ISSUE BRIEF 05.30.18 The Response of the Moroccan Legislature to the Jerada Crisis

Laila Elimam, Research Associate, Women’s Rights in the Middle East Program

In December 2017, the inhabitants of Jerada, where teachers and doctors demanded , began protesting the deaths of higher wages.4 two brothers who were killed scrapping coal In the past, much attention has focused in the abandoned mines. Their deaths are on the responses of MENA regimes to an occurrence that is far too familiar in the displays of protest—particularly those of mining town, where young men repeatedly violence—with little attention afforded to risk—and lose—their lives in the mines out the roles of legislative representatives. One of desperation and lack of employment exception includes the responses of deputies options. In fact, the protests and ire of of the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood in Jerada’s residents echo the frustrations Egypt, which welcomed labor protests felt throughout Morocco’s rural districts, in 2008—albeit outside of the legislative including al-Hoceima, which experienced arena—in the textile-producing town of its own protests during the last year. These al-Mahalla al-Kubra as signs of political sentiments also echo the grievances of dissent.5 Other researchers have addressed citizens across the Middle East and North the roles of the leftist Worker’s Party6 in Africa region (MENA), who have continued Tunisia, which historically was responsive to struggle economically. Dire economic to displays of discontent by workers.7 Yet conditions have been amplified by the strict few analyses have looked beyond these International Monetary Fund (IMF) austerity cases to better gauge the reactions of MPs Dire economic measures imposed in exchange for loan in the MENA region. This issue brief will conditions have been packages in Morocco, Egypt, Tunisia, Jordan, examine the responses of deputies from amplified by the strict and more recently, Lebanon. the Moroccan House of Representatives International Monetary to the Jerada protests by assessing their In Egypt, for instance, high inflation Fund (IMF) austerity and unemployment rates have resulted legislative activity and questions posed to in exorbitant price increases of goods the government. measures imposed and services. Meanwhile in Tunisia, in exchange for loan demonstrations sprouted up throughout LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLIES IN THE packages in Morocco, the country in early 2018, with citizens Egypt, Tunisia, Jordan, demanding that the government revoke MENA AND THE MOROCCAN CASE the Finance Act, which increased taxes and Lebanon. Many scholars increasingly question and fuel prices.1 More recently in Tunisia’s the roles of legislative assemblies and southern phosphate-mining city of Gafsa, electoral processes in the MENA given workers and youth marched in protest that many incumbents seem to have little of the worsening economic conditions.2 or no capacity to push for meaningful Demonstrations also emerged in Jordan in democratic reforms.9 One of the most response to price increases3 and in , prevalent explanations for the existence RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 05.30.18

of democratic institutions is that autocrats to form cohesive coalitions, the legislature use these institutions as tools to stabilize and system are relatively their regimes—namely by distributing well established, particularly compared to rents to co-opt elites that may pose a the assemblies of neighboring countries. threat to their rule. In this way, electoral Denoeux and Desfosses20 argue that the institutions actually offer incumbents Moroccan parliament deserves “more credit” greater permanence by allowing them to given its performance and the context it monitor challengers and shielding them operates in. from threats.10 This argument suggests Morocco’s lower house performs a that legislative assemblies in the region dual role as a monitoring and legislating are rubber-stamp institutions that are institution.21 To perform its monitoring characterized by a lack of autonomy or function, MPs ask questions to cabinet policy impact. members and the government on a However, this approach fails to range of topics to hold them accountable acknowledge the connections between for their performances. The process of legislative representatives and constituents. asking questions is relatively accessible Legislators in the MENA As stipulated by Geddes11 and Lust-Okar,12 to representatives. Though they may not region can assume a legislative elites tend to have direct necessarily be proactively sponsoring mediating role, given relationships with constituents since legislation, MPs have the opportunity deputies can be a source of services for to respond to events impacting citizens the lack of space for citizens.13 Moreover, legislators in the MENA through posing oral and written questions. dialogue between region can assume a mediating role given In contrast, passing bills involves citizens and the the lack of space for dialogue between consideration by the specialized lower house regime. In particular, citizens and the regime.14 In particular, the committee and deliberation by the upper the responsiveness responsiveness of legislative representatives house, before being returned to the lower may contribute toward diffusing public house and eventually to the monarchy for of legislative anger or displays of protest if constituents final ratification.22 representatives may feel they are being acknowledged. This Research by Shalaby and Aydogan23 contribute toward relationship may contribute toward indicates high levels of congruency diffusing public stabilizing the regime as well through less between the issue priorities of citizens and direct means. legislators based on public opinion data anger or displays of Morocco offers an interesting case for and oral questions asked by MPs. They find protest if constituents examining legislative dynamics in the MENA less congruence in proposed bills, owing to feel they are being region more closely. The country has held the more complicated process and the fact acknowledged. multiparty elections since 1963.15 Its political that bills are more frequently driven by the system includes two legislative houses: the monarchy. Their findings also point to the House of Councilors—which is the upper necessity of moving beyond the narrative house with 120 indirectly elected members— of legislative assemblies as rubber-stamp and the House of Representatives, or institutions; in incidents such as the Jerada the lower house, with 395 deputies. The event, the question becomes if and how lower house has two quota provisions16 deputies reacted to the event and the formalized in the 2011 electoral law as part implications for the regime, deputies, of a series of reforms introduced in response and citizens. to sweeping popular unrest across the country.17 As in the rest of the MENA and in other authoritarian regimes, scholars argue THE JERADA INCIDENT AND INITIAL that Morocco’s electoral system is a way LEGISLATIVE RESPONSES 18 for the monarchy to co-opt elites and The Jerada protests are regarded as that the political party system suffers from an extension of the Rif Movement or Hirak 19 “fragmentation.” While there are many al-Shaabi, an activist movement that parties—for example, there were 32 parties started in 2016 in al-Hoceima, a region competing for seats in the 2016 elections— north of Jerada, in response to the death and they have indeed struggled in the past 2 of a fishmonger who was killed trying to THE RESPONSE OF THE MOROCCAN LEGISLATURE TO THE JERADA CRISIS

retrieve his confiscated fish from authorities. speaker of the assembly opened the floor for Like Jerada, demonstrators in al-Hoceima three oral questions, which were followed were met with police violence and arrests. by an opportunity for open commentary in To mollify protesters and at the urges of response to the prime minister’s government the palace, authorities proposed a major performance report. Though the three initial development project meant to offer more questions came from the parties holding the employment opportunities in al-Hoceima. greatest number of seats in the assembly— Officials claim that the project is on track,24 the PJD, the Authenticity and Modernity Party though progress is questionable. (PAM), and Istiqlal—subsequent commentary Authorities likewise proposed a came from across the with development project for Jerada earlier seven of the 12 legislative parties participating in 2018. Nonetheless, the magnitude of in the debate. Many deputies emphasized demonstrations in the mining town has the need to provide services and create escalated. In early February and March, employment opportunities on a broader scale two more men died in the coal mines, in rural areas given the presence of rural prompting additional protests and demands communities in their provinces. For example, for “economic alternatives.”25 According Sharqawi Zanaydi of the Socialist Union for to the Moroccan High Commission for Popular Forces (USFP) commented on the Planning, the region where Jerada employment needs of rural areas, adding is located suffers from an unemployment that the victims of the Jerada incident are the rate of 17.1 percent, compared to the 10.2 most significant evidence of this. percent national average, while estimates put Jerada’s unemployment rate at 32 In incidents such as percent.26 In March, the Ministry of Interior QUESTIONS AND LEGISLATIVE BILLS the Jerada event, the prohibited demonstrations in the city, In addition to the oral questions asked question becomes leading authorities to treat protesters with if and how deputies violence and arrests. during the televised session, 20 deputies— The Jerada incident, which occurred on eight women and 12 men—and one party reacted to the event December 22, 2017, was met with prompter group submitted oral and written questions and the implications for and more salient responses from legislative to cabinet members and the prime minister. Table 1 includes the questions posed, the regime, deputies, members in comparison to the al-Hoceima and citizens. events. During the televised oral questioning the names of the deputies who asked session on December 25, 2017, which was each question, and details about their the first legislative meeting since the Jerada backgrounds. From December 26, 2017, to incident, several deputies who voiced their the end of April 2018, a total of 29 questions party’s stance on the Law on Violence were posed associated with the incident, against Women27 commented on the deaths including inquiries about the socioeconomic of the two men. The most assertive response conditions in the town and surrounding came from Buthayna Karuri, speaking on region, the emergence of protests and behalf of the Justice and Development Party security responses, and government action (PJD), who questioned the status of the to prevent similar future incidents. social development program of 1998, asked Ibtissam Meras, a member of the for immediate government involvement, USFP who was elected through a gender and suggested the creation of a fact-finding quota, submitted the first written mission and investigative committee. Her question addressing the Jerada incident appeals were echoed by other MPs within on December 26, 2017, four days after it the chamber, although they issued fewer occurred. In January 2018, the majority of concrete calls for action. the remaining questions were asked in the The second agenda topic during the same weeks immediately following the deaths session—the Development of Mountainous of the two men and the onset of protests. and Rural Areas—offered deputies an As displayed in Table 1, the government opportunity to frame their commentary and responded to less than one-fourth of the questions in light of the Jerada incident. The questions on January 8, 2018. Most of the 3 RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 05.30.18

questions pertained to the government’s quota candidates are subpar in “quality” actions to address Jerada’s economic compared to their nonquota counterparts.31 hardships and its plans for preventing However, despite these empirical findings, similar incidents from occurring in the negative impressions associated with quota future. The answered questions coincided candidates in Morocco32 and elsewhere with the development of a socioeconomic persist.33 Though the results are too plan involving the Minister of Energy, preliminary to make definitive conclusions Mining, and Sustainable Development and about the substantive contributions of quota local leaders from the Jerada region,28 candidates in the Jerada case, an initial which may have incentivized the look at the characteristics of the deputies government to be more responsive. asking questions points to the active role The questions posed came from across that quota representatives play. Indeed, this the political spectrum, indicating the becomes particularly noteworthy given that importance of the incident for the majority the remaining questions were asked by nine of political parties. Most of the questions male deputies, one female deputy, and a came from PJD members, followed by group of MPs from the PJD. However, most members from the . Almost questions posed by female representatives half of the questions addressed the broader in the quota group—whether elected implications of this incident. For instance, through the gender or youth quota— al-Kibeer Qada, a member of Istiqlal, were written, while their male colleagues asked about employment opportunities for presented oral questions. former workers of the closed mines in the In contrast to the number of questions The activities Eastern Province, while Nur al-Din Madayin asked by MPs, there was much less activity of legislators in adopted the rhetoric of protesters and in proposing bills related to the Jerada Morocco suggest that questioned the government about potential situation, likely owing to the smaller parliament’s function “economic alternatives” for the miners of proportion of legislative bills in general and purpose extend Jerada. Madayin represents the al-Hoceima and the lengthier process involved. The district and was likely sympathetic to the Istiqlal party authored a draft bill for the beyond solely serving grievances of Jerada’s residents. Two later creation of an “Agency for the Development the regime. questions addressed the security situation of Rural and Border Areas” to replace the and the Amnesty International report about existing “Fund for Development of Rural the protests. The report called on Moroccan and Mountainous Areas.” The proposed bill, authorities to refrain from using “‘excessive which was forwarded to the Committee force’” against demonstrators,29 and the of Productive Sectors on February 9, government responded defensively, stating 2018, is the only piece of legislation that is that the report “lacks fairness.”30 The Jerada somewhat relevant to the events in Jerada, issue is a sensitive topic in Morocco, and though it is unlikely that it was drafted the fact that the MPs elected to address solely in response to the incident. Rather, it the highly unflattering report and security is more probable that the bill was drawn up situation revealed a broader awareness of in response to the socioeconomic challenges the situation and suggested a role beyond and civil discontent in the rest of the simply serving the regime. country, including al-Hoceima and Jerada. Interestingly, about 41 percent of the However, the existence of the proposed bill questions came from seven female and demonstrates that the assembly is trying to three male deputies elected either through fulfill its role as a legislating institution. the gender or youth quotas. Furthermore, two-thirds of these questions were posed by six youth-quota MPs, split between males and females, while the remaining one-third of the questions were posed by gender-quota MPs. Previous research examining quotas at the global level has debunked the notion that gender- 4 THE RESPONSE OF THE MOROCCAN LEGISLATURE TO THE JERADA CRISIS

TABLE 1 — MP QUESTIONS ABOUT THE JERADA INCIDENT

Political Question Re- Date Question Topic MP Names Gender MP District Party * Type Elected **

Circumstances of the collapse of the coal mine Muhammad Jan 3, 2018 Oral No Male al-Khamissat - Olmas in Jerada Shruru Authentic and Jan 17, 2018 Social problems in Jerada Oral No Amal 'Arbush Female Quota (Y) Modernity Amnesty International Report regarding Jerada Muhammad Mar 29, 2018 Oral No Male al-Khamissat - Olmas protests Shruru Jan 4, 2018 Protests in Jerada Oral No Mustafa Baytash Male Quota (Y) Constitutional Jan 4, 2018 Reality of the mines in Jerada Oral No Mustafa Baytash Male Quota (Y) Union Government’s plan for local development and Jan 8, 2018 Oral No Tawfiq Kamil Male Ibn Masik economic recovery Muhammad Dynamic Jan 5, 2018 The events in Jerada and actions taken Oral Yes Male al-Faqiya Bin Salih Mabda' Creating employment opportunities in the Dec 28, 2017 Oral No al-Kibeer Qada Male Fajij Eastern Province Jan 3, 2018 Living conditions in Jerada Oral Yes Nur al-Din Madyan Male al-Hoceimah Istiqlal Jan 8, 2018 Living conditions in Jerada Oral Yes Nur al-Din Madyan Male al-Hoceimah Mar 28, 2018 Economic alternatives for the mines of Jerada Oral Yes Nur al-Din Madyan Male al-Hoceimah Mar 29, 2018 Status of Jerada’s miners Oral Yes Nur al-Din Madyan Male al-Hoceimah Dec 28, 2017 Mines in Jerada Oral Yes Su'ad al-Hajrawi Female al-Fahs, Anjir Jan 2, 2018 Death of two citizens in a coal mine in Jerada Written No Bouthayna Karuri Female Quota (G) Jan 9, 2018 The status of workers and miners in Morocco Oral Yes Idris Seqli 'Adawi Male Meknes Investigating the tragedy of Jerada’s Jan 15, 2018 Oral No Nawfal al-Nasiri Male Quota (Y) open mines Muhammad Jan 15, 2018 Jerada’s mine workers Oral Yes Male Wajda-Anjad Justice And al-'Uthmani Development Expediting the organizational text for Jan 16, 2018 Oral Yes Muhammad Khayi Male Tanja-Asilah mining laws Expediting the organizational text for Jan 18, 2018 Written Yes Muhammad Khayi Male Tanja-Asilah mining laws Improving working conditions of searchers in Feb 6, 2018 Oral No Nawfal al-Nasiri Male Quota (Y) the mines Mar 26, 2018 Recent developments in Jerada Written No Maymuna Aftati Female Quota (G) Multiple Team (four Wajda-Anjad, Quota (G), Apr 12, 2018 Events in Jerada Oral No Abdullah Hamal Parties M, one F) Burkan, al-Nadur, Fajij

No Dec 27, 2017 Social problems in Jerada Written No Maymuna Aftati Male - Mohet Affiliation Mar 23, 2018 Exploitation of mines in the East Written No Mustafa al-Quwri Male Rabat - Mohet Government’s actions after two citizens died Jan 5, 2018 Oral No Faruk al-Tahiri Female Quota (G) Progress in Jerada’s mines and Mar 20, 2018 Security in Jerada Written No Mustafa Zayti Female Quota (Y) Death of two brothers inside one of Jerada’s Dec 26, 2017 Written No Omar Balafraj Female Quota (G) coal mines Socialist Urgent development programs for regional Jan 3, 2018 Oral No Omar Balafraj Male Quota (Y) areas similar to Jerada Mar 26, 2018 The marginalization of Jerada Written No Aishah Lablak Female Quota (Y)

* Question topics are translated from . The data on legislative activities was acquired from the official website of the Moroccan House of Representatives, http://www.chambredesrepresentants.ma/ar. ** Quota (Y) and Quota (G) refer to MPs elected through the youth and gender quotas, respectively.

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sample of questions presented in Table 1, IMPLICATIONS AND the government’s response rate is dismal. RECOMMENDATIONS The low response rate is also evident in our larger dataset of legislative questions Previous literature34 describes the presence posed from 2012 to 2017 on policy issues of legislative institutions in the MENA in besides the Jerada incident. Though beyond terms of their utility for the ruling regime the scope of this research, it would be and negligible impact on policy. However, interesting to examine how deputies follow the activities of legislators in Morocco up on unanswered questions. suggest that parliament’s function and Third, MPs can enhance their roles purpose extend beyond solely serving the through increasing their legislating activity. regime. The MPs’ responses in the aftermath Indeed, bills signed into law are usually of the Jerada incident indicate that the those proposed by the monarchy rather assembly is not a rubber-stamp institution. than the legislature, which may discourage Rather, legislative representatives actively MPs from proposing bills and make them voiced their concerns following the incident, more inclined to concentrate their efforts on which has implications for the regime, asking questions. However, when examining deputies, and citizens. past proposed bills, it seems that legislating First, with the continued implementation can promote opportunities for collaboration of IMF austerity measures and renewed and deliberation among deputies and across displays of discontent, the regime would parties. This becomes increasingly relevant be wise to make better use of its existing given the crosscutting nature of policy institutions to reach its citizens. Although issues associated with economic challenges. Prime Minister Said al-‘Uthmani visited Ultimately, this issue brief shows Jerada in February 2018 to address the that deputies concerned with the Jerada See more issue briefs at: crisis and present the government’s incident came from diverse backgrounds www.bakerinstitute.org/issue-briefs proposed development plan, security forces in terms of quota status, gender, and party cracked down on protestors in March 2018, This publication was written by a affiliation, highlighting the intersectionality resulting in hundreds of injuries. In April researcher (or researchers) who of the crisis. Their active responses to the participated in a Baker Institute project. 2018, the Minister of Interior, Abdelouafi incident indicate that they are interested Wherever feasible, this research is Laftit, accused the Justice and Charity in holding the government accountable reviewed by outside experts before it is Party, the Democratic Way Party, and the released. However, the views expressed and finding solutions for the difficulties Moroccan Association for Human Rights of herein are those of the individual their constituents face. This suggests that being violent “instigators” of the protests author(s), and do not necessarily MPs are not merely interested in gaining who are adverse to any resolution.35 As a represent the views of Rice University’s rents from the regime, especially given Baker Institute for Public Policy. result, some activists in Jerada expressed the pervasiveness of economic hardships skepticism toward the government’s across their districts, and can in fact serve © 2018 Rice University’s Baker Institute development plan. Thus, the regime needs for Public Policy as channels for dialogue between the regime to refrain from employing violent security and citizens. This material may be quoted or measures and aggressive rhetoric. Instead, reproduced without prior permission, it should focus on building trust in its state provided appropriate credit is given to institutions, particularly the legislature, ENDNOTES the author and Rice University’s Baker since it serves as a link between citizens and Institute for Public Policy. the state. This is especially important given 1. Sheena McKenzie, “Tunisia Plans Social Reforms in Wake of Protests,” CNN, Cover image credit: that similarly hostile approaches dominated Wall Street International Magazine the landscape throughout the MENA region January 14, 2018, https://cnn.it/2N1Xj1B. before and during the Arab Spring uprisings. 2. Tarek Amara, “Protesters clash with Cite as: Second, to further foster trust, the police in Tunisian mining town over jobs,” Elimam, Laila. 2018. The Response of government needs to be more responsive Reuters, March 21, 2018, https://reut. the Moroccan Legislature to the Jerada rs/2MGBLs1. Crisis. Issue brief no. 05.30.18. Rice to the questions of representatives. Cabinet University’s Baker Institute for Public members and the prime minister are 3. Ali Younes, “Jordan’s economic crisis Policy, Houston, Texas. required to respond to questions within threatens political stability,” Al-Jazeera, 20 and 30 days, respectively. However, February 14, 2018, https://bit.ly/2tMdkhp. 6 this rarely happens in reality; for the small THE RESPONSE OF THE MOROCCAN LEGISLATURE TO THE JERADA CRISIS

4. Lamine Chikhi, “Protests by teachers, Studies 40, no. 11 (2007): 1279-1301, health workers spread in Algeria,” Reuters, https://bit.ly/2N44syl; Jennifer Gandhi, February 21, 2018, https://reut.rs/2opF7AZ. Political Institutions under Dictatorship 5. Bryce Loidolt and Quinn Mecham, (Cambridge: Cambridge University, “Parliamentary under Hybrid 2008); Milan W. Svolik, The Politics of Regimes: Evidence from Egypt,” Legislative Authoritarian Rule (Cambridge: Cambridge Studies Quarterly 41, no. 4 (2016): 997-1022, University Press, 2012). https://bit.ly/2wuEr1N. 10. Geddes, “Why Parties and Elections.” 6. Formerly the Tunisian Communist 11. Geddes, “Why Parties and Elections.” Worker’s Party (PCOT). 12.Ellen Lust-Okar, Structuring Conflict 7. Eric Gobe, “The Gafsa Mining Basin in the Arab World: Incumbents, Opponents, between Riots and a Social Movement: and Institutions (New York: Cambridge meaning and significance of a protest University Press, 2005). movement in Ben Ali’s Tunisia” (working 13. Lindsay Benstead, “Why Quotas paper, Sciences de l’Homme et de la Société, are needed to Improve Women’s Access 2010), https://bit.ly/1SJrXpG. to Services in Clientelistic Regimes,” 8. See Barbara Geddes, “Why Parties Governance: An International Journal of and Elections in Authoritarian Regimes?” Policy, Administration, and Institutions (presentation, American Political Science 29, no. 2 (2016): 185-205, https://bit. Association, Washington, DC, 2005); Lisa ly/2PZttcK. Blaydes, “Elections and Elite Management,” in 14. Robert Springborg, “Legislative Elections and Distributive Politics in Mubarak’s Development as a Key Element of Strategies Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge University for Democratization in the Arab World,” The Press, 2010), 48-63; Ellen Lust, “The Multiple Arab Studies Journal 3, no. 1 (Spring 1995): Meanings of Elections in Non-Democratic 95-100, https://bit.ly/2MI8flm. Regimes: Breakdown, Response and 15. James N. Sater, “Reserved Seats, Outcome in the Arab Uprisings,” unpublished Patriarchy, and Patronage in Morocco,” in manuscript, 2012; Milan W. Svolik, The Politics The Impact of Gender Quotas, edited by of Authoritarian Rule (Cambridge: Cambridge Susan Franceschet, Mona L. Krook, and University Press, 2012); and Joseph Sassoon. Jennifer M. Piscopo (New York: Oxford Anatomy of Authoritarianism in the Arab University Press, 2012), chap. 5, https://bit. Republics. (Cambridge: Cambridge University ly/2NzWXw0. Press, 2016). 16. Hanane Darhour and Drude 9. For literature specific to MENA Dahlerup, “Sustainable Representation of cases, see James N. Sater, “Reserved Seats, Women through Gender Quotas: A Decade’s Patriarchy, and Patronage in Morocco,” in Experience in Morocco,” Women’s Studies The Impact of Gender Quotas, edited by International Forum 41, no. 2 (2013): 132- Susan Franceschet, Mona L. Krook, and 142, https://bit.ly/2wJeThA. In 2002, an Jennifer M. Piscopo (New York: Oxford informal quota agreement reserved 30 University Press, 2012), chap. 5, https:// seats for women in the lower house. In bit.ly/2NzWXw0; Blaydes, “Elections and 2011, following revisions to the constitution, Elite Management,” 48-63; and Joseph women became formally required to hold Sassoon, Anatomy of Authoritarianism in 60 seats in the legislature according to Law the Arab Republics (Cambridge: Cambridge No. 27-11, while the youth quota reserved University Press, 2016). For other cases, 30 seats for men under 40. “Citizens see Geddes, “Why Parties and Elections.”; Express Their Priorities: Moroccan Citizens’ Beatriz Magaloni, “Credible Power-Sharing Views and Preferences Ahead of the 2016 and the Longevity of Authoritarian Rule,” Parliamentary Elections. Findings from Focus Comparative Political Studies 41, no. 4-5 Groups in Morocco Conducted in May-June (2008): 1-27, https://bit.ly/2LGXYAM; 2016.” National Democratic Institute 2016, Jennifer Gandhi and Adam Przeworski, https://bit.ly/2PGgKup. The youth quota is “Authoritarian Institutions and the Survival no longer limited to men with female youth of Autocrats,” Comparative Political candidates receiving 15 seats. 7 RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 05.30.18

17. Darhour and Dahlerup, “Sustainable Jerada,” Amnesty International, March 16, Representation of Women,” 132-142. 2018, https://bit.ly/2PFpdhl. 18. James N. Sater, “Parliamentary 30. Safaa Kasraoui, “Amnesty Elections and Authoritarian Rule in International Reports ‘Lack fairness’: El Morocco,” The Middle East Journal 63, no. 3 Khalfi,” Moroccan World News, March 23, (2009): 381-400, https://bit.ly/2NL4hFc. 2018, https://bit.ly/2NldLKc. 19. Inmaculada Szmolka, “Party system 31. 31 See Rainbow Murray, “Second fragmentation in Morocco,” The Journal of Among Unequals? A Study of Whether North African Studies 15, no. 1 (2009): 13-37, ’s ‘Quota Women’ are Up to the Job,” https://bit.ly/2Nhf0dt. Politics & Gender 6, no. 4 (2010): 643-669, 20. Guilain P. Denoeux and Helen R. https://bit.ly/2PCFFio; Peter Allen, David Desfosses, “Rethinking the Moroccan Cutts, and Rosie Campbell, “Measuring the Parliament: The Kingdom’s Legislative Quality of Politicians Elected by Gender Development Imperative, ” The Journal Quotas – Are They Any Different?” Political of North African Studies 12, no. 1 (2007): Studies 64, no. 1 (2014): 143-163, https://bit. 79-108, https://bit.ly/2ClcPS3. ly/2M26MRI. 21. Marwa Shalaby and Abdullah 32. Darhour and Dahlerup, “Sustainable Aydogan, “Parliamentary Agenda Representation,” 132-142. Priorities and Responsiveness under 33. See Anne Marie Goetz and Shireen Authoritarianism,” (working paper, Baker Hassim, No Shortcuts to Power: African Institute for Public Policy, Houston, TX, Women in Politics and Policy Making 2016), https://bit.ly/2Q7WjYa. (London: Zed Books, 2003); Susan 22. Shalaby and Aydogan, Franceschet and Jennifer M. Piscopo, “Parliamentary Agenda.” “Gender Quotas and Women’s Substantive 23. Shalaby and Aydogan, Representation: Lessons from Argentina,” “Parliamentary Agenda.” Politics & Gender 4, no. 3 (2008): 393-425, 24. Amira El Masaiti, “Al Hoceima https://bit.ly/2Q7YElU. Development Project to Be Finalized ‘Within 34. See note 8 above. Set Deadline’: Governor,” Morocco World 35. Mohamed Chaoui, “Jerada: Laftit News, December 14, 2017, https://bit. charge Al Adl Wal Ihssan et l’AMDH,” ly/2oJcoqS. L’Economiste, April 3, 2018, https://bit. 25. After the mines closed in the 1990s, ly/2NVHG8Q. residents were told that they would receive economic assistance through a government agreement in 1998. Many feel the state has AUTHORS fallen short, despite claims to the contrary Laila Elimam is a research associate in the by the government. Baker Institute’s Women’s Rights in the 26. Stéphanie Wenger, “Au Maroc, à Middle East program, and she researches Jerada, un mouvement social tient malgré Middle East and U.S. politics; criminal justice, la répression,” FranceInfo, March 19, 2018, health, and food policy; and international https://bit.ly/2Q1eRtn. development. She holds a master’s degree 27. The session included three agenda in public policy from the University of topics—the Law on Violence against Women, California, Los Angeles, and a bachelor’s Development of Mountainous and Rural degree in political science from the American Areas, and Integration of Moroccan Workers University in Cairo. in the National Economy and Social Fabric. 28. Mohcine Lourhzal, “Jerada: Le gouvernement prépare un nouveau plan de développement,” LeReporter, January 4, 2018, https://bit.ly/2CmhRxz. 29. “Morocco: Authorities should stop using excessive force against protesters in

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