Court project Noord Building SA 1997 Takeover of Prifast group 1995 Foundation of Befimmo and listing on the stock market Annual Financial Report on the financial statements and the consolidated financial statements as at 31 December 2015 presented at the Ordinary General Mee- ting of shareholders of 26 April 2016 and adopted by the Board of Directors on 26 February 2016. This Annual Financial Report has been prepared in accordance with the Royal Decree of 13 July 2014. Any reference to the portfolio, assets, figures or activities of Befimmo should be understood on a consolidated basis, to include those of its subsidiaries, except where clear from the context or expressly stated otherwise. For the past few years, Befimmo has been standardising its financial reporting and its reporting on Social Responsibility – with a view to improving the quality and comparability of the information – adopting the EPRA reporting guidelines and GRI- G41 guidelines. The following explanatory icons are used in this Report: “Market” “Glossary” www.befimmo.be GRI-G4 This icon refers to further This icon refers to the This icon refers to further This icon refers to the GRI-G4 information in a specific glossary in the appendix information on the guidelines. -
Congrès AFSP 2009 Section Thématique 39 Mobilisations Ethnolinguistiques En Europe
Congrès AFSP 2009 Section Thématique 39 Mobilisations Ethnolinguistiques en Europe Axe Sandrina Ferreira Antunes (Universidade do Minho /Université Libre de Bruxelles) [email protected] ou [email protected] Ethno-linguistic mobilization in Belgium: the Flemish case Belgium and its ethno-linguistic mobilizations: the reasons why The difficult task of tracing the paths of the ethno-linguistic mobilization in Belgium would imply telling the long and tortuous story of a nation-state building process called Belgium. And if, adding to that, we chose to elaborate on the Flemish ethno-linguistic mobilization, it would then lead us directly into the colorful details (or not) of an ethnic nation striving for political, cultural and linguistic recognition, as well as looking for economic growth within a sui generis federal asymmetric state (Wilfried, 2002: 67). Belgium resolves mainly around ethno-linguistic clashes that have been going on since its foundation in 1830 and which opposes two antagonistic regional nationalisms: the Flemish regional nationalism on the northern side of the country and the Walloon nationalism on the southern side of the country. The curious thing is that today’s overwhelming linguistic cleavages between Francophones (people living in Wallonia and speaking the French) and the Flemings (people living in Flanders and speaking the standardized Dutch) was not in fact the primary opposition between when Belgium came to existence in 1830 (Béland and Lecours, 2008: 160). In fact the main cleavages of nineteenth century Belgium were religious and class-based, rather than linguistic. Indeed, immediately after independence, the country was permeated by tension between clericalism and anti-clericalism leading to a crystallization of political and social life around Liberal and the Catholic pillars.