FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY

Volume 12, Number 1. May 1984 ISSN 0736 - 9182 Cover Design: Hobart Jackson, University of Kansas School of Architecture

AUTHOR TABLE OF· CONTENTS PAGE

Half-year Reviewers 2 Erratum Endo & Hirokawa Article. Vol 11, 1983. P 161 2 W Gruninger, N Hess Armed Robber Crime Patterns & Judicial Response 3 Robert Sigler Criminal Justice Evaluation Research & Theory Research 9 Ramona Ford CW Mills, Industrial Sociology, Worker Participation 13 Tom Murton The Penal Colony: Relic or Reform? 20 Laura D Birg Values of Fine Artists in an Independent Profession 25 Prakasa & Nandini Rao Perceived Consequences of ERA on Family & Jobs 30 Alan Woolfolk The Transgressive American: Decoding "Citizen Kane" 35 William E Thompson Oklahoma Old Order Amish: Adaptive Rural Tradition 39 Richard Peterson Preparing for Apocalypse: Survivalist Strategies 44 Janet Chafetz, Gary Dworkin Work Pressure: Homemaker Like Manager, Professional 47 David Field, Richard Travisano Social History & American Preoc cupation with Identity 51 Craig St John Trends in Socioeconomic Residential Segregtion 57 A Nesterenko, D Eckberg Attitudes to Tech-Science in a Bible Belt City 63 Karen Holmes, Paul Raffoul The Diagnostic Manual, DSM-III, & Social Work Practice 69 Barrie EM Blunt Motivation: Communication, Behavior Definition & Reward 73 P Sharp, G Acuff, R Dodder Oklahoma Delegate Traits: 1981 White House Aging Conf 75 Ann-Mari Sellerberg The Practical: Fashion's Latest Conquest 80 Gary Sandefur, Nancy Finley Manual-Nonmanual, Status Inconsistency, Social Class 83 Marc N Wexler Sociological Uncertainty: Advice for Helping Professions 89 Jack Bynum, Charles Pranter Goffman: Content & Method for Seminal Thought 95 C & B Edgley, R Turner Changes in Runners' Vocabularies of Motive 100 H Hugh Floyd Special Editor, Feature Section on Clinical Sociology 105 Lewis Levy A Sociological Theory of Crisis Intervention 106 Craig Forsyth, Nancy Schulte Clinical Sociology to Treat College Alcoholics 111 Clifford M Black Clinical Sociology & Criminal Justice Professions 117 Jay Meddin Sociologically Oriented Therapy for Heart Attack Victims 121 Subcribers' & Authors' Form Manuscript Submission & FICS Criteria 125

MISSION: Give efficient outlet for informative, innovative articles legible to literate lay readers; all sociological fields; economize space & costs. MANUSCRIPTS: 3 copies; ASR guidelines; $20 processing fee includes 1-year subscription. SUBSCRIPTIONS: $10 for individuals & libraries. Free subscription to instructor with paid bulk orders of 5 or more copies. ADDRESS: FICS Editor, Sociology Dept, Oklahoma State U, Stillwater Oklahoma 74078. WORLD-REFEREED & DISTRIBUTED. Abstracted in SOCIOLOGICAL ABSTRACTS. EDITORS: Managing, Donald E Allen; Associate, R Habenstein, E Levine, M Truzzi. Consulting: M Affleck, J Bynum, C Harper, J Luxenburg, M Das, D Eckberg, GEllis. ARABIC EDITOR: Samraa Moustafa, Sociology Dept, Kuwait University. CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY EDITOR: H Hugh Floyd GOVERNORS: Charles Edgley, Harold Grasmick, Barry Kinsey, Gene McBride. PUBLISHED: May, November by Sociology Consortium, Oklahoma, Oklahoma State, Central State, and Tulsa Universities. Sponsor: Oklahoma Sociology Association. ©. 1984 Oklahoma State University FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 2

Half Year Reviewers, July • December 1983:

A Acock T Lundgren J Bass E Metzen D Boyne M Miller (3) D Brown R Mohan (2) J Bynum W Pearman J Chafetz D Peck (3) S Corbett (2) G Peters (2) J Crane (2) W Rambo D Darden J Reeves J Dickinson (2) R Rettig L Fowler H Robboy E Fox J Salomone R Francis G Sandefur D Gutknecht G Sissler C Harper R Smith P Harvey (3) J Talamini R Habenstein C Unkovic (2) K Holmes M Victor P Koski (2) J Zawicki J Krol (2) L Zurcher L Levy

Erratum: Volume 11, No 2, November 1983, P 161.

JAPANESE AMERICAN INTERMARRIAGE, Russell Endo and Dale Hirokawa.

Starting Line 36, Column 1 should read:

The 1910-1941 Denver rate is comparatively high, as is the 1970-1971 level of 64 percent, which is approximated only by the 1971 San Francisco rate at 58 percent. FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 3

ARMED ROBBER CHARACTERISTICS & CRIME PATTERNS VS JUDICIAL RESPONSE Werner Gruninger, Norman B Hess Oklahoma State University

A research population of 113 armed robbery criminal careers showed that mature armed convicts held at Oklahoma State Penitentiary robbers had been incarcerated half of their during 1982 were interviewed to determine career span, and had graduated from youthful variables that influence robbery planning and theft and burglary to armed robbery (Petersilia the robber's experience in criminal court. It et aI1977). The general pattern with increas­ was assumed that the age of the offender at ing age is an increase in the severity of the time of the robbery, the criminal history offenses, a decrease in use of crime partners, of the robber, and his professed attitudes and a lowering frequency of offenses. would influence both the degree of prior plan­ There is consensus in the professional ning and the judicial disposition of the case. literature that the majority of robberies are The 1982 Federal Bureau of Investigation unplanned. This assumption may be valid, Uniform Crime Report shows that robbery because all the studies cited are based on accounts for only 4 percent of the total 1982 convict groups which are by no means crime index, and that it increased 5 percent representative of robbers in general, since over the year 1981. There has also been an most are never apprehended, and hence, are increase in robbery by very young offenders, not available for study. The present study according to arrest statistics. In 1981, 29 per­ deals with a group of offenders who were suc­ cent were under 18; in 1982, 34 percent were cessfully identified by police, convicted in a under 18. Of the robbery offenders, 60 per­ court proceeding, and processed into the cent were black. The offense was concen­ penitentiary for an extended stay. However, trated mainly in urban areas. The 1976 one would expect that age and criminal history National Crime Survey shows that only 53 per­ might explain some differences in offense cent of all robberies were reported to police behavior and planning. (McCaghy 1980), and only 24 percent of all robberies were cleared by an arrest. The great OFFENDER CHARACTERISTICS majority of robbery offenders successfully AND CRIME PATTERN committed the crime without any punitive The 113 convicted offenders were held in the consequences. maximum security state penitentiary. Other Previous research shows that robbers are a cases in the state prison system which were highly diverse group. The offense pattern reclassified to serve sentence in refor­ varies from simple street muggings to carefully matories, work camps, or pre-release centers executed assaults on a bank. Most offenses, were excluded due to lack of access. Also however, are spontaneous and opportunistic excluded were death-row offenders involved with little prior planning and no weapons in robbery-homicide. The data indicate that (Feeney, Weir 1979). Conklin (1972) identified robbery is a young man's offense. Those four common patterns: 1) a drug-related pat­ under 18 years of age at the time of the tern; 2) an alcoholic pattern; 3) the profes­ robbery, and certified to stand trial as adults sional heist; and 4) the opportunist pattern. were 14 percent of the sample. These were The professional robber is described as a presumably more serious cases in which the competent lawbreaker who gains large sums juvenile court declined jurisdiction. There were of money, works with a team, and rarely uses probably others under 18 years of age in the actual force (Gibbons 1973). Robbers tend to juvenile justice system, classified simply as be characterized as persons who have skill in delinquents. The age distribution is shown in managing people under stress. They are self­ Table 1. Blacks constituted 38 percent, which confident, but lack the technical skills of the on a population basis shows an overrepresen­ safe-cracker or burglar. Some robbers require tation by a factor of 5. Only 18 percent were a high level of tension and anxiety, while married; 87 percent lived in urban areas, and others try to calm everyone after the initial con­ 11 percent were homeless; 2 percent were frontation (DeBaun 1950). One study of from rural areas; 6 percent were street FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 4 sleepers; 3 percent were shelter residents. TABLE 1: YEARS' SENTENCE LENGTH In employment status, 55 percent were fully BY ROBBER CATEGORY employed at the time of the robbery; 14 per­ Variable Years N cent were living by crime alone; and the All robbers 18 113 remaining 31 percent were on an entitlement Plea program such as welfare or unemployment Guilty 16 79 insurance. Admitted problem drinkers make Not guilty 26 34 up 11 percent of the sample; 59 percent were Type of defense drug abusers. During the robbery, 19 percent Public defender 19 75 claimed to be under the influence of alcohol, Private attorney 21 37 and 33 percent claimed be under the influence Self defended 150 1 of drugs. The great majority, 82 percent, had Criminal history juvenile and adult criminal histories which had First offender 13 30 led to multiple incarcerations. Previous Recidivist 18 55 offenses included mostly property offences Habitual 25 27 plus a few cases of drug charges and assault charges, and one sexual offense. This is a Age Under 18 25 16 rather typical pattern of theft and burglary. 19-24 16 59 Convenience stores were the prime target for 25-30 21 25 this group of. robbers: 83 percent robbed a 31 and over 27 13 convenience store or a drug store,and 9 per­ Race cent entered a financial institution. Most were White 18 62 looking for money, and 11 percent were hop­ Black 18 43 ing to obtain drugs. The amount obtained was Hispanic, Indian 22 8 usually small - often only $20 or $30, but 87 percent used firearms in the robbery. There Antisocial level 20 42 were a few street muggers armed with a knife Low Medium 15 59 or no weapon at all. Three robbers were shot High 12 12 down by storekeepers; four were surprised by a routine police check of the premises. The others said that they left enough clues for the police to find them. or think about escape routes. They had little A disguise such as a mask or wig was used or no prior information about what they might by 37 percent, mainly very young offenders. gain. Contrary to expectation, the most The more ~xperienced robber did not bother experienced robbers did not plan the robbery to disquise himself. Partners were involved in in any way. the robbery with 69 percent of the offenders, The average prison sentence for the offense who were typically aged from 15 to 25 years. of armed robbery is 18 years, with a range In 47 percent of the cases where a partner was from 2 to 150 years. The longest sentence was used, the partner was a known ex-convict, and imposed on a very young offender who elected sometimes was the instigator of the robbery. to conduct his own jury trial defense, in lieu Younger robbers are much more likely to of a regular attorney. Most of the robbery vic­ cross racial lines in·the choice of target; older tims offered no resistance during the robbery, and recidivist offenders tend to rob members and only 5 percent of these offenders inflicted of their own race. (Table 2) any physical harm on their victims. The rob­ As to planning the robbery, 72 percent of the bers had no prior contingency plans in case offenders did no planning at all. The more the victim should resist, and simply chose to typical robber habitually carries a firearm, act according to circumstances. There was notices a storekeeper alone, and robs the also no pre-arranged assignment of tasks bet­ store on impulse. A few thought about com­ ween the robber and his accomplice. (Table 2) mitting the robbery for a several hours, or con­ sulted a friend about it. They did not recon­ THE ROLE OF AGE IN PLANNING noiter the intended robbery site in any way We· hypothesized that the age of the offender FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 5 at the time of the robbery might have an recognize as ex-convicts, and older offenders influence on the various planning dimensions, more likely commit the offense in a familiar because the older and more experienced man neighborhood, not far from where they live. should be more careful and wiser than There is an interesting relation between the teenage offenders. But the differences in age offender's age at the time of the robbery and are slight, as shown in Table 2A. The tables his criminal maturity and professed antisocial are composites of separate interview schedule attitudes, as shown in Table 3. Age groups are questions. To be brief, we have extracted divided in three criminal maturity categories: responses that are of importance to the study. 1) first offender with no prior detention or in­ Some percentage· differences are· based on carceration; 2) intermittent recidivists with an small frequencies and should be regarded occasional juvenile arrest, training school stay, with caution. The gamma values are also in and up to two adult prison sentences; 3) the some doubt since they are derived from ex­ habitual crimi:nal, first arrested before age 18, tended tabulations of questions with several with three or more instances of juvenile deten­ response options. The youngest offenders are tion, and three or more adult prison sentences. less likely to plan the robbery, but they do We applied a simple point scoring system. In discuss it and carry it out with an accomplice. criminal maturity, 27 percent were first of­ Older offenders often act alone. There is a fenders, 49 percent were recidivists, and 24 slight difference in perceived risk of apprehen­ percent were habitual criminals. But there was sion. Offenders in their 20's more often believe no significant relation between criminal that the risk of getting caught is high; they are maturity and age (Chi 2 = 11.3; df = 6; less likely to want to share proceeds with an P = .15). accomplice; they may use a knife or a gun in There is a negative relation between age at the robbery; and older offenders more often the time of robbery and the robber's antisocial used a stolen car, or stolen license plates. attitudes (Table 2C). Antisocial attitudes are Younger offenders almost always used a gun. measured on a 20-point scale of responses to Offenders aged 19 to 24 are most likely to 20 statements. We used 12 statements use one or more partners, which they usually previously used to derive prisoner role types

TABLE 2: AGE, CRIMINALITY & ATTITUDE BY ROBBERY PLANNING VARIABLES (Percent) Planning Variables A. Robbery Time Age B.Criminal Maturity· C. Antisocial Attitudes 15" 17 25 31 Gamma Low Med High Gamma Low Med High Gamma Unplanned robbery 88 59 64 69 .05 53 64 82 .26 64 63 91 -.08 Talked to accomplice 81 59 52 23 .44 47 64 52 .00 52 64 36 -.05 Reconnoitered site 19 15 20 8 .16 20 16 11 .18 12 20 9 -.05 Gave accomplice task 19 25 24 15 .15 17 35 7 -.06 17 31 9 - .14 Knew risk was high 13 22 24 0 -.07 20 20 15 - .19 19 12 55 .11 Ignorant of gain 63 64 68 77 -.40 67 64 74 -.07 71 64 64 -.08 Rewarded finger man 44 22 24 0 .63 17 29 15 -.65 19 27 18 -.42 Provided for gun 44 59 56 46 - .11 63 53 48 .28 55 56 55 - .08 Gun used in robbery 94 75 80 62 -.22 80 80 67 -.43 74 81 73 .27 Disguise used 31 36 28 31 .07 37 31 30 .15 31 34 36 - .12 Had stolen car/license 13 17 32 23 .28 13 31 7 .12 19 22 18 -.10 Used accomplice(s) 81 75 56 54 -.03 70 73 59 .03 64 73 73 .17 Partner was ex-convict 38 24 48 23 - .19 30 38 19 .35 33 31 27 .23 Robbed a store 94 75 60 92 .04 77 80 67 -.39 81 75 73 - .13 Victim race different 63 32 32 15 -.34 43 31 30 -.19 19 41 64 .55 Total N 16 59 25 13 113 30 55 27 112 42 59 11 112 *Criminal maturity code: Low = First offender; Med = Recidivist; High = Habitual. "FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 6

by Schrag (1949), Garabedian (1962), offenders. Poor impulse controls may explain Wheeler (1961) and Gruninger (1975). Sample why they are apprehended so often, and why statements include: "Take what you can get they are involved in crimes both as juveniles and to hell with everyone else:' "Lawyers, and as adults. Recidivists and habitual judges, and politicians are just as crooked as criminals share their criminal gain more often. the men they sent to the pentitentiary." The Experienced offenders are somewhat less other 8 statements were suggested by prison likely to make deliberate prior provisions for inmates in an international study of prisoniza­ a firearm. They were more likely to use knives, tion (Gruninger, Hayner, Akers 1974). Rob­ and to perform unarmed muggings and bers rated low on the antisocial scale affirm­ yokings on the street. There is a consistent ed 7 or fewer items; those rated medium pattern to use an ex-convict as a partner, and affirmed 8 to 14 items; those rated high in the partner is more often a naive first offender antisocial attitudes had 15 to 20 affirmations. who apparently serves as an apprentice. More (See Table 4). experienced offenders choose a wider range For the groups expressing medium and low of establishments as targets, and are less like­ antisocial attitudes there is a consistent age ly to cross racial lines in their attacks. But gradient. Older offenders tend to affirm only there is little prior deliberation about steps to a small number of antisocial items, and there avoid detection. Since the majority of reported are fewer radical antisocial types among them. robberies are unsolved, those involved in un­ It is unclear whether these patterns represent solved robberies must be more elusive than life experiences, or whether older age groups the prison population in this study. are more reluctant to admit such values. It did not appear that offenders were blocking dur­ ANTISOCIAL ATTITUDES & PLANNING ing the interview, and they seemed quite ready A tabulation of ciminal maturity against to admit their views. antisocial attitudes shows a pattern of theoretical interest. Previous research on CRIMINAL MATURITY & PLANNING prisonization has led to a long-standing con­ Criminal maturity and experience shows a troversy about this relation. Clemmer (1938) tendency contrary to planning the robbery and Sykes (1948) founded a theoretical tradi­ (see Table 2B). Habitual criminals and recidi­ tion that prisoners' antisocial attitudes were vists act more on criminal impulse than first a product of prison life - a notion which gave

TABLE 3: SENTENCE LENGTH BY AGE, CONTROLLING FOR CRIMINALITY (Percents) Age level First offender Recidivist Habitual criminal 20- 21 + 20 - 21 + Sentencet years: 20 - 21 + 15-24 years 60 7 40 25 48 19 25+ years 17 17 15 20 7 26 Garnma .80 .36 .80 N 30 55 27

TABLE 4: SENTENCE LENGTH BY AGE, CONTOLLING FOR ANTISOCIAL ATTITUDES (Percents)

Antisocial level: Low Medium High Age Sentence: 20- 21 + 20- 21 + 20- 21 + 15-24 years 33 21 56 17 58 17 25+ years 14 31 12 15 17 7 Gamma .54 .61 .27 N 42 59 12 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 7 rise to many later studies. Other researchers sentences which did not conform to legal came to believe that antisocial attitudes were criteria. Short sentences had been imposed imported into the prison based on criminaliza­ on habitual offenders, and long sentences tion on the streets, rather than arising from the were given to first offenders. At about the "pains" of imprisonment (Garabedian 1959; same time (1948) Lemert and Rosberg Wheeler 1959; Cline 1968; Irwin 1970). Grun­ investigated racial differences, and found that inger (1974) demonstrated that for offenders whites received considerably shorter without distinction as to offense, the two fac­ sentences than blacks and Hispanics. Bullock tors operated conjointly to bring about (1961) showed that criminal histories were not antisocial attitudes, but that the imported significant in sentencing, but the type of plea characteristics of inmates explained a greater was a strong factor. It was also shown that portion of the total variance. The most impor­ offenders from large cities who pleaded guilty tant variables were early arrests, juvenile received long sentences. A study of 439 death arrests, and the number of adult incarcera­ penalty cases showed that whites, especially tions.This relation does not hold for robbery with white attorneys, more often had their convicts. Criminal maturity and antisocial sentences commuted (Wolfgang et al 1962). attitudes are unrelated (Chi 2 = 3.2; df = 2; A study of 1437 records from a Philadelphia P = .20). Apparently, robbers are criminaliz­ court showed that the seriousness of the ed outside the prison, and the effects of prior offense and the number of indictments imprisonment seem absent. exerted the greatest influence (Green 1960, The relation between antisocial attitudes and ,1961, 1964). Racial discrim.ination did not robbery planning are shown in Table 2C. appear as a factor. Social class is shown to Gamma values are small, but it is evident that be a factor in granting probation (Nagel 1965). the most antisocial robbers do the least plan­ Hogarth (1971) found that judicial character­ ning though they recognize the high risk of istics and court workload were related to apprehension. Other differences are small, sentencing, but Chambliss and Waldo (1975) except in interracial victimization. The more found no such differences. Eisenstein and antisocial offender is more likely to choose a Jacob (1977) found that public defenders member of another race as a victim. Young obtained lighter sentences, and that guilty black offenders are the most alienated, and pleas were rewarded with lighter sentences. are more likely to rob establishments with Chiricos and Waldo (1975) found that prior white attendants. criminal records were significantly related to The independent variables of age at time of sentences, but Bullock's study (1961) had not robbery, criminal maturity, and antisocial atti­ shown this relation. The picture as shown by tudes have some effect on various elements research shows little consistency. of robbery planning, but the effects are not Table 1 shows that the average sentence for uniform. This finding is not surprising in hind­ our prisoner sample is 18 years. There is a sight, since our sample reflects of Conklin's strong relation between sentence length and general robbery patterns: the alcoholic, the pleas of not guilty, compared to guilty pleas. drug, and the opportunist patterns. The pro­ Offenders who bargained for a shorter fessional pattern is notably absent from this sentence were rewarded. Our study reveals group of offenders. Professionalism is rare that the typical bargaining pattern was for among convicted robbers. The finding in this shorter sentences, and not for charge reduc­ study is that convicted robbers act mainly on tion. And the majority of robbers said that such impulse when they think they see a favorable bargains actually had been kept, though situation. several offenders claimed that plea bargain promises had not been honored in the court. JUDICIAL RESPONSE TO ROBBERY Both the public defender and the private A short review of sentencing practices in the attorney pleaded their client guilty at the same courts indicates legally indefensible variations 70 percent rate. The public defender, perhaps in sentencing. Lane (1941) reviewed 1660 because he was a court regular, on average, sentences in a state prison system, and found obtained a sentence that was two years that a fifth of the inmates had received prison shorter than that obtained by the private FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 8 attorney. Criminal history is significantly They are aware that their crime is not related to sentence length in Oklahoma lucrative, and carries a high price in the courts. courts. The first offender obtains an -average When asked what group they admire, the con­ sentence of 13 years; the intermittent recidivist sensus of opinion was that the embezzler or gets 18 years; the habitual offender on fraud offender was doing things correctly. The average gets a sentence of 25 years. This is robbery convicts noted that these offenders legally defensible. There is also some con­ use their heads, get a large amount of money, sistency in handing longer prison sentences and a short sentence. They saw themselves to older offenders. The exception is the very as losers. This may explain why only 14 of the young offender who came to adult courts 113 robbery convicts had previous convictions because the juvenile court declined jurisdic­ for armed robbery. They had engaged chiefly tion for a serious crime. These presumably in other types of property crime. Though 59 more serious offenders obtained a sentence, percent were drug abusers, oraly five persons on average, of 25 years. Differences in sen­ had previous sentences for drug possession. tencing between blacks and whites do not And 69 percent were engaged in robbery with appear, but American Indian and Hispanic one or more partners. offenders receive a sentence four years longer Most offenders act on impulse, with alcohol on average, than those of blacks and whites and drug influence being very common (Table 1). Contrary to expectation, offenders phenomena.. Examination of business hours, low on the antisocial attitude scale get long days of the week, or months of the year shows sentences, while the highly antisocial group no time pattern. Robberies are distributed gets the shortest sentences, 12 years, on though the day and through the year. There average, in all categories. seems to be no consideration for payroll days, This latter finding merits exploration. We or for night-time cover for easier getaway. tabulated the data at time of robbery against Judges retaliate rather severely when rob­ the sentence, with criminal maturity held con­ bers appear for trial. Actual time spent in stant. When the prior record of robbers is held prison is controlled by the Parole Board, constant, an increase in age brings a longer however, and is far short of the sentence sentence, especially for first offenders and for imposed in the court. Plea bargaining reduces habitual offenders, as shown in Table 3. The the sentence by an average of 10 years. relation is weaker for intermittent recidivists, Judges consistently hand down more severe perhaps reflecting judicial indecision in deal­ sentences to more experienced robbers, in ing with this offender type. The sentencing line with established legal theory. The most pattern shown here represents valid senten­ effective strategy by the defendant is to plead cing procedures as required in legal theory, guilty with a public defender, because other which advocates consideration of the relative options are more costly. This study cor­ youth of the offender and his criminal history. roborates research by other criminologists With antisocial attitudes held constant, Table who have defined armed robbery as an 4 shows a strong relation between age and unplanned crime with little gain and serious sentence for the low antisocial group and the legal consequences. medium antisocial group. For highly antisocial robbers, the relation is diminished, but in the REFERENCES expected direction, but the frequencies are Bullock H 1961 Significance of the racial factor in low, and require cautious interpretation. The length of prison sentences. J Crim Law Criminal Police Sci 52 411-417 criminological literature suggests that highly Chambliss W J, Seidman R 1971 Law, Order and antisocial and psychopathic offenders are Power. Reading Mass. Addison Wesley adept at showing remorse to the court, and Chirocos G, GP Waldo 1975 Socioeconomic status can verbalize it well. and criminal sentencing: An empirical assessment of a conflict proposition. Amer Social Rev 40 753-772 SUMMARY DeBraun R 1950 The heist. Harpers 200 Armed robbers do not act rationally. They are young, impulsive offenders who are rather easily detected by criminal justice agencies. References concluded on Page 12. FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 9

CRIMINAL JUSTICE EVALUATION RESEARCH AND THEORY RESEARCH Robert Sigler, University of Alabama, Tuscaloosa CRIMINAL JUSTICE RESEARCH group to the reports in his study, only 231 As defined in the professions, criminal justice reports remained, and he found that many of research has broad parameters. In some these studies had fatal or confounding effects academic settings the focus is on theories of in the design. Unlike the challenge to rehabili­ criminal behavior, while in others the em- tation, this assertion has not been challenged, phas'is is on the dynamics and operations of and its ready acceptance by scholars indi­ the system itself. While criminology enjoys a cates general doubt about the quality of long history of emprirical endeavor, much of research in this area. the research in criminal justice emerges from A similar project focused on the use of theory and methods developed in contiguous volunteers with criminal offenders. Scioli and disciplines such as anthropology, political Cook (1976) evaluated 250 reports, science, sociology and psychology, and monographs, and supporting statements applied professions such as social work, which attempted to present findings from business, law, and public administration. evaluations of volunteer programs. When Much of the empirical effort in criminal justice evaluations which did not measure program focuses on management information, needs outcome were eliminated, only 43 reports assessment, and evaluation research. remained. Of these, 35 measured program Evaluation research has been challenged as impact on offenders, mainly focusing on one- effective research (Weiss 1972). It is sug- to-one volunteer relationships, excluding con­ gested that evaluation research is inferior to sideration of other program components. Only theoretical research. Needs assessment and 3 reports were free of defects which serious- development of management information in Iy limited the quality of the evaluation. The criminal justice settings are not perceived as focus of scholars and practitioners was on the research. I will argue that any collection of absence of support for volunteer programs data which meets rigorous standards in rather than on the comments regarding the design, collection, and analysis is intrinsical- quality of research. Iy equal as research, and can be used for Earlier investigators drew similar conclusions various purposes, regardless of the primary in assessing the state of the art (Shelley 1971 ; character of the research. Baily 1966; Schnur 1965; Glaser 1965; Cressey 1958). More recently, Logan (1980) STATE OF THE ART evaluated research in the late 1960's and early The quality of research in criminal justice 1970's and reached the same conclusions. All settings has been challenged by several assessments of evaluation research end with scholars, and most visibly by Martinson an expressed need for improvement in (1974). He collected and reviewed all available application of research techniques in criminal English language reports focusing on rehabili­ justice or correctional settings. Logan (1980) tation which had been completed from 1945 set seven criteria to serve as a guide to the to 1967, and found no evidence that any minimal level of acceptable technical com­ rehabilitation program consistently reduced petence which focused on efforts to evaluate recidivism. This challenge focused attention treatment programs. None of the 100 studies, on the rehabilitation process (Palmer 1975). met the seven minimal conditions for quality His second, perhaps more vital conclusion research. Only 12 adequately measured the received little review. Martinson suggests that independent variable, and only one satisfied the problem may be one of methods rather as many as six of the seven conditions. than substance. "It is just possible that some of our treatment programs are working to THEORETICAL & APPLIED RESEARCH some extent, but that our research is so bad The inadequacies of criminal justice research that it is incapable of telling:' (Martinson 1974 have been attributed to the applied or prac­ 3) After applying criteria such as measurable tical nature of the field. There is a sense that outcomes and the presence of a comparison applied research is less rigorous than FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 10 theoretical research. Such a position is inap­ research with "significant" findings can be propriate, because research methods are published. A researcher had completed an neither good nor bad. They are either correctly experimental examination of one aspect of or incorrectly applied to the problem under human behavior, but had achieved non­ study. If applied or practical research is significant results. On replication, the results inferior, the appropriate response is an were again non-significant. The researcher indictment of the researcher who has used said that the same design would be repeated research tools incorrectly, and no indictment until the "correct" results were obtained. of applied research. When researchers manipulate their designs and significance levels to reach "significant" EVALUATION RESEARCH AND results, the weakness does not lie in THEORETICAL RESEARCH methodology, but in falsifying objective It has been suggested that evaluation research operations. research is inferior to theory research as con­ The funding agency defines research goals ducted in the various professional disciplines (Street 1974). The outcome expected from in pursuit of theoretical issues. Evaluation experimental intervention determines both the research is research. It must be qualitatively dependent and independent variables. But the equivalent to theoretical research. The tasks researcher must determine the manner of and techniques are, or should be the same. definition and measurement of the variables. The safequards, standards and objectivity are, "Timeliness" and "relevancy" as defined by or should be the same, to insure that quality the discipline may also impose professional is maintained in the research process. bias on the researcher who naturally wants to publish findings and theoretical analysis. BIASING FACTORS A political element affects public program The quality of research is limited to the skills, evaluation (Weiss 1972). Programs in the abilities, and objectivity of the researcher. public sector are created in politics, and the Environmental pressures impinge on research prOducts, effectiveness assessment, and efforts, regardless of setting. While emphasis evaluation are all political. Evaluation findings has been placed on the unique nature of may provide the basis for support or rejection environmental stresses in the evaluation of of the program. It is difficult to avoid biasing action programs, simlar stresses can be iden­ pressures. Effective researchers will state find­ tified in other research settings. ings objectively, and will avoid involvement in The funding agency or evaluated agency is debates about interpretation. There is a place likely to try influencing the research process for the social activist, but such concerns must (Adams 1975). In the early 1970's a research be kept out of the program evaluation process team was evaluating a community treatment because they destroy objectivity and invalidate program in a major urban area under contract the research. Findings and design must be from the county commission. The state plan­ determined by the data and the type of ning agency had invested heavily in the pro­ research question approached, and not by the gram of prime concern. State planning agency preference of researcher, funding agency, or representatives met the research team and the social research object itself. The com­ stressed the importance of finding the pro­ petent researcher separates areas of social gram effective and essential. They indicated involvement from areas of application of with little subtlety that future grant and research skills. research funds from the planning agency Evaluation research must be conducted would depend on "cooperation" from the with greater care than other types of research team in this case. The team refused research. If the evaluation develops informa­ to modify the research design, and insisted tion which is viewed as unfavorable to the pro­ that the findings must flow from the data. gram, then the quality of the data will be ques­ If a researcher succumbs to such pressure, tioned (Weiss 1972). Even if the data is the weakness is not in evaluation research favorable, the evaluation will be challenged by techniques. Similar pressures exist in opponents of the program. They will diligently academic and professional communities. Only seek flaws to discredit the methodology or the FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 11 analysis. The basic data gathering procedures science is more correctly viewed as the effort and the analysis of data will be scrutinized to to expand knowledge and understanding. The a degree seldom applied to basic and pursuit of science is to establish general laws theoretical research. Thus, each component which help to integrate and develop know­ of the research design must be carefully con­ ledge about a field of inquiry (Braithwaite structed to gather data which is high both in 1966). The basic purpose of science is to quality and in relevance. develop theories which explain natural phenomena including those encountered in PRACTICAL APPLICATION AND THEORY criminal justice as well as the other social Theoretical research and applied research sciences. need not be separate endeavors. If the quali­ Some scholars define the development of ty of applied research is equal to the quality theory in rigorous terms. Philosphers of of theoretical research, then the quality of data science suggest that the model advanced by will permit analysis focused on verification of the physical sciences is the proper model for theoretical propositions. The return from the the development and testing of theories (Pop­ investment of resources in developing evalua­ per 1961; Hempel 1939). This model stresses tion research can be maximized by including the logical deduction of testable propositions the measurement of variables which assess from a broad general theory. According to this theoretical hypotheses. model, the development of theory involves Sophisticated empirical research can be con­ development of a formal system of explana­ ducted at the same time that practical tion through a set of systematically interrelated research is conducted. Two products result: postulates from which testable hypotheses 1) a report on the practical findings, and 2) a can be drawn (Zetterberg 1965). In this con­ theoretically significant journal article. While text, research becomes a mechanism the main variables are determined by the whereby hypotheses are tested. nature of the program being evaluated, with The inductive method of theory development the stated program outcomes, other variables is less frequently discussed as an appropriate can and should also be measured. If the main scientific approach. In this context, informa­ dependent and independent variables are in­ tion is gathered about the relations between appropriate for the study of the theoretical phenomena. As more becomes known about issue, then the primary variables for the theory the relations among the variables under test can be entered as secondary variables in analysis, a theory or set of theories begin to the practical evaluation research design. A emerge which explain the findings. In this con­ major evaluation is a series of minor text, research becomes the mechanism hypothesis testing situations, or at least, minor whereby relations between variables are comparisons which can be converted into discovered. hypothesis testing situations. The practical The pursuit of theory, whether inductive or report focuses on those comparisons from the deductive, requires the accurate and careful perspective of the information needed to testing of relations between variables. Applied manage the program. The theoretical analysis research can provide information which can focuses on the comparisons relevant to the be used in the development of theory. The verification of theory. original purpose of research does not change the nature of the data. If the data are not APPROACHING THEORY sound they cannot be used for development Development of scientific theory is recogniz­ of theory or for program evaluation. Sound ed as the province of the academic scholar­ data must be used for both. scientist. There are differences in approach which scholars take in the development of SUMMARY theory, but there is some consensus as to the Criminal justice is a newly emerging field with purpose of the development of scientific broad parameters not clearly defined in con­ theory. While non-professionals and some temporary literature. While criminology is well scientists see the purpose of science as prac­ established as an area of professional re­ tical improvement in the "real world:' search, criminal justice research, particularly FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 12 evaluation research, has been judged GRUNNINGER Continued from page 8 inadequate. Research in criminal justice is Conklin J 1972 Robbery and the Criminal Justice often practical or applied research. The techni­ System. Philadelphia Lippincott ques and procedures used in applied research Eisenstein J, H Jacobs 1977 Felony Justice: An are identical to research employed in the Organizational Analysis of Criminal Courts. Boston. Little Brown verification of theory. If the quality of research Federal Bureau of Investigation 1982 Uniform Crime is maintained, then theoretical hypotheses can Report. Washington DC USGPO be tested in applied research deisgns. The Garfinkel H 1949 Research note in inter- and intra­ development of theory in the area of criminal racial homicides. Social Forces 27 369-372 Gibbons 0 1973 Society, Crime, and Criminal justice is a legitimate and essential activity. Careers. Englewood Cliffs. Prentice Hall Both deductive and inductive approaches are Green E 1964 Inter- and intra-racial crime relative appropriate vehicles for developing theory in to sentencing. J Crim Law, Criminol & Police Sci criminal justice research. As an emerging field' 55 348-358 Gruninger W 1975 Criminal maturity, inmate roles of study, criminal justice must be carefully and normative alienation. Free Inq in Creative developed through application of rigorous and Sociol 3 38-63 effective research methods. The quality of Hogarth J 1971 Sentencing as a Human Process. research will determine the quality of U of Toronto Press knowledge. Thus, the quality of criminal Lane HE 1976 Illogical variations in sentences of felons committed to Massachusetts State Prisons. justice research must be maintained at high J Crim Law, Criminol & Police Sci 32 171-190 levels regardless of the form which the Lemert E M, T Rosberg 1948 Administration of research effort takes. justice to minority groups in Los Angeles County. U of California Pubis in Culture &Society 11 1-7 REFERENCES Nagel S 1969 The Legal Process from a Behavioral Perspective. Homewood Illinois. Dorsey Adams S 1975 Evaluative Research in Corrections: Petersilia J, PW Greenwood, M Lavin 1977 Criminal A Practice Guide. Washington DC. US Dept of Careers of Habitual Felons. Rand Justice Sykes GM 1978 Criminology. New York. Harcourt Baily WC 1966 Correctional outcome: An evalua­ Brace tion of 100 reports. J Crim Law, Crime & Police Willwerth J 1974 Jones: Portrait ofa Mugger. New Sci 57 153-160 York. Evans Braithwaite R 1955 Scientific Explanation. Cam­ Wolfgang M, A Kelly~H Nolde 1962 Comparison of bridge. Cambridge U Press executed and convicted among admissions to Cressey DR 1958 Nature & effectiveness of cor­ death row. J Crim Law Criminol & Police Sci 53 rectional techniques. Law & Contemp Probl 23 301 754-763 Glaser D 1965 Correctional research: An elusive paradise. J Research in Crime & Delinq 2 7 Hempel CG 1965 Aspects of Scientific Explana­ tions. New York. Free Press Logan CH 1970 Evaluaton research in crime & delinquency. A reappraisal. S Talarico ed. Criminal Justice Research Cincinnati. Anderson Martinson R 1974 What works? Questions & answers about prison reform. Public Interest Spring 22-54 Palmer T 1975 Martinson revisited. J Research in Crime & Delinq 12 Popper KR 1961 The Logic ofScientific Discovery. New York. Wiley Schnur A 1965 The state of corrections and the state of correctional research. Prison J 23 Scioli JPJr, TJ Cook 1976 How effective are volunteers? Crime & Delinquency 22 192-300 Shelley ELV 1971 An overview of evaluation, research, surveys. Frontier 8 Boulder Colorado. Natl Info· Ctr on Volunteers in Courts. Weiss CH 1972 Evaluation research. Englewood Cliffs NJ. Prentice Hall Zetterberg HL 1963 On Theory Verification and Research in Sociology. Totowa NJ. Bedminster FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 13

CW MILLS, INDUSTRIAL SOCIOLOGY & WORKER PARTICIPATION PROGRAMS Ramona L Ford, Southwest Texas State University MILLS' THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK FIGURE 1: MORALE ANALYSIS MODEL Mills' 1948 article, "The Contribution of Individual's Objective Power Structure Sociology to Studies of Industrial Relations" Subjective State Participates Does not castigated applied sociologists and the human relations school of management for lending g Cheerful, Wi.lIi.n 2 themselves to management as consultants. In II I Sullen, unwilling, 3 ., 4 . his critique, he charged that the human rela­ tions school was trying to create a "pseudo­ Adapted from CW Mills, "Contribution of gemeinschaft" atmosphere in an authoritarian Sociology to Studies of Industrial Relations:' industrial setting by manipulating workers and reprinted 1970 in Berke/ey J ofSocio/15 24. their informal groups to follow cheerfully the directives of management. Manipulation Cell 4 is what management has on its hands occurred through consulting with workers and if it does not apply human relations methods, listening sympathetically to their complaints or if management bungles it. so as to gain their cooperation and con­ Mills holds that what social scientists should fidence. The human relations "counselor" be seeking is not the management goal of may. even be able to compete with the shop Cell 2 but the humanist Marxian goal of Cell 1. steward or coopt the union into "promoting Sociologists and other social scientists have collaboration in the pursuit of a collective been willing to allow the structure of the goal:' Intelligent human relations manage­ workplace to shift from the left side of worker ment should make happy, cooperative participation in decision-making to the right workers without changing the social structure side of authoritarian power relations without of the workplace. batting an eye. In pursuing their own career Why does Mills see this as a problem when development, social scientists have accepted it would appear that human relations manage­ management's definition of the problem of ment works, and· that management, share­ morale and productivity, allowing their political holders and workers are happy? Morale, pro­ range of alternatives to narrow and atrophy. ductivity, and profit should rise. Alienation, Mills castigates the social scientists of the absenteeism, turnover, strikes, and industrial 1940's for being so apolitical in their pursuit conflict should fall. With a simple grid shown of the technician role that they cannot "sell in Figure 1, Mills shows the subjective and out" something they do not have. objective possibilities of worker morale, and From "The Marxists:' (1962) Mills'· explains why this school of management is a preferences on "self-managing" and "sophisticated conservative" approach which "workers' control" can be distinguished. He in no way liberates the worker. does not want either economic influence or Mills is saying that the pseudo-participation political direction from a small financial of human relations management, if it is suc­ capitalist class, or the authoritarian dictates cessful, places the "cheerful robot" in Cell 2 of a bureaucratic state-controlled economy. of Figure 1. It does not really allow the worker He wants a form of social democracy decision-making participation, as in Cell 1. exemplified in the theories of Kautsky, Lux­ Cell 1 participation implies either the social emburg, syndicalist G 0 H Cole, and grass­ structure available to the old-fashion crafts­ roots economic democracy incipient in the man who was self-managing, or to workers' Yugoslavian workers' council experiences. control under some new structure. Cell 3 con­ Decentralized decision-making should be tains workers who do participate, but still do based on worker control/democracy in the not like the work - hopeless malcontents who economic sector. Is there one pattern, good remain unadjusted. Cell 4 contains those for all the world? No. The sociological workers who are alienated as in Cell 3, but imagination knows that in each culture and who have not been manipulated into false con­ historical time, grassroots democracy might sciousness like the cheerful robots of Cell 2. work itself out differently. The paths to that FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 14 devolution of decision-making for the "little In trying to include both structural and man" might be different. cultural factors in his model, Mills insists on Mills feels fervently that worker participation a model in which the social scientist can tack in decision-making is, or should be the goal between macro and micro, between broad of social scientists' endeavors. He described theory and empirical studies, in a society's himself as a "plain marxist:' meaning that historical development and in individuals' theory and praxis should be used in a dialec­ collective biographies (Ford 1978 26). tical manner, continually to improve workers' Mills wants all persons, not just managers, knowledge of their social condition. Social to participate in decision-making which will scientists should be on the forefront of expos­ affect their lives. The most important roles ing how people have been shaped by their which people play are their occupational roles. social structures and how, they can con­ These roles have helped to shape peoples' sciously reshape their future structures lives and thinking, and are the locus for what through public policy decisions. Mills feels should be a primary place for "In their work, plain marxists have stressed decision-making and growth. People cannot the humanism of marxism, especially of the understand these roles without understanding younger Marx, and the role of the superstruc­ how the roles are a part of the macro institu­ ture in history; they have pointed out that to tional structure. If theoretical and applied underemphasize the interplay of bases and sociologists do not work to promote this end, superstructure in the making of history is to they have failed. Worse yet, they have become transform man into that abstraction for which a political tool by allowing themselves to be Marx himself criticized Feurbach.... They used by elites. have emphasized the volition of men in the making of history - their freedom, in contrast THE WORKER PARTICIPATION to any Determinist Laws of History and, MOVEMENT accordingly, the lack of individual responsi­ The 1970's have seen a groundswell of bility:' (Mills 1962 99); interest in worker participation. The overall The central theme of all Mills' work was that economy among the industrial nations of the a critical social science must promote freedom world has seen a slump after a relatively long and democracy. Men in "publics" must have period of economic gains since World War II. the ability to formulate the "available choices:' In the United States, in addition to the infla­ to argue over them - then the opportunity to tion seen elsewhere in the world, there has choose:' (Mills 1959 174) A critical social been a slowdown in the growth of prOductivi­ science must provide information to these tyas measured by the ratio of real output to publics (Ford 1978; Scimecca 1977). The labor hour input. In the manufacturing sector, overall macrostructure of society must be both in the United States and Great Britain, understood first, because it is the institutional between 1967 and 1977, labor productivity structure which gives the framework for social increased 27 percent. During the same period, roles. Social roles are the basic point of con­ labor productivity in the manufacturing sector tact between the individual and society -- par­ increased 107 percent in Japan, 72 percent ticularly the occupational role. Most com­ in France, 70 percent in West Germany, 62 municative action takes place within roles. percent in Italy, and 43 percent in Canada Basic motivations, skills, values, and social (McConnell 1979 38). In the 1973-1977 period codes are learned as parts of social roles that the United States has slowed to an annual an individual plays or prepares to play in the growth rate in labor productivity of only 1.2 future. All cultural phenomena -- language, percent per annum (Economic Impact Report ideology, symbols, communications - all types 1977 45). of individual character structure, all social The economic problems of United States roles occur within an overall historically workers have been compounded by the in­ specific social structure. Without a framework crease in plant shutdowns as corporations of institutions, norms, and roles, there could close subsidiaries or move the plants to other not be shared meanings and shared countries and to less unionized areas. Cor­ expectations. porations which are labor intensive seek the FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 15 more docile, more tractable, and less costly 10 million workers participating in shopfloor labor force of the South, or Third World coun­ level quality circles to raise problematic tries. Equally important, and sometimes issues, discuss them, and suggest solutions overlooked in the rush to blame United States to management (DeWar 1979 9). The Mon­ labor unions, is the tax break for foreign dragon system in the Basque region of Spain investment given by the United States, foreign has stimulated interest abroad in industrial governments, and some southern states, and and producer cooperatives. Since the intro­ the tax write-off for dumping less profitable duction of the first industrial co-op in 1956, plants. the network has grown to over 80 industrial United States firms have an advantage of co-ops and more than 20 service and con­ operating from inside the European Economic sumer co-ops, including a co-op bank, Community to avoid trade barriers which they medical, day care, and educational services would have encountered in attempting to and retail establishments (Thomas, Logan export from the United States. Of the United 1982; Mollner 1982). States multinational investments in 1982, 75 percent were in other industrial countries in u.s. WORKER PARTICIPATION PLANS Europe, where tax break and trade barrier There have been several attempts at worker relief were the chief concern, or where finan­ participation plans in the United States. The cial and service functions which must be per­ Northwest plywood cooperatives are the best formed on the spot were offered (Dollars & known producer co-ops, 16 of which still exist Sense 1982; DeVos 1981; Moberg 1979; (Zwerdling 1980 95; Berman 1967; Bernstein Bluestone, Harrison 1980). Over 60 of these 1974). Scanlon plans have been well known plants have been salvaged from shutdown by since the 1940's, and a 1967 estimate placed employee and community buyout (Rosen the number at 500 (Frieden 1980 27; Jenkins 1981). 1974 222). Other companies have been using Other factors have caught the interest of profit-sharing plans, quality circles, and some management, worker, and union per­ Employee Stock Ownership Plans (ESOP) sonnel, and some social scientists regarding which were facilitated by the Employee~s worker participation. Labor is not satisfied. Investment and Retirement Act of 1974. The labor force is more educated, with 12.7 Mills would be interested in the degee and median years of education (Bureau of Labor level of worker participation and whether the Statistics 1981). This and the long period of program could possibly lead to an increased relative prosperity have increased expecta­ awareness and involvement by the worker in tions for more interesting work and more decision-making in the future. The social responsibility (Frieden 1980 41). The civil scientist might look too, at the following: rights and women's liberation movements 1) Does the plan offer shopfloor decision­ must also be credited for their impact on making, middle-level decision-making at the cultural values concerning participation, departmental level, or top management individual rights, and the impetus to change decision-making at the company level, with traditional social roles. representation of the non-managerial workers In the postwar period came the demonstra­ on the board of directors? 2) Does the plan tion effect of successes in worker participa­ return a share of profits from sales or tion from Europe and Japan (Frieden 1980 20; increased production value to the workers for Jenkins 1974 92, 176,246). Workers' coun­ their increased efforts? 3) Does the plan offer cils have been used in all Western European ownership of stock to the workers, how much countries, usually by legislative mandate, and of the stock is in the hands of non-managerial six countries require workers' representatives workers, and can they vote their stock on on company boards of directors (Schwartz important company issues? 4) Is there poten­ 1981 4). Shopfloor participation has been tial for workers to increase ability for leader­ spreading in Great Britain and Italy (Hill 1981 ship and decision-making by training in pro­ 147). Yugoslavia remains the prime example blem solving and experience in decision­ of worker control of industry (Vanek 1971 39; making with adequate encouragement and Zwerdling 1980 159). Japan has about information sharing by the company? FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 16

At the level of individual job enrichment, the accounts, and the employees are vested with picture is not very encouraging. Many times, ownership of the stock at some annual per­ jobs have been enlarged simply by rewriting cent -- usually 10 percent. The tax advantage the job descriptions by managements and comes from the fact that both principal and social scientist consultants (Jenkins 1974 interest paid from profits to the trust are tax­ 168). Often, the worker is not consulted, and free dollars. The loan has been acquired if no structures for group decision-making are cheaply, and the employees are the recipients included, a chief mechanism for democratic of stock in the company in a sweat-equity discussion, leadership training, and decision­ agreement. In more than half of the ESOP, making is lost. employees are not allowed to vote their stock. Profit sharing plans have been in the United In more than 60 cases of employee buyouts States since Proctor and Gamble initiated one to avoid shutdown, the entire company stock in 1887. A 1973 estimate places the number is owned by employees, sometimes in part­ of firms with deferred and combination plans nership with the community. Ownership does at 150,000 and cash plans at 100,000. These not automatically transfer control, unless con­ plans covered 10 million employees and held trol mechanisms are specifically built into the between $25 and $30 billion in trust assets original plans. While almost all ESOPs have (Metzger 1974 40)~ These plans pay a percent increased worker morale and productivity and of the profits on sales to all employees, either profits in the short run, if employees' expec­ directly in cash or stock, or indirectly to tations of increased participation in decision­ employee accounts held by a trust to be paid making are unfulfilled, there follows a period at severance or retirement. Some companies of strong dissatisfaction, as the well-known use a combination of cash and deferred cases of South Bend Lathe, and Rath Pack­ payments. The amount of stock distributed in ing have demonstrated (Zwerdling 1980 65). this way is usually quite small, and is not voted The potential for meaningful worker participa­ by employees. These firms generally ignore tion is there, but will remain dormant until participation by employees in shopfloor and structural changes are made in the organiza­ managerial decision-making, with no tion through committees at the shopfloor level employee committees formed. While produc­ up through representation on the board and tivity has been higher in firms with profit shar­ through the right of employees to vote their ing plans, compared to earlier prOductivity, stock. these companies have not been effectively At the shopfloor level there are two major compared to similar firms in their industry modes of employee participation being tried which have more employee participation in the United States. Quality circles are (Frieden 1980 79). becoming rather popular, according to the The Employee Stock Ownership Plans Quality Circle Institute (DeWar 1979). By (ESOP) may offer only individual profit shar­ February 1980, at least 65 companies had ing through stock ownerShip, or may offer a active quality circles and the number was great deal of worker participation. ESOPs and increasing rapidly (DeVos 1981 95). These related worker/community ownership plans companies include such giants as General have increased rapidly in the 1970's and Motors, JC Penney, Uniroyal, General Elec­ 1980's due to plant shutdowns, tax advan­ tric, Firestone Tire and Rubber, International tages to the corporation setting up an ESOP Harvester, Northrup and Lockheed Aviation, trust, and ability of owners of small firms to Rockwell International, Phillips Petroleum, have a built in-market for their stock when the Ford Motor, and the United States Navy and owner wishes to divest without selling to a con­ Federal Aviation Administration. The reason glomerate. The corporation sets up such a quality circles have spread so rapidly to hun­ trust which borrows if the company wants dreds of companies in the industrial nations extra capital. The trust gives the money to the may be to avoid restructuring into shopfloor company in exchange for company stock. The teams, requiring employee stock ownership, company pays the trust back out of its profits or posing a threat to the management each year. The trust then pays back the lender hierarchy. and credits shares of stock to employee A recent Oregon State University report FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 17 found that 75 percent of the quality circle pro­ special training and feared their loss of power, grams die within a few years because the ended the experiment by a company-wide manner in which they are planned and vote. Harman International Industries in operated leaves the workers feeling Bolivar Tennessee adopted aHarman-United manipulated (Watts 1982 3). Many of these Auto Worker work improvement program quality circles have a certain amount of which included virtually every worker in the autonomy, are cost effective, average accep­ factory. Shopfloor committees were developed tance of about 80 percent of their suggestions to make their own workplace decisions. All by management, tend to boost morale initial­ committees contain union, management, and ly, promote a certain amount of leadership and worker representatives. Their new employee­ decision-making training, and may sometimes run newspaper presents real debates and include bonuses or profit sharing. However, communication about company and larger they do not deal with company-level problems issues. While it has taken several years and (DeWar 1975 15,27). many heated arguments to develop this Quality circles must be structured from the system, the workers have continued to beginning by both top management and by develop problem solving skills and have main­ workers' representatives so that management tained their workplace participation even after goals of increased productivity and profits do the compnay was sold and new management not overshadow worker goals of participation assumed control (Zwerdling 1980 31). in creating a more satisfying workplace. In the Another plan reminiscent of quality circles initial contact between workers and manage­ but often aimed at the departmental level is ment, there must be some guarantee of the Scanlon Plan, pioneered by Joseph worker rights, such as job security and volun­ Scanlon in the 1930's to save a company dur­ tary participation, equality between union or ing the depression. The basic concern was to worker representatives and management, and increase prOductivity, but wider issues the goal of a better worklife. sometimes arising in quality circles are not Another form of shopfloor participation which treated. Scanlon plans send up production calls for more restructuring of the workplace innovations from the shopfloor or depart­ than does the quality circle is the shopfloor mental committee to management or to a work team. The best-known example of this plant level worker/manager committee for con­ in the United States is the General Foods sideration (Zwerdling 1980 179). A base line Gravy Train Plant in Topeka Kansas. The of worker productivity is decided at the start, 8-person processing team and 16-person and subsequent profits are based on the packaging-warehousing team -- one each on increased value of produced goods, rather the three shifts - had genuine autonomy. The than profits from sales. Such profits are work teams decided who would do what job divided among employees (Frieden 1980 27). each day. There were no job categories, and Usually, 75 percent of increased profits are each worker was paid according to the reserved for the workers, and 25 percent for number of jobs learned. Besides job schedul­ the company. There appears less of group ing, the teams did their own hiring and firing, interaction and training in problem-solving maintenance and cleanup work, and quality under Scanlon plans than in quality circles. control (Jenkins 1974 225; Zwerdling 1980 Eight studies of Scanlon Plan applications 19). Productivity and profits and quality were indicate production gains in most instances higher than at similar conventional plants, but and tremendous gains in a few cases (Frieden the project was eventually scuttled because 1980 27). In both the Scanlon Plan and quality it "worked too well:' making management and circles, the problems considered for solution staff nervous (Frieden 1980 43). are at the shopfloor or departmental level, The Rushton Mining experiment with work rather than at the company level. teams of miners was also successful in terms There are presently only a few labor­ of extra training, morale building, productivi­ management committees. Labor-manage­ ty, and safety, but was not applied company­ ment committees began in the United States wide. Jealousies from miners not in the experi­ during World War II under the aegis of the War ment and from supervisors who did not have Production Board, with the blessing of the FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 18

American Federation of Labor-Congress of In­ It was once widely argued that worker par­ dustrial Organizations. Only the conservative ticipation at any decision-making level was a National Association of Manufacturers was wildly radical and impractical idea, and that reluctant, seeing it as an attempt to dilute workers had only muscles, and not minds, to management's prerogatives (DeVos 1981 87). contribute. There are those that still see the By 1944 there were some 5,000 plant commit­ situation this way, and the majority of tees which represented over 7 million workers. industries are still engaged in some com­ Many limited themselves to blood banks, car bination of scientific management and human pools, and the war bond drives, but the relations pseudo-participation styles. But this memory lingered, and in some areas such as is becoming increasingly challenged by data the steel industry, these committees continue from experiments and studies. In a national to function. The 1970's have seen a poll in 1975, 65 percent of the respondents resurgence of these committees in various were in favor of working for an employee­ forms. Some include only labor and manage­ owned and managed firm, as opposed to a ment. Some include the community in a tri­ private company or government-operated partite form. Related to these early labor­ organization (Whyte 1977). Yankelovich notes management committees is the more recent that his surveys of the aspirations of workers idea of the Quality of Worklife Program, but reveal a trend toward seeking freedom and these have not dealt with worker participation choice. Having experienced the "Me decade" in management-level decision-making. in which self-satisfaction came first, but was The most thoroughgoing form of employee unfulfilling, and having rejected the self-denial decision-making in the United States is the ethic of the parental generation, young men cooperative. The plywood cooperatives of the and women workers are seeking commitment. Pacific Northwest have been outproducing According to Yankelovich, "Commitment is in their conventionally owned and operated com­ terms of both a hunger for deeper personal petitors since the 1920's (Berman 1967). The relations and a yearning to belong to a com­ cooperative setup allows one vote per owner­ munity where people share many bonds in employee. Some co-ops have retained com­ common. The meaning of life lies in finding plete worker control over decision-making; a commitment outside one's self:' some have abdicated in favor of allowing (Yankelovich 1981) management to make all decisions. The basic In response to the growing awareness of problems faced by co-ops are in assuring alternative ways of structuring the workplace mechanisms for continued employee involve­ and the increasing readiness of workers to ment and in providing a means by which all "do our own thing" and the advancing employees are owners, and by which owner­ necessity for worker buyouts, there have been ship does not go outside the company through a number of state and federal laws to facilitate employee turnover or retirement, if departing employee ownership and control. At the same employees sell their stock outside the com­ time, organizations which offer technical and pany. In addition to the annual vote for the legal advice, dissemination of information on board of directors, owner-employees could current experiments, and lobbying for participate in overlapping committees from favorable legislation have sprung up around shopfloor to plant level for active involvement. the United States. The climate for worker par­ To assure that ownership does not go outside ticipation has improved since Mills first wrote the plant, a trust could be set up to purchase about industrial sociology. the stock of departing employees on a "right Mills might· agree that at the far end of the of first refusal" basis, allowing new employees spectrum of worker participation there is a to purchase this stock through sweat equity possibility of expansion to a form of social over a period of time, as in an ESOP. democracy capitalism. Cooperatives and ESOPs in which workers own and set policies APPLIED SOCIAL SCIENCE IN INDUSTRY for management are in line with his criteria for Mills might see some improvement in the grassroots democracy. This fits his approval conditions under which social scientists can of GDH Cole and the early Yugoslavian now operate in the applied realm of industry. efforts. He might have been even more FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 19~4 19 enthusiastic about the Mondragon system, to public knowledge and scientific research on since it demonstrates what can be done within organizational structure, management, worker an ongoing capitalist economic system. It is morale, and productivity. possible that he would see an increase in Today, Mills might well be an active member democracy in the workplace as a mechanism of the International Cooperative Association, for eventually moderating the influence of the the National Center for Employee Ownership, major corporations on the government. the Association for Workplace Democracy, the Third, Mills would realize that this is only a Center for Economic Alternatives, or work at possibility in the future. Today's political and the Institute for Social Research at Michigan economic institutions are only minimally Unversity on the effect of worker participation affected by the growing idea of worker par­ on productivity, or the New York State School ticipation. Then what is the current role of the of Industrial and Labor Relations at Cornell social scientist to be? Must the applied University. He might even found his own industrial social scientist concentrate only on applied industrial research institute. He would co-ops or ESOPs which are 100 percent be irritated that things were not progressing worker owned and directed, or is it acceptable faster, but would probably throw his energies to take assignments in industries further to the into the struggle. conservative side in worker participation? Of all sociologists, Mills best understood Mills was always an active researcher and the value of organization, research, and knowledge disseminator. He would probably getting the information to the public. advise us to take those jobs which can expand our knowledge and give us a chance to share REFERENCES findings with management, colleagues, and Berman Katrina 1967 Worker-Owned Plywood Com­ the ordinary worker. How can this be done panies, An Economic Analysis. Pullman. when management defines the problem for Washington State U Press Bernstein Paul 1974 Worker owned plywood com­ the researcher or the consultant? What if the panies. Working Papers for a New Society. 2 24-34 report is company property and strictly con­ Bluestone B, B Harrison 1980 Why corporations fidential? In answer to the first question, which close profitable plants. Working Papers for a New is an ethical dilemma discussed for many Society. 7 15-23 Bureau of Labor Statistics 1981 EducationalAttain­ years by social scientists, the researcher ment of Workers. Washington DC USGPO might decide to enlarge the assigned task. DeVos Ton 1981 U.S. Multinationals and Worker Instead of taking a social engineering Participation in Management: The American approach and dealing only with the problem Experience in the European Community. Westport as given, the social scientist might give clients Connecticut. Quorum Books DeWar Donald L 1979 Quality Circles: Answers to more than they asked. Enlargement of the 100 Frequently Asked Questions. Red Bluff task means that the social scientist can bring California. Quality Circle Inst a broader framework to the research project Economic Impact Report of the President. 1977 both in theory and in a knowledge of other Washington DC USGPO Ford Ramona L 1978 The Critical Social Theory of research and other alternative hypotheses, C Wright Mills: Pragmatism anda 'Plain Marxist~ sharing this information with management to PhD thesis. Carbondale. Southern Illinois U expand their knowledge of the situation. Frieden Karl 1980 Workplace Democracy and The second question deals more with shar­ Productivity Washington DC. National Center for ing knowledge in the other direction, with col­ Economic Alternatives. Dollars and Sense 1982 Going Global. 78 9-14 leagues and workers. Before an assignment Hill Stephen 1981 Competition andControlat Work: is accepted, it is advisable to agree explicitly The New Industrial Sociology. Cambridge. MIT with the client on what findings can be shared, Press and in what form. None of the firms I have Jenkins David 1974 Job Power: Blue and White Collar Democracy. New York. Penguin approached in doing studies for the National McConnell Campbell R 1979 Why is U.S. produc­ Center for Employee Ownership have balked tivity slowing down? Harvard Bus Rev 57 36-60 at sharing all kinds of information with the Metzger Bert 1974 Profit-sharing: Capital's reply to Center, although many have requested that Marx. Business & Society Rev 11 40-41 the company name not be included in reports to the public. They seem anxious to contribute References concluded on Page 24 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 20

THE PENAL COLONY: RELIC OR REFORM? Tom Murton, Oklahoma State University STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM from the penal colonies of Tasmania and Nor- After some 150 or 175 years, depending on folk Island. Most European nations developed whether one begins imprisonment in the their colonies with prison labor. The abysmal United States with the Walnut Street Jailor practices and conditions associated with those the Pennsylvania system of experience at institutions have produced revulsion, and have punishing and reforming prisoners relegated such penal colonies to the same simultaneously, though with little evidence of discard as the rack and the thumbscrew. success, today's prison system symbolizes As an artifact of the tortured past of prison the most abject failure of the criminal justice management, the penal colony is only of system. As the trash can of that system, the academic interest to the scholars who parade prison is held responsible for protecting the atrocities before students when they need society while having no control over the selec- to arouse the class. It is sometimes convenient tion of its clients. We currently find the nation to use them to demonstrate progress in the in a punitive mood that reflects societal con- evolution of penology in the United States. cerns about the economy, national security, This places the penal colony in the museum and criminal activity. Daily there are reports of archaic, medieval practices. of overcrowding, prison abuses, law suits, But the penal colony, located in intolerable conditions, and prisoner geographically remote regions, provides a resistance. The response of institutions, method for achieving banishment, develop- agencies, and the government traditionally ment of resources, alleviation of crowding in has been to escalate restraint and control in prisons, reducing unemployment, and aiding existing facilities, and to construct new a depressed economy. In the United States prisons. the precedent for the basic facility has been Prison overcrowding has reached such pro- established through such agencies as the portions that we witness a backlog of prisoners Civilian Conservation Corps during the accumulating in local jails, awaiting space in depression of the 1930's. Another example is the longterm prisons. This generates a situa- the World War II "relocation camps" for tion which approaches the critical stage. For United States citizens of Japanese descent, Oklahoma the proposed alternatives range and prisoner of war camps for captives taken from not sending any more offenders to prison from the Axis belligerents in Europe. More until the overcrowding abates, to the projected recently, detention camps have been building of 24 new prison facilities over the established for Haitian and Cuban refugees. next five years at a cost of about $348 million Such colonies could provide shelter and food 1983 dollars, which is three times the annual while the workers perform public works pro­ budget for the Department of Corrections in jects. All of the cost savings advocated in this the State. paper could be incorporated and realized in Concerns for reform have been diverted from the penal colony. During economic crisis, the more esoteric discussion of such "vital" voluntary commitment could be allowed for reforms as whether the inmates should have the unemployed who wish to earn a living. It access to a notary public 24 hours daily could also answer the criticism of "unfair com­ (Arkansas) and to avoidance of triple ceiling petition" by convict labor. Such new prison (Oklahoma). Simple care and custody assume communities might more closely resemble a pre-eminence as the major reality facing town than a prison. prison administrators today. Penal colonies and labor camps have been widely used for prisoners for some time. The THE PENAL COLONY manner of conducting such colonies can be The State of Georgia was originally establish­ such as to avoid abuse of human rights. Con­ ed by English convicts. During the latter half temporary institutions such as those in Las of the 19th Century, Australia became the Islas Marias in Mexico, agricultural colonies discharge resource for all English prisoners in India, the Davao penal colony in the FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 21

Philippines certainly point the way to a dif­ 3) The public pays through taxation about ferent kind of colony. While such institutions $14,000 per inmate per annum for main­ are not new, the option of voluntary commit­ tenance, services, and administration. ment for unemployed persons is a new 4) Society loses the potential benefit of the element. manpower resource while. the prisoner is in custody, and pays to support any dependents HISTORICAL REVIEW left behind while the offender is in prison. From ancient times, the traditional punish­ 5) Society loses again when the prisoner is ment for criminal offenders has been exile: released, because there is usually a resump­ banishment from the community with the at­ tion of the crime pattern, and a costly return tendant deprivation and death. As banishment to penal custody. ' to the wilderness became impractical, The present system is designed to punish, societies assigned prisoners to slave status, but does so only at a tremendous cost. It is road building, propelling ships, and in more the victim ~nd the public who bear the dollar recent history, colonizing foreign possessions costs, not the offender. The offender is reliev­ during the expansionist era. Commitment to ed of the need to support self or family, and the modern prison differs from ancient con­ thus achieves a psychological state envied by cepts in form, not in content. many - freedom from responsibility. Surely Prisons exist for punishment. The punish­ it is apparent that one cannot learn respon­ ment should be restricted to the natural con­ sibility through irresponsibility. The modern sequences of banishment and deprivation of era must deal with prison problems from an freedom - and should not include physical economic base. Humanist arguments for abuse imposed by inmates or prison staff. prison reform have little meaning. A better Society has the right to banish those convicted focus is on alternative methods to alleviate the in regular court proceedings. The major dif­ high cost of incarceration, preferably, with ficulty in prison management is not neces­ some reform of the system. sarily inherent in the concept of prisons. It is a function of mismanagement that results in REDUCING CONFINEMENT COSTS forced idleness, degeneration, physical Jurisdictions in New Jersey and California abuse, and production of a worse offender by have gone far in judicial effort toward creative the time of release. sentencing. Judges, not correctional ad­ ministrators, have diverted some offenders ECONOMIC COSTS OF PRISON from prison into more productive avenues of Americans have a blind faith that incarcera­ punishment. In so doing, punishment has tion of criminal offenders, at a greater rate become more cost effective. than any other nation, will necessarily protect •A San Francisco judge sentenced a society. A corollary to excessive imprisonment veterinary doctor convicted on a federal game is that most prisoners do not require the level law violation to provide free service for the of custody and containment created for them. city zoo animals for one year in lieu of a fine According to most prison wardens, probably or imprisonment. 85 percent of the nation's prisoners could •A Florida judge sentenced a murderer to safely be detained in facilities that are less life time probation on condition that he finan­ secure, and much less expensive. cially support the victim's widow and children. While the offender "pays" for the crime • Across the country, judges are sentencing only by serving time, it is the crime victim and offenders to community service projects which the public who pay extremely high financial they perform while living at home or in a local costs. jail. 1) The victim suffers the initial money loss Legislators could change the laws which from a property crime, and for the cost of treat­ presently provide only for fines and imprison­ ment for physical injury. ment. Military service in lieu of prison confine­ 2) The public pays through taxation, about ment should be reinstituted for selected $50,000 per bed for constructing high securi­ offenders. Correctional administrators have a ty prison facilities. responsibility to suggest, plan, innovate and FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 22 administer changes that lead out of the quag­ because they were involved in the design as mire of endless prison construction and staff­ well as the construction. They were motivated; ing. We can no longer afford administrators they were not idle; and they created some­ concerned only to maintain the status quo. thing where there had been nothing. In the Prison construction in response to over­ occupied facility, there were no escapes, no crowding of institutions is currently a national assaults, no homosexual rapes, no drunken­ concern. A different approach could alleviate ness, because it was their institution. this problem. Staff and inmates could build In contrast, two years later a second facility new facilities at a considerable financial sav­ was built for 100 inmates about 50 miles dis­ ing. The Texas Department of Corrections has tant from the first. Traditional procedures were been doing so for many years, giving an used, with architects, contractors, bids, and example which could benefit many prison union labor. The planning grant alone for the systems. Most of the older prisons in the second facility exceeded the entire construc­ United States were originally built with prison tion cost of the first. The second facility cost labor. We then had a requirement that $5,200,000, or $52,000 per inmate, and it has physically capable inmates of the system can been plagued with escapes, assaults, and and should provide labor to build the facilities. grand jury investigations. The cost ratio for the New facilities are not always needed, nor are two facilities is 1:79, and the efficiency of the they always practical. In the past decade, first installation was far greater than that of the Oklahoma prisoners have been housed in second. motels, trailers, and tents. Most jurisdictions There are other ways to reduce costs of have outdated and antiquated facilities, such incarceration. Since the inauguration of the as old hospital buildings, schools, or military industrial prison in New York about 160 years bases which, through prison labor, could be ago, prisoners have manufactured goods for made suitable for detention for most prisoners. the state with little or no financial compensa­ Renovation would generally be less costly tion for their labor. Arguments for a slave labor than new construction, could be ready for system have no more than superficial merit, occupancy much sooner, and would orient and fall in two categories: 1) Prisoners should prisoners toward self-sufficiency. be forced to work at hard labor, and thus learn Nowhere is it mandated that all prisons be to become good citizens. 2) It is repugnant to built of granite, concrete, and steel. There is pay criminals to work when unemployment is no reason why barracks-type wooden facili­ high in the outside world. ties, within a secure perimiter, cannot be What is needed now is an "industrial revolu­ appropriate for a large portion of inmates. With tion" in concept and in practice within the less costly construction, materials and labor, prison. Many jurisdictions have state-use new institutions could be constructed at great statutes which permit or mandate purchase financial savings. Inmates would be produc­ of prison-made goods by state agencies if the tively engaged in building their own shelter, quality and price are similar to those of private prison idleness would be reduced, and manufacturers. Such provisions should be prisoners could pay some of the direct costs broadened to encompass a wider range of of their confinement. prison-made goods. Private enterprise should be allowed to operate manufacturing facilities SOME EXAMPLES inside the prison. A revival of the contract About 20 years ago, in Alaska, with the system would relieve prison guards of super­ cooperation of citizens, labor unions, govern­ visory tasks, remove the industrial component ment and inmates, we built an institution for from prison administration, increase normal 120 inmates. At the end of the construction contacts with the outside world, and the opera­ period we had a physical plant valued at tion could become more efficient. The prison $500,000 at a cost to the State of $79,000. The could be compensated for rent and utilities, cost per inmate was a modest $658. In the and the manufacturer would be responsible building process, inmates learned skills useful for quality control, marketing and related to themselves after their release. And the activities, which are usually beyond the train­ inmates had a vested interest in the project ing and expertise of prison administrators. FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 23

To be more creative, the prison industries (Murton 1982 285) could be inmate-owned and inmate-operated. A Mexican prison near Mexico City operates MANPOWER UTILIZATION in this fashion. Various industries are totally An uncounted cost of imprisonment is the operated by inmates under the custodial waste of prisoner manpower. Even with institu­ supervision of staff. Parolees become outside tional maintenance, vocational training and salespersons. Inmates are paid wages from prison industries, the prison is still largely the earnings of the industries. Prisoners have characterized as housing idle men. The basic informally conducted their own industries by rule of prison management should be: making crafts for resale in most prisons. By Humane treatment of prisoners in a produc­ legitimizing such operations, profits could be tive environment. Some possible labor pro­ shared with the state to reduce the costs of jects to reduce costs and permit the prisoner confinement. at least partly to pay for the crime are as Whether the private contractor model or the follows: inmate-owned model, or a combination of the • Minimum custody prisoners could be two is used, prisoners should be paid full assigned work with fish and game officers, in wages in order that the prison product is not agriculture activities with universities, and in subsidized by free labor. Thus we can avoid forestry projects. unfair competition. The wage-earning prisoner • Roadside cleanup and maintenance along would pay living expenses at the prison and highways. reduce incarceration costs. With this earning • Development of parks and recreation areas. capacity, the prisoner with dependents could • Conservation work building sanitary fills, also be required to support them, remove dam and water projects, watershed develop­ them from welfare roles, and sustain the family ment, and shelter belts. normal support function. Such a working • Rest area campground facilities could be prisoner could be assessed a portion of the prefabricated and erected on site by inmates. court costs, and contribute toward restitution • Disaster crews could be trained to work with to the victim of the crime. How can the Civil Defense agencies during tornadoes, off~nder " pay" for the crime, when in­ floods, earthquakes, fires, or other major capacitated for productive paid labor by disasters. confinement in a custodial institution? • Temporary camps to endure perhaps for When I was prison superintendent in Arkan­ several months could be built to deal with sas in 1967, we developed a plan to employ more involved projects such as highway 17 inmates in producing cleaning supplies bridge. and interchange construction and used by state agencies, such as schools and highway restoration. hospitals. This project would have yielded The key is innovation through adequate $500,000 annual income based on known classification and selection of staff and consumption rates. The capital investment inmates. The camp could be largely self­ would have been less than $75,000. Under the governing. There should be concentration on guise of vocational training, complete installa­ unfunded projects where there is no unfair tions can be built. A preliminary grant was direct competition with free labor. The labor approved by the U.S. Labor Department to should be paid at a fair wage, to permit restitu­ provide funds for inmates to build a new prison tion to the state and to the victim. as vocational training on an abandoned army base near Little Rock. There was a potential LOOKING BACK TO THE FUTURE saving to the State of millions of dollars while I am advocating return to the transportation the inmates learned useful technical skills. system of the past. Convicts would be These plans were scuttled along with my transported to internal penal colonies to serve administration, but the concept was valid and a state jurisdiction, or multiple jurisdictions of cost effective. a group of states. State boundaries would "The possibilities of human achievement are become irrelevant if such a plan were im­ limited primarily by the arbitrary boundaries plemented under the auspices of the Interstate we ourselves place on our own imagination:' Compact on Prisoners. Ideally, the prison FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 24 colony would be operated by private enter­ FORD Continued from page 19 prise under contract for services by the cor­ rectional authority. Advantages are as follows: Mills C Wright 1948 The contributions of sociology to studies of industrial relations. Proceedings, First • Offenders would be socially "banished:' Ann Cont, Indust Labor Relat Res Assn. Milton • Offenders build facilities for confinement. Derber ed. Urbana. The Association 1 199-222. • Construction costs would be controlled and Reprinted 1970 Berkeley J Socio/15 11-32 minimized by use of less expensive materials, 1962 The Marxists. New York. Dell 1956 The Power Elite. New York. group living, and inmate· labor. Oxford U Press • Public works projects would become 1959 The Sociological Imagination. feasible. New York. Oxford U Press • Prisoner idleness would be eliminated. Moberg David 1979 Shutdown. Chicago. In These • Prisoners would be paid for working, and Times Mollner Terry 1982 Mondrgon Cooperatives and could be required to meet personal and moral Trusteeship: The Design ofa· Nonformal Educa­ obligations from honest earnings. tion Process to Establish a Community Develop­ • Convicts would be tax payers, and less a ment Program Based on Mahatma Gandhi's tax burden. Theory of Trusteeship and the Mondragon Cooperatives. PhD thesis. Amherst. • Convicts would learn trades and skills. Massachusetts U • Offenders' dependents could visit at the Rosen Corey 1981 Research proposal for the facility. National Center for Employee Ownership Surveys. • Under certain conditions, civilian workers ms. Arlington VA The Center could have employment in colony industries Sachs Stephen 1982 Union negotiates worker ownership and participation. Workplace at the usual wage. Democracy 9 8 • The colony could become self-supporting. Schwartz William 1971 The changing structure of •A substantial part of confinement costs labor-management relations. Social Rpt: Progress would be transferred from the public to the in Social Economy & Social Policy. 2 4-5 Boston offender. College Scimecca Joseph A 1977 The Sociological Theory • The prisoner would learn to accept respon­ ofC Wright Mills. Port Washington NY. Kennikat sibility for the offense, any dependents, and Press self-support. Thomas H, C Logan 1982 Mondragon: An Economic • There would be fewer incidents of institu­ Analysis. London. Allen Unwin Vanek Jaroslav 1971 The Participatory Economy: tional violence, escapes, and assaults. An Evolutionary Hypothesis and a Strategy for • The transition to self-sufficiency on release Development Ithaca NY Cornell U Press would be made easier. Watts Glen 1982 Management incentives: Trick or treat? Workplace Democracy 9 2-4 Whyte William Foote 1977 The emergence of No discussion has been provided on NOTE: employee-owned firms in the U.S. Executive strategies of implementation. This is not an Spring oversight. For the penal colony to be designed Yankelovich Daniel 1981 Are you taking risks with constructed, and organized into a positive your life? Parade May 24 4-5 entity, I can be hired to establish it. Zwerdling Daniel 1980 Workplace Democracy: A Guide to Workplace Ownership, Participation, and Self-management Experiments in the United REFERENCES States and Europe. New York. Harper Colophon Murton Tom 1982 The Dilemma of Prison Reform. New York. Irvington Press FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 25

VALUES OF FINE ARTISTS IN AN INDEPENDENT PROFESSION Laura D Birg, Yen Peterson, St Xavier College, Chicago Illinois INTRODUCTION themselves as artists. They were fine artists Artists, long regarded as unique and engaging in painting or sculpure or both. Of creative, have a different life style from those the group, 63 percent had other employment in more conventional walks of life. When 57 but assumed the occupational identity of artist. students listed characteristics of artists, 86 No commercial artists were included. percent mentioned eccentricity and unique- The sample was white, age range 20 to 60 + , ness, which we believe matches the view of and the majority had received formal art others generally in the United States who are school or college training. Art was the first not involved in the world of artists. We then choice of career for 59 percent. The original decided to investigate the values of profes- sample was obtained throught the Fine Arts sional artists. listing in the business section of the Chicago The fine artist is an independent professional Telephone Directory. Further contacts were who meets criteria established by Friedson facilitated by the Chicago Art Institute School, (1970): 1) Their activities are called work 2) the Chicago Coalition of Artists, the Contem­ They receive compensation. 3) They have porary Arts Workshop, and the Beverly Art legitimate and organized autonomy. 4) they Center of Chicago. Two all-female coopera­ have a recognized right to declare outsider tives, Arc and Artemesia were also involved evaluations as illegitimate. In addition to these in the study. qualifications, the fine artists in our sample had specialized education in related areas, TYPOLOGIES and 72 percent had both specialized art train­ To establish the direction of values among ing and college degrees which further em­ artists, we will use four typologies which phasized their independent position. Previous should reveal convergence or differences in studies on values among artists emphasize value orientations. Meeting the scientific and the expressiveness in values and the artists' logical requirement of mutually exclusive and ability to lose themselves in their work (Kavolis discreet categories is often difficult in the 1963; Merrill 1968; Roe 1946). Our study is social sciences. Using the Likert or the intended to take the previous investigations Thurstone scales overlooks problematics, as of value one step further by ascertaining it must, and gives the appearance of meeting specific types of artists' values. the requirements. The assignment of the artists' expressed or indicated values into 9 METHODOLOGY AND SAMPLE categories was done with minimal ambiguity. The study was conducted with 100 question­ In assigning categories developed from con­ naire respondents and 35 in-depth interviews tent analysis, the guide was our interpretation (69 females; 66 males). The questionnaire of the respondent's manifest intent. consisted of 47 closed-end items and 8 open­ The value categories are: 1) truth; 2) family; end items. Salient values were determined by 3) work; 4) health; 5) security; 6) self; 7) art; content analysis of the responses to open-end 8) God; and 9) universals. According the the questions for the artists' most important typology of WI Thomas, as reflected in Figure values. Responses were coded into 9 1, the primary values are new experience, categories where applicable, and otherwise recognition, mastery, and security. We found into a tenth "other" category. Given the that only art belongs in the category, new presumption of uniqueness and eccentricity, experience, and work is in the recognition we were surprised that no more than 22 per­ category, in spite of its subjective dimension cent of the women and 27 percent of the men which might relate mastery to the artist. To the gave responses which could not be coded into mastery category we·assigned truth, self, and our conventional categories. The research universals. The rationale for that assignment was conducted in the Chicago Metropolitan of self was the idea of feeling good about Area from October 1982 to January 1983, and oneself, and feeling confident. This was more included only persons who identified appropriate than the recognition category. FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 26

FIGURE 1: BASIC TYPOLOGIES FOR SOURCES OF ARTIST VALUE ORIENTATIONS

W Thomas New experience Mastery Security Recognition Art Truth Family Work Self Health Universals God o Riesman Autonomous Inner-directed Other-directed Values Values Values Truth God Security Family Universals Art Health Self Work

A: Parsons (A) (A) (A) (B) (B) B: Parsons, Affectivity Neutrality Expressive Instrumental and Bales Particularistic Family Self Work Art Family Security Art Health Truth God Art Security Self Work Universals

Universalistic God Truth Universals

A Maslow, Physical Safety Belonging, Esteem Self- Needs: and love Actualization Heath Security Family Work Art Universals Truth God Self expression

.Under the Thomas schema, three categories connected with communication with others, relate to what the artists mean by security: and its values deal with the family. Categoriz­ 1) family, 2) health, 3) God. Redundant artist ed as other-directed were: men, 27 percent; value types are omitted -in Figure 1. women, 21 percent, which is in close agree­ In applying the Thomas typology, the values ment with the Riemer and Brooks finding of most pronounced among the artists concern 24 percent. Given the smaller proportion of security (men, 390/0; women, 380/0). Mastery Chicago artists sampled, relative to the is significant for 21 percent of men, and 25 Riemer and Brooks Kansas City study, the percent of women. Recognition is less impor­ similarity of our data suggest that there are tant (men, 60/0; women 9% ), and new commonalities of values among artists. experience was stressed even less (men, 70/0; We have argued that artists have an inter­ women, 50/0). nallocus of control (Birg, Peterson 1983). An In applying Riesman's typology (1961) the amplification of inner-directed values comes respondents showed a strong inner-directed from the Parsons and Bales dichotomy (1955) orientation (men, 310/0; women 360/0). These of expressive and instrumental values. findings agree closely with Riemer and Brooks Instrumental concerns are reflected in a pro­ (1982) who found 37 percent of the Kansas portion of the sample expressing concern artists inner-directed. These values are... about material security and also by a fraction indicated in Figure 1. The autonomous values of the artists who have an instrumental orien­ category contains truth and universals, which tation to art. Less than 10 percent of the were chosen by 39 percent of the men and sample express instrumental concerns, and 39 percent of the women, which happens to the vast majority of artists stress the agree exactly (390/0) with Riemer and Brooks. expressive dimension of life values, which Meeting the other-directed criteria is affirms the orientation of Kavolis (1963). FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY yolume 12 No 1, May 1984 27

The Parsons typology (Parsons 1951; Par­ peace for mankind, sharing, and betterment sons, Bales 1955) applies three of the five ofthe world Artists indicating universal values pairs of pattern variables. Included are: included 8 percent of the men and 8 percent 1) universal-particular, 2) affective-neutral, and of the women. The same rationale was used 3) instrumental-expressive. Not included are for separating God and faith from the univer­ 4) diffuse-specific, and 5) quality-performance. sal category, which were values stressed as Affectivity and particularistic concern prevails having primary significance by 4 percent of the with family, health, and security (men, 420/0; men and 5 percent of the women. Using women 380/0). One could argue that art is a Maslow's schema, we conclude that artists' universalistic value but for this sample, the most significant values are generally in the emphasis is specifically on one's own art. The area of self-actualization.. As is evident from artist's attitude toward God and faith is best the data which we have presented, the dif­ characterized as universalistic affectivity (men ference in values between men and women 40/0; women, 50/0). artists is small and statistically within the limits Work was coded in the dimension, par­ of chance due to sampling variation. Overall, ticularistic neutrality(men, 6%; women 9%). 35 percent of the men and 32 percent of the Universalistic neutrality, including our women emphasize some form of self­ categories of universals and truth was relative­ actualizing values. ly larger (men, 180/0; women, 160/0). We con­ clude from this typology that artists' values SEX DIFFERENCE AND VALUES stress affectivity with universalistic considera­ There is a vast literature surrounding sex tions as a strong component of the artists' roles and associated values. Parsons and world view. Bales (1955) discuss stereotypic sex role The final typology is Maslow's (1954) hier­ characteristics, and they conclude that, archy of needs. Here, low concerns were relative to men, women are perceived as lack­ indicated for physical and security needs, ing in instrumental characteristics, and men which we categorized as health and security. are seen as lacking in expressive Belonging and love needs were expressed by characteristics (David, Brannon 1976). 27 percent of the men and 21 percent of the From the data given, and the fact that no women. The Maslow need for esteem was significant Chi square or correlational dif­ expressed by some in the work category, and ferences were found comparing the responses for others in the for the Maslow need, self­ by sex of respondent, it appears that there is actualization in the art and self-expression no strong difference in value orientations categories. There was some artibrariness in between male and female fine artists. On the coding work to the esteem need. We justify contrary, the values expressed by this as follows: Even assigning the total respondents in our sample come close to category to the esteem need did not those in the Tavis (1978) study of 28,000 men significantly distort the data (men, 60/0; and women, where the ideals expressed by women, 90/0). Considering the large difference the two sexes were very similar. The primary between category loadings, there was no values were: ability to love, standing up for effect on the conclusions. beliefs, warmth, and self-confidence. Respondents who expressed concerns about Among men and women artists, the quan­ art were classified as being oriented toward titatively largest value expression relates to self-actualization (men, 70/0; women, 50/0). concern about family. As reflected in Table 1, Another category of values associated with this is the only value where there is a marked Maslow's self-actualization need were self­ percentage difference which was found in an expressive orientations (men, 70/0; women, unexpected direction, where 27 percent of the 60/0). For a relatively large part of the sample, men, compared to 21 percent of the women truth was a significant self-actualizing value emphasize family as a value. Among the (men, 11 % ; women, 80/0). Although truth artists, the second and third proportionally would fit our universals category, we thought largest categories were truth and universals, it more important to segregate it from other which accords with Tavis' (1978) findings. This universals such as beauty, humanity, honor, sample of artists is significantly more FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 28

TABLE 1: ARTISTS' PRIME VALUES BY AGE & SEX (3 choices per respondent) Men's Responses by Age: Women's Responses by Age: Value 20- 30- 40- 50- 60 Sum 0/0 20- 30- 40- 50- 60 Sum 0/0 29 39 49 59 + 29 39 49 59 + Truth 7 11 0 2 2 22 11.2 8 5 2 1 0 16 7.8 Family 18 14 10 4 8 54 27.4 10 13 13 4 3 43 20.9 Work 4 4 1 2 1 12 6.1 1 5 6 1 5 18 8.7 Health 2 1 0 3 2 8 4.1 4 7 1 1 1 14 6.8 Security 2 3 1 2 1 9 4.6 2 4 3 0 1 10 4.9 Self 3 4 3 2 1 13 6.6 5 6 1 1 0 13 6.3 Art 6 4 0 1 2 13 6.6 3 1 5 2 0 11 5.3 God/Faith 3 2 2 0 0 7 3.6 1 3 3 2 1 10 4.9 Universals 6 3 4 1 1 15 7.6 5 5 4 2 0 16 7.8 Other 17 14 3 5 5 44 22.2 15 10 16 9 5 55 26.6 Sum 68 60 24 22 23 197 54 59 54 23 16 206 Percent 34.530.512.2 11.2 11.7 100 26.2 28.6 26.2 11.2 7.8 100 homogeneous in expressed value orientation for artists, namely the intrinsic value orienta­ than would be anticipated from the literature tion, declines with age. Further study could be on socialization, sex roles, or the feminist directed to exploring the values of older artists. perspective. We conclude that sex role discrimination is not of primary importance in CONCLUSION values expressed by artists. In conclusion, there were no statistically significant differences related to sex, age, and VALUES AND AGE values for fine artists. Probably the best-known According to Troll (1979), most Americans studies of values were those of anthro­ value family, but for most, achievement over­ pologists and social psychologists, such as rides the importance of familism. For our Kluckhohn (1958), Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck sample, the most frequently mentioned single (1961), Gillespie and Allport (1955), and Morris value is the family. Values related to family (1956). Sociologists have more typically dealt tended to decrease with women's age. For with more specific areas or, have discussed men there is a relatively more even distribu­ values under sex role socialization, in conjunc­ tion of significance of family in all age groups. tion with work in the management literature. However, for both men and women the family The area is fraught with methodological dif­ is more important before age 50. ficulty, and those who insist on quantification The value of work occurs earlier for men than are highly critical of the blend of impressionist for women, with two thirds of the men valuing analysis and data-based conclusions. work before age 40 while the modal age for Our study confirms the opinion of Riemer women valuing work is 45. This is consistent and Brooks that it is mythical to view the artist with the fact that women enter the art world as a struggling, romantic figure who creates at a later stage in life. masterpieces in poverty-stricken seclusion. Contrary to Axelrod (1960) who claimed We found that the majority of artists were health concerns come to the fore in the middle deeply involved in relations with family and years. concern with health in this sample is friends. We claim that the unique value orien­ expressed by younger women. For men con­ tation of these fine artists is the degree to cern with health is low and relatively unvarying which they hold universal values such as con­ by age. cerns for mankind, beauty, and peace. The There is an inverse relation between holding demonstrated values of unique inner direction universal values and age, and the same is true are apparent when we compare artists to free for faith, art and truth for both men and lance writers, who are also regarded as women. Precisely the values which are unique regarded &s artistic, and independent in FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 29 orientation (Birg 1983). In an impressionist rather than instrumental. sense, they also hold values far more inner­ Qualitative analysis ,analysis tends to over­ directed than most occupational groups in simplify the value structure by its inherent postindustrial society. reductionism. The distortion mainly concerns It may be that the internal dialogue, frequent­ values of other-directedness and universalist ly a part of preparatory activity for execution neutrality, while the belonging and love needs of art work, supports speculations on univer­ are easily intuited and do not contradict par­ sal considerations. Another finding is the lack ticularist affectivity and expressiveness. Our of statistical differences between men and analysis suggests that Riemer and Brooks women and their values in their model of the (1982) have underestimated the degree to world view. Finally, those values which are which artists are other-directed and to which unique to artists decline with age. they hold universalist and affectively neutral It appears that a new role is imminent for values. artists in the United States, and this role organizes the occupation more, and increases REFERENCES pressures which emphasize participation, in Axelrod LL 1960 Personal adjustments in the contrast to seclusion (Sanders 1976; Becker postparental period. Marriage Fam Living 22 66-70 1982). This may preclude viewing the artist in Becker H 1982 Art Worlds. Los Angeles. California U Press the future from an independent occupational Birg L, Y Peterson 1983 Women's aspirations in art. perspective. Paper Midwest Sociol Soc mtg. The fact that Riemer and Brooks measured David Deborah S, Robert Brannon 1976 Forty-nine artists' value orientation against the Riesman Percent Majority: Male Sex Role. Reading Mass. typology because of his claim that the con­ Addison Wesley Friedson E 1970 Professionalism ofMedicine. New cepts are appropriate for delineating occupa­ York. Dodd Mead tional values provides the backdrop for discus­ Gillespie J, G Allport 1955 Youth's Outlook on the sion (Riesman 1961 111). A discussion of the Future: Cross National Study. NY Doubleday quantitatively high categories across the Kavolis V 1963 Role theory of artistic interest. J Soc Psych 60 31-37 typologies yield the following results. From the Kluckhohn C 1968 Have there been discernible Thomas perspective, artists value security first shifts in American values in past generation? E and mastery second, while recognition and Morrison ed. American Style: Essays in Value new experience would be substantially less Performance. NY Harper valued. Applying the Riesman approach, Kluckhohn F, F Strodtbeck 1961 Variations in Value Orientations. Evanston Illinois. Row Peterson artists are substantially more inner-directed Maslow AH 1954 Motivation & Personality. Harper and other-directed, and not very autonomous. Merrill FE 1968 Art and self. Sociol & Social Res From the Parsons (1951) and Parsons and 185-194 Bales (1955) approach with pattern variables, Morris C 1956 Varieties of Human Value.Chicago U Press the artists' values stress particularism in the Parsons T 1951 Social System. NY Free Press affective domain, and universal values which Parsons T, R Bales 1955 Family, Socialization & are neutral. Of less importance are universalist Interaction Process. Glencoe Illinois. Free Press values in the affective domain and particularist Reimer J, N Brooks 1982 Framing the Artist: A values which are neutral. Expressive values Social Portrait of Mid American Artists. Washington DC, University Press of America far outweigh values concerned with instru­ Riesman, D 1961 The Lonely Crowd Yale U Press mentalism. For the Maslow schema, the major On autonomy. 445-461 C Gordon, needs are self-actualization, belonging, and K Gergon eds. Selfin Social Interaction. NY Wiley love. Physical, safety, and esteem needs are Roe A 1946 Artists &their work. J Personal 15 1-40 Sanders C, E Lyon 1976 The humanistic profes­ of secondary importance. sional. The reorientation of artistic productivity. J Artists value security and mastery.. They are Gerstl, G Jacobs eds. Professionals for the inner-directed, but influenced by others. Their People: The Politics of Skill NY Wiley values stress affective and particularist con­ Tavis C 1978 The Longest War: Understanding Sex cerns with a strong component of neutral Differences. NY Harcourt Brace Janovich Thomas W I, F Znaniecki 1927 Polish Peasant in universalist values. They value self­ Europe & America. NY Knopf actualization with strong belonging and love Troll L, Sheila J Miller, Robert Atchley 1979 Families needs. The dominant modality is expressive in Later Life. Belmont California. Wadsworth FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 30

PERCEIVED CONSEQUENCES OF ERA ON FAMILIES AND JOB OPPORTUNITIES VV Prakasa Rao and N Nandini Rao, Jackson State University, Mississippi INTRODUCTION Schlafly, the anti-feminist leader, identifies the Historically women workers were found only supporters of womens' movements as radical, in a few occupations. From 1900, as the soci- anti-family, and pro-lesbian. She insists that ety became industrialized and rationalized, the womens' place is at home. Arguing that the proportion of women in the labor force and in ERA would deprive women of rights, Schlafly different types of occupations kept increasing. (1977) stated: " ... this will avoid the husband's Meanwhile, societal attitudes toward women's obligation to support his wife, to provide her participation in various types of work has with a home and to support their minor undergone great change. However, to this children... most people do not think a union day, employer prejudice and womens' own of a person and a person is the same as a sex role socialization keeps most women union of a man and a woman ... " because workers out of better paying jobs. The antici- passage of ERA requires neutralization of all pated equality of sexes has not been achieved sexist words. despite federal and state laws mandating Many conservative religious, labor, political equal pay for equal work, and equal oppor- and social organizations worked against tunity in the labor market. passage of the ERA at the national level and Although an Equal Rights Amendment to the in wavering states. The Republican Party Constitution (ERA) has been introduced in withdrew its longstanding support in the 1980 every session of Congress since 1923 to presidential election. Such groups argued that eliminate sex discrimination, it was not ap- man and women are made differently, being proved in Congress until 1972. The amend- equal partners in life, but not the same. They ment reads: Equality of rights under the law argued that the ERA would increase respon­ shall not "be denied or abridged by the sibilities for the wife and reduce them for United States or by any state on account husbands, threatening the stability of the of sex. Even after years of effort by womens' family (Baumi 1980; Goode 1980; Hacker organizations, and after extension of the time 1980; Mandie 1979; Millstein, Bodin 1977; limit for ratification to 10 years, legislatures of Snyder 1979; Walum 1977; Yates 1975). only 35 of the required 38 states (three fourths) Most professional women felt that life would had ratified, and the amendment failed. It will be incomplete without children. "So long as be reintroduced, but a major opportunity was women fight only for increased employment lost. and ignore alternative life plans, and other Opposition to ERA was more vigorous and values, they will exchange one confining role more publicized than its support. It was for another. The brass cage of domesticity is argued that ratification of ERA would damage no smaller than the golden cage of the office." standards of behavior and social norms. It (Bardwick 1973) would command legislatures to ignore the sex Only limited research was conducted in of the individual in lawmaking, and would determining the variables associated with endanger women by nullifying laws which women's liberation ideology and activism. require the husband to support the wife and Analysis of a sample of 448 undergraduate minor children. Major points of the opposition college women from distinctive educational centered on the family and the law, property settings showed that mother's religion, rights, unisex lavatories, desegregation of mother's politics, college major, number of institutions such as prisons, homosexual relationships, types of relationships, marriage marriages, and womens' place in occupations. and career expectations, political preference, Resistance to ERA came from women as homosexuality and aggression were signifi­ well as men, and a cross-section of organiza- cant predictors of the female student's tions. One of the main reasons for the ERA ideology on womens' liberation (Goldschmidt defeat in most non-ratifying states was active et al 1974).. Another study showed that age, opposition by a minority of women resisting education, occupational status, religious prac­ a measure intended for their benefit. Phyllis tice, ever married, political party identification, FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 31 and liberalism were strongly related to the family income (6 points, under $5000 to womens' liberation movement (Welch 1975). $25,000 +), mother's education, father's Analysis of responses by Illinois residents in education, mother employed (yes, no), attitude two random samples taken in 1976 and 1977 to ERA (support, oppose), and student showed that womens' approval lagged behind residence (on-, off-campus). that of men, but increased slightly in the To determine whether one considered' interval between samples. Regression oneself as supporting the feminist movement, analysis revealed that womens' ERA approval students were asked: "Defining a feminist as related positively to higher educational attain­ someone who believes in total equality ment and negatively to being non-Protestant between males and females, do you consider (Huber et al 1978). yourself to be a feminist?" Response choices National polls indicated that several variables were: definitely, somewhat, and definitely not were associated with women who continued High score indicates a nonfeminist response. to resist the liberation movement. Women who To measure sex role orientation, an 18-item were older, or less educated, or low income, sex role ideology scale was used; 13 items or rural or married tended to take the oppos­ dealt with the traditional wife role and the tradi­ ing side (Harris 1980; Roper 1980). Women tional mother role (Scanzoni 1975); 5 state­ living in the south and midwest were likely to ments developed by the authors refer to withold support. Working class women and sexual role orientation: minority women were also likely to doubt the 1) A woman's place should be in the home. intent of the movement, and perceive it to 2) A woman should be protected first by her emphasize change only in the womens' father, then by her husband, finally by her son. domestic role which gives more meaning to 3) A woman should not mix freely with males their lives (Mandel 1979). in her social relations. 4) A woman should give more importance to METHODS the needs of her family than her personal The present study examines differences ambitions and needs. . between male and female college students in 5) Although a woman is highly educated, she the consequences they perceive for the ERA should be encouraged to assume the on the family and the job market. We believe domestic role. that these attitudes will have far-reaching Responses on a 4-point forced-choice scale consequences for the future of the womens' ranged from stongly agree to strongly liberation movement. disagree, with lower score indicating the more Data came from 300 undergraduate students traditional sex role orientation. enrolled in five educational institutions in Jackson Mississippi. Inthe sample, 36 percent FINDINGS were male, 64 percent female; 35 percent Analysis includes 1) examination of percen­ were white, and 65 percent black. There were tage difference in male and female attitudes 15 predictor variables and four dependent to ERA effects; 2) stepwise multiple regres­ variables. Four statements were used to sion to weigh the rank effects of independent assess the predictor variables (Huber et al. variables on the dependent variables. 1978): If ERA were passed, it would- No significant differences appeared between 1) be harder for men to get good jobs. males and females in attitudes to effect of ERA 2) increase women's job opportunity. passage on whether it would be harder for 3) be easier for men to get a divorce. men to get jobs, increase job opportunities for 4) .be easier for women to get a divorce. somen, or make it easier for men or women Respondents chose on a scale of five to get a divorce (t-tests).. Almost 57 percent responses from "very unlikely" to "very likely:' of the respondents do not think that the Demographic variables include: age, race passage of ERA would increase difficulty for (black, white), year in college, grade point men to find good jobs. At the same time, 67 ratio, college major (social science, other), percent report that it would increase job op­ church attendance (5 points, weekly to never), portunities for women. On divorce, 36 percent home town (5 points, rural to large city), think that ERA passage would make it easier FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 32 for men to get a divorce and 39 percent think TABLE 1. STEPWISE REGRESSION ON it would facilitate getting a divorce for a EFFECTS OF ERA PASSAGE woman; 33 percent were not sure about the (Total Sample: N = 300) effects of ease of getting a divorce. Variables Multiple R 2 Change Beta* Stepwise multiple regression indicates the R joint impact of socio-economic and demographic variables in perceived conse­ 1. Men getting jobs quences of ERA passage on four criterion Grade point average .15 .02 .023 -.12 Sex role orientation .21 .05 .022 -.16 variables - two for getting jobs, by sex, and Church attendance .24 .06 .011 -.11 two for ease of getting a divorce, by sex. Tables show the results 1) for the total sample, All variables .28 .08 2) for males, and 3) for females. Consequences for men's job opportunities. 2. Women get jobs Attitude to ERA .34 .12 .118 -.29 A 3-variable model was the model of choice Church attendance .36 .13 .010 -.10 for men getting goodjobs for the total sample. Grade point average, sex role orientation and All variables .40 .16 church attendance were significant for explaining the variance in the dependent 3, Men getting divorce Father's education .19 .04 .035 -.15 variable. Those with a high grade point Year in college .24 .06 .021 -.08 average expressed liberal sex role attitudes Race .27 .07 .018 .13 and attended church less often. They also Feminism attitude .30 .09 .017 .13 tend to think that ERA passage would have Residence .32 .10 .012 -.12 little effect on men's job opportunities. These Home town size .34 .11 .011 .11 variables explained 5.6 percent of the variance All variables .36 .13 in the criterion variable. The optimal model for males indicates that those with an egalitarian 4. Women getting divorce sex role ideology, reporting high grade point Father's education .15 .02 .022 -.13 averages, and having working mothers did not All variables .27 .17 think ERA passage would adversely affect men's job opportunities. The model for males Significance criterion: .05; * Standarized beta. explained 13.4 percent of the variance while all independent variables together explained 16.7 percent of the variance. The female opportunities. For the criterion variable the model reveals that women students who did two predictors in the model explained 12.8 not attend church frequently, and who had percent of the variance. Most of the effect high grade point averages also did not think was due to attitude to ERA. that ERA passage would hurt men's job Regression analysis shows that attitude to opportunites. We note that although grade ERA, mother's employment status, and sex point average is the second most potent con­ role orientation were the salient variables for tributor in explaining variance in both models, the male subsample, while attitude to ERA, it is a greater factor in the male than in the sex role orientation, church attendance and female model. The female model explained residence were more salient for the female only 4.4 percent of the variance. subsample, for explaining effect on the depen­ Consequences for women's job choices. dent variable, women's job opportunities. Two variables- attitude toward ERA and Males opposing the ERA had a working church attendance- emerged as most signifi­ mother, and expressed liberal sex role cant in explaining variance in perceived ERA attitudes with doubt that passage of the ERA effects on women's job opportunities. Though would increase women's job opportunities. church attendance was not significantly Females unfavorable to the ERA reported related to the criterion variable, it was signifi­ traditional sex role attitudes, attended church cant in explaining variance. Those favorable less often, lived off-campus, and thought that to ERA passage with high church attendance ERA passage would not improve women's job think that ERA would improve women's job opportunities. As we expected, sex role FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 33

TABLE 2. STEPWISE REGRESSION ON TABLE 3. STEPWISE REGRESSION ON VARIABLES AFFECTING ERA BELIEFS VARIALE EFFECTS ON ERA BELIEFS (Male subsample: N = 103) (Female subsample: N = 197) Variables Multiple R 2 Change Beta· Variables Multiple R 2 Change Beta· R R 1. Men getting jobs 1. Men getting jobs Sex role orientation .25 .06 .062 -.26 Church attendance .18 .03 .033 -.15 Grade point average .35 .12 .062 -.25 Grade point average .21 .04 .011 -.08 Mother's employment .37 .13 .010 -.11 All variables .29 .08 All variables .41 .17 2. Women getting jobs 2. Women getting jobs Attitude to ERA .36 .13 .131 -.29 Attitude to ERA .31 .10 .097 -.29 Sex role orientation .40 .16 .026 .15 Mother's employment .33 .11 .012 .08 Church attendance .43 .19 .028 -.21 Sex role orientation .34 .12 .010 -.09 Residence .44 .20 .011 .09 All variables .38 .14 All variables .46 .21

3. Men getting divorce 3. Men getting divorce Race .34 .12 .117 .14 Age .17 .03 .029 -.10 Residence .39 .16 .038 -.17 Father's education .26 .05 .022 -.15 Father's educationi .42 .17 .019 -.05 Year in college .26 .07 .016 -.07 Attitude to ERA .44 .19 .016 -.20 Attitude to ERA .28 .08 .011 .12 Feminism attitude .45 .21 .015 .10 Home town size .30 .09 .010 .10 College major .47 .22 .011 -.09 All variables .33 .11 Church attendance .48 .23 .010 .10 All variables .52 .27 4. Women getting divorce Race .15 .02 .021 .22 4. Women getting divorce Church attendance .21 .04 .023 -.16 Attitude to ERA .22 .05 .049 -.21 Family income .26 .07 .020 .14 Mother's employment .27 .07 .025 .17 Father's education .28 .08 .010 -.12 Sex role orientation .32 .10 .029 -.22 All variables .32 .10 Residence .35 .12 .020 -.17 Feminism attitude .38 .15 .023 -.17 Significance criterion: .05; Standardized beta. Father's education .40 .16 .011 .13

All variables .41 .17 in later years of college, considered Significance criterion: .05; • Standardized beta themselves feminist, lived in rural areas, and tended to think that ERA passage would not orientation had differential influence for males make divorce easier for men. The model and females. Females with liberal attitudes explained 11.4 percent of the variance. tend to think ERA would increase women's job Turning to regression analysis for both opportunities while men with similar attitudes sexes, we find that race, residence, father's expressed the opposite view. The model for education, attitude to ERA and to feminism, males explained 11.9 percent of the variance, college major and church attendance were compared to 19.6 percent for the females. most significant variables for the males, while Attitude to ERA explained the most variance age, father's education, year in college, atti­ in both models. tude to ERA, and size of home town were Consequences on men's divorce. The op­ salient variables on female beliefs about ERA timal model for ease of men getting a divorce effect on ease for men to get a divorce. For was the 6-variable model for the total sample. males, the model explained 22.6 percent of Father's education, year in college, race, the variance, while for females, it explained attitude to feminism, residence, and size of 8.8 percent of the variance. Race alone ac­ home town were influential variables. White counted for nearly half of explained variance respondents with more educated fathers, in in the male subsample. Age explained about FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 34 one third of the variance in the criterion generalizing to other populations. variable for the female subsample. Consequences on women's divorce. A weak REFERENCES 1-variable model shows slight effect (2.2 per­ Allen G 1978 The ERA won't go away - nor will cent of variance) of high level of father's women. Humanist 38 26-29 Bardwick J M 1973 Women's liberation: Nice idea, education on facilitating divorce for women. but it won't be easy. Psychology Today 28-33 For male respondents, attitude to ERA, Baumi F 1980 Men's and women's liberation: A mother's work status, sex role orientation, common cause. Humanist 40 20-24 residence, attitudes to feminism and father's Deckard BS 1979 The Women's Movement: Political SOcioeconomic andPsychological Issues. education were the salient variables. For New York. Harper Row. female respondents,.race, church attendance, Eishtain J B 1975 The feminist movement and the family income and father's education were question of equality. Polity 7 452-477 salient variables. Males opposed to ERA had Freeman J 1975 Woman: A Feminine perspective. a working mother, expressed liberal sex role Palo Alto California. Mayfield Goldschmidt J, MM Gergen, K Quigley, K J Gergen attitudes, lived off-campus, said they were not 1974 The women's movement: Attitudes and feminist, had fathers with less education, and action. J of Personality 42 601-617 did not think that ERA would facilitate women Goode W J 1980 Why men resist. Dissent 181-193 getting a divorce, a belief shared by black Hacker 1980 ERA-RIP Harpers 261 10-14 Harris L, Associates 1980 Study of attidudes toward women more rarely attending church, with ERA. Nat Fed of Business & Prof Women high family income and more educated Washington DC fathers. The 6-variable model explained 15.7 Hill DB 1981 Letter opinion on ERA: A test of news­ percent of variance for males and 7.6 percent paper bias hypothesis. Pub Opin Qtrly 45 384-392 of variance for female respondents. Huber J, C Rexroat, G Spitze 1978 Crucible of opinion on women's status: ERA in Illinois. Social Forces 57 549-565 CONCLUSION Manel J D 1979 Women and Social Change in Since women tend to gain. much more from America. Princeton N J. Princeton Book Co equality, we expected that more women than Marlow H C, HM Davis 1976 The American Search for Women. Santa Barbara Calif. Clio ERA,~but men would approve passage of the Millstein B, J Bodin 19n We, the American Women: data reveal no significant differences between A Documentary History. Englewood Cliffs N J. the sexes. The rate of approval for both is Ozer about 55 percent. Though women are the Schlafly P 1977 The question of the equal rights intended beneficiaries of the Amendment, amendment: CON. Congressional Digest 187-189 Snyder EC 1979 The Study of Women Enlarging they may perceive themselves as loosing Perspectives ofSocial Reality. New York. Harper protection of existing family support laws, and Row facing more hardship in the competitive world Spitze G, J Huber 1982 Effects of anticipated of work. consequences on ERA opinion. Social Sci Qtrly 63 323-349 Although no significant intersex differences Walum LR 1977 The Dynamics ofSex andGender: were found, the predictor variables were dif­ A Sociological Perspective. Chicago. Rand ferent. The gender of the respondent may con­ McNally dition effects of demograhic, socioeconomic Welsh S 1975 Support among women for the issues and other variables on anticipation of ERA on the women's movement. Sociological Qtrly 16 216-227 consequences on family and job finding. Yates G 1975 What Women Want: The Ideas ofthe Explanation of attitude variance for the total Movement Cambridge Massachusetts. Harvard sample may obscure effects of other variables University Press across sex groups. More study is needed on effects of social and situational variables on male and female attitudes to the women's movement, either to substantiate or modify or reject our findings. This was a homogeneous sample of college students, with background characteristics which may not be comparable to other popula­ tions. Therefore, caution is advised in FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 35

THE TRANSGRESSIVE AMERICAN: DECODING CITIZEN KANE Alan Woolfolk, Southern Methodist University, Texas INTRODUCTION Film must be analyzed as a culturally subver­ The social sciences have not yet developed sive art form in its tendency to exploit the an adequate analysis of the film's relation to established tension between private·desires politics and culture. Propagandist uses of film and public ideals, and the higher and lower for political purposes are well known since the energies of the self, in favor of the private or advent of the cinema, but the readiness of film lower side of our culturally defined nature. makers to apply machinations of power­ Film, like the romantic novel before it, relies hungry elites to the entertainment and on exploration of ambiguities in social and per­ manipulation of the masses has been little sonallife for much of its attraction and power. explored. The susceptibility of film, in contrast But film is a much more public art form. It to other art forms, to exploitation as a weapon explores and exposes the undersides of soci­ against traditional culture needs clarification. ety and personality in the social realm, and I will analyze the American film classic, Citizen thus creates a complicity with the audience Kane, as an esthetic objectification of contra which cannot possibly exist among novel motifs in contemporary western culture. First, readers, except in a most abstract sense. emphasis on publicity and psychology leads The novel derives from a culture of the to shallow understanding of social life. printed word. Part of Citizen Kane's brilliance Second, the focus on esthetic performance resides in its pictorial description of the tran­ and technique in this film implies impoverish­ sition from an era of printed words to an era ment of culture. Third, there is systematic of moving pictures which Kane/Hearst helped denial of the idea of forbidden knowledge. initiate by using the printed word more to arouse than to inform. The transitional nature PUBLICITY AND PSYCHOLOGY of the Kane/Hearst figure may be gleaned It is an open secret since Citizen Kane first from the opening "News· on the March" opened amid controversy, over 40 years ago, newsreel which records with stilted that the protagonist, Charles Foster Kane, seriousness the life and death of Charles played by Orson Welles, is a thinly disquised Foster Kane. The newsreel and the reporters stand-in for the sensationalist news magnate almost certainly represent the Luce organiza­ and publisher, William Randolph Hearst. Kane tion, displacing the Hearst empire as the most was billed as "... the greatest newspaper influential publishers in the United States. The tycoon of this or any other generation:' (Kael reporters' decision to concentrate on Kane's 1971 100) Part of the film's popular appeal dying word as the key to understanding his derives from application of journalistic techni­ life marks the symbolic death of a culture in ques to the Kane/Hearst character in the same which the dying have something of importance manner that Hearst sensationalized the lives to teach about the conduct of life. of others. In the film, little remains hidden or Kane dies alone, muttering the word private. Instead, the private merges with the "Rosebud;' the manufacturer's trade name public context, only to overpower and scandal­ painted on a coaster sled, his plaything in ize it. Kane enters newspaper pUblishing, not boyhood. The word had private and psycho­ with a motive of profit or public service, but logical reference to his severance from his because he thinks that it might be "fun" to childhood home and family, particularly, his run a newspaper. He fails in politics due to a mother. The two images could not have been scandal with a mistress. His makes his second more antithetical. On one hand a great moral wife an "opera singer" because he imagines teacher offers insight into the conduct of life, that he has power to create talent where none even when dying; on the other a corrupt dying exists. All of this is valid in the context of the publicist mumbles a meaningless word. film, and the power of Citizen Kane as a Emphasis on the private in Citizen Kane cultural weapon turns on its capacity to make logically enters the realm of psychology. Luce the viewer think the private and psychological reporter Thompson simply does not dig deeply fully explains the public and the social. enough for his story. Like other characters, he FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 36 suspects that the term Rosebud is connected Vocational commitment may provide a safe with a scandal. The film picks up where jour­ outlet for hatred and aggression. Politics can nalism fails, thereby delving more deeply into allow a socially controlled and beneficial quest the private side of life. for power. Patronage of the arts may refine Although depth psychology may offer the the patron's sensibilities. Kane undergoes no most shallow level of interpretation, the struc­ such inner changes as a consequence of his ture of the film encourages the viewer to think communal commitments. In fact, it is his social otherwise. By drawing the viewer into the and ultimately his moral failures that become search for the meaning of Rosebud, the film lost in the film's focus on the determinative implies that Kane's quest for power, as power of childhood character. Citizen Kane expressed through ·his pursuits in business, fails to convey adequately the alternative politics, the arts, and his private life with family possibility, which only begins to open up and friends, can best be explained by refer­ through the character of Leland, that Kane ence to the childhood incident when his cannot escape from his prison of self-love mother sent him away for tutoring under the because he cannot change his basic self­ care of Thatcher, his guardian, and trustee of interpretation. This is another way of denying Kane's enormous estate. According to this the transformative power of communal com­ popular reading, Kane's quest for power may mitments. The film does not reveal the hidden be attributed to the psychological scar that he link between impulsive, infantile behavior carries from childhood. Kane hurts others patterns and moral failure. because he has been hurt. He does to others what others have done to him. He turns them CULTURE AS TECHNIQUE into objects to be manipulated by his will. Objections to what Orson Welles has called Several Citizen Kane scenes depict Kane's the "dollar-book Freud" gimmickry of the inability to escape from his childhood trauma, Rosebud theme are nothing new. One and from childish patterns of behavior. The American film critic, Kael (1971) of Citizen original hatred that Kane expresses as a child Kane says that it simply does not work, and against Thatcher in thought and action when contends that it " ... is not a work of special he struck him with his sled, continues to reveal depth or a work of subtle beauty ... but a itself. Decades later, Thatcher asked Kane: shallow masterpiece:' Yet she clearly thinks "what would you like to have been?" Kane that it is one of the finest American films, replied: "Everything you hate:' (Kael 1971 which qualifies as a masterpiece precisely 302) On a more abstract level, examples of because of its well executed shallowness. It childlike behavior are never clearly linked to is a triumph of technique and a mastery of the trauma. Kane says he feels like a kid in showmanship by director-producer and star­ a candy store after buying away the staff of ring actor Orson Welles. It dazzles the most a rival newspaper. He impulsively buys art critical and sophisticated of audiences. without regard to merit. He refuses to say that Kael (1971 5) argues for the superiority of he is sorry after slapping· his second wife in Citizen Kane on the basis of esthetic criteria, the tent scene. These examples suggest that by which, I refer to modes of communication, psychology offers the deepest explanation of to the shaping of sensation, rather than to Kane's thought and action. what constitutes beauty, which represents a Yet Kane is not an isolated individual think­ more recent understanding of the term. ing and acting in a social vacuum. He may Citizen Kane ranks high esthetically not simply also be defined by his relation to society, by because of its use of innovative techniques, reference to his social and moral self. The such as deep focus and fadeouts, but from the psychological view of Kane offers only a par­ theatrics of Welles, who managed to create tial explanation. Worse, it ignores the capaci­ a popular masterpiece, "comic-strip tragic ... ty of religion, politics, business, and other and overwrought in style:' For Kael, Citizen communal commitments to transform the Kane is an esthetic masterpiece primarily psychological into a meaning entirely different. because it works, not because it produces Marriage and friendship may transform a understanding or insight. person's motives, helping to cure self-love. To value efficacy while conveniently ignoring FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 37 illuminative aspects of culture accords well admit that not all symbols are reducible to with the film's spirit, which devalues acts of instruments of coercion. interpretation and critical reflection in favor of immediate impact and response. Kane shares DENIAL OF FORBIDDEN KNOWLEDGE a similar view of culture. The hidden link be­ Like all films, Citizen Kane succeeds large­ tween the newspaper age and the film age is ly because it enchants audiences and draws not only emphasis on publicity, but also the them into a fantasy world. Technical effects view that ideas, images, and symbols which abound. The film is melodramatic rather than we call culture ultimately depend on function dramatic. It applies popular formulas, such as and utility rather than on meaning for their the notion that the rich are lonely and unhap­ importance in human affairs. py, calculated to confirm the more typical In the context of the film, Kane's inability to viewer's pet illusions. But the fantasy world believe in anything or anyone except himself of Citizen Kane cuts more deeply because it illustrates well the problems associated with tends to invert our common and accepted a purely instrumental "understanding" of the sense of character and culture. It implies that world. The newsreel segment in which Kane the individual is best understood qua is accused of being a Fascist and a Com­ individual, not as a social being. To suggest munist before he declares himself to be an that culture is reducible to a war for power, " American" underscores the utility-of-belief holds the fantasy that personal and collective theme. What the Nazis, Fascists, Com­ worlds must submit to no authority, and that munists, and Americans all have in common, human existence is infinitely malleable. despite popular misconceptions, is the The history of western culture leads one to absence of fixed beliefs (Arendt 1973 476). suspect that human nature and human culture Kane holds no traditional convictions or prin­ incorporate safeguards which limit the ciples. His "Declaration of Principles" freedom of humans to invert their world. Thus, becomes an "antique" because as an every culture depends for survival on the idea American, he values performance instead of of forbidden knowledge - that certain things a highly developed sense of purpose. cannot be done except at the cost of self­ Such a perspective squares entirely with the destruction. Following Philip Rieff (1972 98) sensationalist journalist's cavalier attitude I shall refer to these cultivated limitations as toward the truth, because in his world there interdictory motifs and to exceptions to these is no truth, either factual or moral. Kane's interdicts as remissions. Interdictory motifs paraphrase of the famous Hearst quip about may coexist with the structure of reality, or "providing the war" in Cuba exemplifies his they may be buried so deeply within us that disregard for the factual truth, and his claim we cannot escape them even as fantasies, to be both a committed capitalist and a public particularly in the collective fantasy of a film. crusader for the downtrodden demonstrates The psychological and esthetic levels of his contempt for moral truth. Citizen Kane represent remissive motifs which The assumption that the world of ideas and obscure but do not eliminate the hidden inter­ images derives from instrumental uses implies dictory structure of the film. Rosebud may be a coercive view of culture, without moral order, understood as a psychological reference to in which the world becomes merely political the idyllic home of Kane's childhood, or alter­ and subject to those best able to manipulate natively, as an esthetic reference to the life symbols for their own ends. In this vein, Kane of self-realization and self-expression which runs for political office, and relies on esthetic he never achieves. But both understandings effect instead of a systematic set of beliefs. assume that what Kane's life lacks is possibili­ Politics is a matter of style and ceremony, ty, and opportunity for change. The alternative bolstered by ideas understood as purely func­ to both understandings emphasizes not tional. Hence slogans prevail which do not possibility but necessity, suggesting that really mean anything, but are calculated to Rosebud refers not to past or future life, but arouse strong feeling and uncritical response. to the present life which Kane fails to Kane understands his own public crusades as recognize because of his rebellion against all propaganda. If he did not, he might have to self-limitation, and his preoccupation with FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 38 doing rather than not doing. CONCLUSION Kane remains a willful, destructive and self­ Kane is best understood in terms of form immolating individual without the inwardness rather than content, and in style rather than of character that the internalization of cultural in psychology or economics. He is a breaker limits would engender. Not even what the critic of cultural interdicts, where the enchantment calls Orson Welles' "charming, wicked rap­ with generating news detroys any ethic of port with the audience" (Kael 1971 50) can newspaper responsibility. He is both capitalist disguise the transgressiveness of his actions. landlord and public crusader for the downtrod­ Kane's confrontation with the corrupt political den who recognizes no conflict of interest. He boss offers a case in point. Even after it is is a transgressor against binding commit­ clear that he will be ruined by scandal if he ments of family and friendship. As one of stays in politics, Kane refuses to quit, and Toqueville's defaulted democratic citizens consequently insures his own humiliation and exercising privilege without responsibility, the destruction of his family. Like a "profes­ Kane retreats into his private fantasy, com- sional magician:' as his second wife, Susan plete with "No Trespass" signs, and thus Alexander, jokingly calls him, Kane values the externalizes his failure to internalize any effective performance, which is merely cultured limits. another method of getting one's way. On the Kane is an archetypal transgressive rare occasions when Kane does not get his American because his symbolic offerings to way, he becomes demented with rage. This everything that is not himself, like the Cain of is most spectacular in his fit of meaningless old, are merely masks for his own elaborate temper, triggered when Susan deserts him. self-aggrandizements. No binding tradition, no The havoc he wreaks with the furnishings in inhibiting guilt feelings, no constraining ethic the bedroom scene provides an image of what restricts his disarming boldness or thought life would be like if we were completely and action. He lives in no moral universe. The uninhibited, and able to express everything. psychological scars, which supposedly Psychological understanding of Kane's drive prepare for the abuse of economic privilege, for power, expressed in his pursuit of political failure, and social misfortune, do not business, politics, the arts and his private life reduce a young man's charm to an old man's cannot sustain the interpretive weight of the loneliness. Rather, repeated infractions of filmic details of his life involvements. His . cultural interdicts, and institutionalized expulsion from the Eden of his childhood is trespassing cause the very problems that more myth than reality, because it too is the Kane uses as excuses. It is precisely this creation of his radical contempory expression reading of social and personal life that the of journalistic imagination. This easily justifies film systematically obscures. his failure to recognize in any serious way that not everything is permitted, and that even the rich and the powerful must live in a world of REFERENCES interdicted possibilities. Kane recognizes no Arendt Hannah 1973 The Origins of Totalitarianism. forbidden knowledge. Just as reporter Thomp­ New York. Harcourt Brace Janovich son thinks that he can crack the case of Barsam Richard M 1975 Pilgrimage to Triumph of the Will. Bloomington. Indiana U Press Kane's life by discovering the meaning of the Kael Pauline 1971 The Citizen Kane Book. London. publisher's dying word, Kane fantasizes that Seeker Warburg the real meaning of life is trapped in the Rieff Philip 1972 Towards a theory of culture. artificial past of his glass snowball, which he Imagination andPrecision in the Social Sciences: Essays in memory of Peter Nettl. T Nossiter, A cannot recapture. He likes to imagine that Hanson, S Rokkan eds. London. Faber Faber' even if he had not been rich, he could have ___ 1981 By what authority? Post­ become a great man. Freudian reflections on the repression of the repressive in modern culture. The Problem of Authority in America. J Diggins, M Kann eds. Philadelphia. Temple U Press FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 39

OLD ORDER AMISH IN OKLAHOMA &KANSAS: RURAL TRADITION IN URBAN SOCIETY William E Thompson, Emporia State University, Kansas INTRODUCTION I will apply the symbolic interactionist In the past 190 years, U.S. census data perspective to demonstrate how the Old Order demonstrate a major shift from a predominant- Amish of Kansas and Oklahoma create their Iy rural society to a predominantly urban soci- own -sense of social reality. Rather than ety. The 1790 Census indicated that 95 per- conclude that external forces such as cent of the nation's workers were engaged in industrialization and urbanization define social agriculture, while the 1970 census indicated structure, as suggested by Toennies, I that only 5 percent were engaged in contend that through day-to-day interaction agriculture. This shift represents much more among themselves, the Old Order Amish than a change in residential and occupational create their own sense of social structure. The patterns in the United States. It represents a members of these communities phenomeno­ dramatic change in the attitudes, values, logically create their own social construction norms, beliefs, lifestyles, and overall c~lture of reality. By creating, defining, manipulating, of the people. and redefining a multitude of social and A theoretical framework often used to cultural symbols, the Old Order Amish analyze the impact on a society which perpetuate a social world that is meaningful undergoes such a change is provided by to them. They use the nature of their day-to­ Toennies' (1887) gemeinschaft-gesellschaft day interaction to insure that they are not over­ continuum. Toennies' conceptual scheme come by urbanization, industrialization, and suggests that the structural changes ex- technology. perienced by a society in the urbanization and industrialization process helps to bring about THE COMMUNTIES an accompanying change in the nature of The two Old Order Amish communities in this social relations and interaction. Contemporary study have very similar histories. Both were social science literature is replete with established at the turn of the century during examples of how the shift from a rural and the "fourth wave" of Old Order Amish diffu­ agrarian society to an urban and industrial sion and growth patterns (Crowley 1978). society has brought about emphasis on social Young families from the Old Order Amish roles, secondary relations, bureaucratic settlements in the Pennsylvania area moved institutions, depersonalization and westward to alleviate some of the problems dehumanization. of overcrowding and lack of available farm However, not all Americans have sur­ lands in the east, in order to establish new rendered to the urban-industrial conversion. communities west of the Mississippi River in Gemeinschaft type communities character­ Kansas and Oklahoma. Both communities ized by primary relations, fact-to-face inter­ grew slowly through subsequent migration action, and informal social control mechan­ and natural increase. The Kansas communi­ isms still exist to some extent in rural and ty is divided into two church districts consisting small-town America. Perhaps the perpetuation of about 20 families each, with a total popula­ of traditional rural culture and lifestyle tion of just over 300 people. The Oklahoma characteristic of the gemeinschaft community community is slightly smaller, and is also is nowhere better preserved than in the Old divided into two church districts with about 35 Order Amish communities of Kansas and families, totaling just over 250 people. Oklahoma. Members of the Kansas and Oklahoma com­ munities maintain ties with the Old Order FOCUS OF THIS STUDY Amish communities back east, both literally These Old Order Amish communities have and symbolicly. Virtually all of the families in battled the national trend toward urbanization these two western communities have relatives and industrialization in an attempt to preserve and close friends in the Amish communities a rural agrarian culture compatible with their of Ohio and Pennsylvania. Written cor­ religious beliefs. respondence is continuous, and occasionally, FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 40 the Kansas and Oklahoma Amish take trips "If you live in anyone of America's farm belt back east to help maintain these ties. The states, you are not more than a few hours from Amish of the Kansas and Oklahoma com.. Amish farming country. Here, you can stand munities also subscribe to traditional Amish in the doorway to the past and witness horse.. publications, most of which come from Ohio drawn plows turning up rich farm land, barn.. and Pennsylvania. Since both Kansas and raisings, and quilting bees:' (Sielinski 1981 Oklahoma have other Anabaptist com.. 102) munities, such as Hutterites, Menonites, and living much like their ancestors of 200 years Beachy Amish, members of these Old Order ago, the Old Order Amish strive to maintain Amish communities feel that maintaining close and perpetuate a plain, simple agrarian ties with the traditional Old Order Amish com.. lifestyle consistent with their fundamental munities of the east, especially those of lan.. religious beliefs (Hostetler 1980). caster County, Pennsylvania, helps to main.. My analysis will concentrate on how the Old tain their identity as Old Order Amish and Order Amish of Kansas and Oklahoma have distinguishes them from more modernized managed to adapt to the very different and more liberal Anabaptist groups. There are environment than that of their eastern counter­ also meaningful links between the Old Order parts. Yet despite these adaptations, which Amish communities of Kansas and Oklahoma actually make the lifestyle of Kansas and which have close family relations, and main.. Oklahoma Amish people vastly different from tain contact through correspondence and that of the eastern Amish, they symbolicly periodic visits. redefine the meaning of this lifestyle so as to minimize and in a sense, negate those RESEARCH METHOD differences. The field methods for this study include On the other hand, while it has been pointed limited participant observation, with full out that the Old Order Amish attempt to main­ disclosure of the sociological research inten.. tain and perpetuate a rural lifestyle similar to tion (Schatzman, Strauss 1973 61; Spradley the Amish of centuries past, this does not 1979, 1980), and the use of selected mean that they are preserving a lifestyle knowledgable informants who were members similar to that of non..Amish farmers of earlier of each of the communities (Back 1960). A centuries. A study of another Amish commu­ primary relation developed with one of the nity in Kansas notes that the Old Order Amish Oklahoma Amish families which proved to be are not merely living a nostalgic life as the an extremely valuable source of information United States was before the industrial revolu­ about the community and its members. tion. Rather, they are living much as their Approximately three years of periodic visits ancestors lived then (Knight 1977). The Old to the Oklahoma community preceded any Order Amish have always been different from contact with the Kansas community. A general their non-Amish counterparts. description of the Old Order Amish community Finding themselves in a pluralist society, the of Oklahoma can be found in an earlier work Old Order Amish have always tried to main.. (Thompson 1981). The primary informant in tain a clearly defined sense of boundary the Oklahoma community introduced me to maintenance (Knight 1977; Buck 1978). The his parents and family in the Kansas com.. success of this maintenance of a cultural munity, greatly facilitating entrance and boundary, especially among the Old Order acceptance in that community for observation Amish of Kansas and Oklahoma has depend­ and research. I made periodic visits to the ed largely on their ability to differentiate Kansas community over the next two years to themselves symbolicly from non..Amish rural observe and gather data for this descriptive society, and to link symbolicly with the tradi.. analysis. tional Old Order Amish culture of Penn.. sylvania. At the same time, to survive as RURAL TRADITION AND OLD ORDER farmers in Kansas and Oklahoma, these AMISH CULTURE people have had to alter their lifestyle, and Rural tradition and ,Old Order Amish culture especially their farming techniques, in order seem almost synonymous in many ways. to adapt to a different environment. FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 41

ADAPTATION & PRAGMATISM that the land on which they must make a living To the sociologist, cultural adaptation usually is not identical to the lush soil of the Ohio refers to " ... those aspects of culture ... that valley where many of the eastern Amish com­ represent a society's adjustment to its physical munities are located. Consequently, these environment and enable it to survive:' western Amish farmers have developed some (Theodorson, Theodorson 1969 96) The Old very pragmatic adaptive strategies to retain as Order Amish in Kansas and Oklahoma have much traditional Amish agrarian culture as shown an uncanny ability to adapt to the possible, and yet make their farms reasonably physical environment in which they live, while productive. Horse-drawn farm implements are they preserve the desired social and cultural not feasible to till land of east central Kansas environment. Old Order Amish have always and northeastern Oklahoma. Consequently, viewed their ties to the land as a moral tractors and harvest combines are used in imperative to maintain and perpetuate their both communities. The Amish farmers make religious beliefs and desired lifestyle (Ericksen every effort to buy older used tractors without et al 1980). A major part of that moral impera­ most of the luxury options, but some find that tive, and a critical aspect of maintaining their in order to buy a tractor large enough to do traditional culture has focused on their reluc­ the job, they must buy one which is equipped tance to incorporate modern agricultural at least with power steering and hydraulic lifts technology into their farming techniques. In for implements. While the introduction of the the eastern part of the United States, the Old tractor alters traditional Amish farming prac­ Order Amish still rely on horse-drawn farm tices, it is rationalized as a necessary com­ implements, and only the more rudimentary promise if Amish farming is to survive at all farm machinery (Hostetler 1980). The creep­ in Kansas and Oklahoma. Thus, the Amish ing inroads of modernity into the Amish culture farmers take what is generally considered a has often been cited as a major problem with modern technological device and simply which the old order must cope if they are to redefine it as being a necessary implement in maintain their identity and .preserve their preserving thier most basic traditional value culture (Kephart 1976). - living off the land. Consequently, what All the emphasis on preservation of culture, could be interpreted as an element of major identity, boundaries, and simple agrarian change in Amish culture becomes redefined lifestyle consistent with their religious beliefs, as being a major element of preservation of as a central theme in most of the literature that culture. Likewise the use of commercial about the Old Order Amish, tends to shift at­ fertilizers, hybrid seeds, modern plows, com­ tention away from the fact that the Old Order bines, and a multitude of other modern farm Amish farmers are innovative, willing to try implements are all pragmatically defined as something new, and extremely pragmatic being absolutely necessary if the Old Order when it comes to making a living on their land. Amish are to survive on their farms and main­ The 18th and 19th century Amish in the United tain their "non-modern" simple agrarian States were noted for their agricultural innova­ lifestyle. tions, and were among the first to practice: Perhaps electricity is one of the best "stall feeding of cattle, crop rotation, meadow examples of how the Old Order Amish in these irrigation, and to use natural fertilizers and two communities have effectively introduced clover and alfalfa pastures as a means of modern technology for pragmatic reasons, restoring fertility to the soil:' (Kollmorgen in and yet, effectively limit its use so that it can Nagata, 1968, cited: Stoltzfus 1973 197) be rationalized as important to maintaining Of course, in recent years with the advent of their culture. Most of the farmers in both com­ large scale capital intensive farming opera­ munities own herds of dairy cows, and sell the tions common to rural America, the Old Order milk. Their dairy operations are small by to­ Amish seem set in their ways, and unwilling day's standards, and most farmers milk 30-60 to try innovative farming techniques. This is cows. The Amish farmers do not have all the not entirely true. necessary equipment to meet the minimum The Old Order Amish farmers in the two com­ standards to have their milk sell as "Grade A:' munities in Kansas and Oklahoma understand Their milk is usually graded lower, and is used FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 42 in other dairy products such as cheese and consistencies which apply to the introduction butter. Even to meet the lower grade stan­ and use of any modern technology in the dards, the milk must be obtained under Amish community. If possible, they try to avoid sanitary conditions and refrigerated until it can the introduction and use of any technology if be collected by the milk trucks. This requires at all possible. If deemed impossible to reject electric milkers and electric refrigeration the new technology, before any technology is tanks. The Old Order Amish have always allowed into the community, the implications rejected electricity and all the gadgets and effects of its use are discussed by the dependent on it for their use. community members. Usually, the church As a pragmatic compromise, the Amish elders take a vote on the more controversial farmers in these two communities use simple items. generators, usually homemade from spare If the introduction and use of new technology tractor parts, to generate electricity needed is defined as being absolutely necessary for for milking machines and refrigeration equip­ the community, they will also make a con­ ment. This is defined as being a pragmatic scientious effort to use the technology in a uni­ necessity if they are to retain their milking que way so as to enhance and perpetuate the operations. But these same farmers steadfast­ conventions of the Amish lifestyle. There can ly refuse to use electricity in their homes. be no mistake in the minds of community Homes are typically lighted with kerosene oil members. They are not becoming more lamps, and are heated with wood-burning modern, but are using a modern technology stoves. Refrigerators and cookstoves in the in order to avoid becoming more modern. In farm home are typically operated on propane this way, the members of these two Old Order gas, and some of the homes in Oklahoma use Amish communities simply define the situa­ natural gas. tion in such a way that the new becomes a Why these seeming irrational inconsistencies means of preserving the old (Thomas 1931). in allowing electricity in the Amish dairy barns, This redefinition becomes a necessary ele­ but not in the farmhouse? When asked these ment in the process of their construction of questions, the Amish farmers will look quite social reality (Berger, Luckmann 1967). While confused that the inquirer does not see the using modern farming equipment, the obvious logic in these actions. In the barn, the members of these Amish communities retain Amish farmer uses electricity only to carry out virtually all of the other significant symbols of a basic function of the farming operation. Its the Old Order Amish. They drive horse-drawn use is temporary, sporadic, and absolutely buggies, dress in the traditional Amish attire, unrelated to convenience, comfort, or and speak German as their first language. avoidance of labor. Amish farmers will say that they prefer to milk all of their cows by hand, CONCLUSIONS but simply cannot do it. Virtually all handmilk The main thesis here is that the Old Order one or two cows for their family's supply of Amish in Kansas and Oklahoma have suc­ milk, cheese, and butter. The Amish farmers cessfully managed to retain and perpetuate argue that when a house is wired for electri­ their traditional agrarian culture in an increas­ city, its use is usually constant, and the fami­ ingly more modern, industrial, urban United ly typically becomes dependent on its use. States. The explanation for this success is Eventually, a lot of unnecessary and merely offered in part, as being the pragmatism of the convenient electrical items are used. In the Amish farmers in their willingness to introduce barn, the Amish farmer uses and controls the' change into their culture, coupled with their electricity; in the house, the Amish family runs tremendous ability to redefine the meaning of the risk of becoming dependent on electricity, these changes in such a way as to minimize and hence, being controlled by it. their potentially harmful effects. Thus, what The inconsistencies in the logic of this argu­ might threaten severely to weaken traditional ment may seem readily apparent to anyone Amish culture and lifestyle, instead serves to who chooses to look for them. The key is that reinforce it. They refuse to get caught up in the Amish people do not choose to look for an urbanizing, technologizing world which them. Rather, they look to what they see as would drastically alter or destroy their culture FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 43 and lifestyle, as would be inferred from the REFERENCES more functionalist approach suggested by Back KW 1960 The well-informed informant. 179-187 R Adams J Preis eds. Human Organiza­ Toennies. Instead, as suggested by the sym­ tion Research. Homewood Illinois. Dorsey bolic interactionist approach, the Old Order Berger Peter L, Thomas Luckman 1966 The Social Amish define their social world on a day-to­ Construction of Reality: A Treatise on the day interactionist basis, both symbolicly and Sociology of Knowledge. New York. Anchor literally, constructing a society that is mean­ auck RC 1978 Boundary maintenance revisited: Tourist experience in an Old Order Amish com­ ingful to them. Not merely a static society munity. Rural Sociol43 221-234 caught up in the nostalgia of trying to live in Crowley William K 1978 Old Order Amish settle­ the past, the Old Order Amish of Kansas and ment: Diffusion and growth. Annals, Assn ofAmer Oklahoma have used pragmatic adaptive Geographers 68.2 249-264 strategies to survive in the present and in the Ericksen E, J Ericksen, J Hostetler 1980 Cultiva­ tion of the soil as a moral directive: Population future. They have managed to do this in such growth, family ties, &maintenance of community a way as to allow them to preserve their basic among the Old Order Amish. RuralSociol45 49-68 philosophy and keep their traditional culture Hostetler J 1980 Amish Society. 3rd ed New York. largely intact. St Martin's Press Can the Old Order Amish of Kansas and Kephart William 1976 Extraordinary Groups: The Sociology ofUnconventional Lifestyles. New York. Oklahoma continue to retain their identity, St Martin's Press culture and lifestyle in the urban society which Knight James A 1977 Pluralism, Boundary surrounds and threatens to consume them? Maintenance, and Cultural Resisitance among the There is a multitude of problems the members Amish. Masters' thesis. Wichita State Univ Kansas Schatzman Leonard, Anselm L Strauss 1973 Field of these Old Order Amish communities must Research: Strategies for a Natural Sociology. address and overcome if they are to continue Englewood Cliffs. Prentice Hall to survive. However, anyone familiar with the Spradley James P 1979 Ethnographic Interview. history of the movement knows that ever since New York. Holt Rinehart Winston ___ 1980 Participant Observation. their European beginnings in the 1660's, they New York. Holt Rinehart Winston have continually faced, met, and overcome Steiner Stan 1976 The Vanishing White Man. New serious threats to their existence. With the York. Harper Row potential threats of nuclear holocaust, large Stoltzfus Victor 1973 Amish agriculture: Adaptive scale economic upheaval, and a variety of strategies for economic survival of community life. Rural Sociol 38 196-205 other possible conditions, many suggest that Theodorson George A, AG Theodorson 1969 the entire world communiy is in a critical Modern Dictionary of Sociology. New York. struggle for survival. Gerald Wilkinson, Crowell Director of the National Indian Youth Council Thomas WI 1931 The definition of the situation. 254-258 G Mannis, B Seltzer eds. Symbolic put it this way: Interaction: .A Reader in Social Psychology. "Now, when you talk about the destruction of Boston. Allyn Bacon (1978) the earth, you are talking about political states Thompson William E 1981 The Oklahoma Amish: and social systems and psychological atti­ Survival of an ethnic subculture. Ethnicity 8 tudes. You are not talking about the end of 476-487 Toennies 1887 Gemeinschaft and gesellschaft. life. There will be some people left, who will 191-201 Talcott Parsons et al eds. Theories of learn to live again. Who will survive? People Society. V 1 Glencoe Illinois. Free Press who are close to the earth, who are the custo­ Zielinski John M 1981 People of the soil: Proud dians of the soil, who have learned from the Amish maintain traditional way of life. 102-106 J earth's wisdom, who have learned how to sur­ Carlson et al eds. Rural SocietyandEnvironment in America. New York. McGraw Hill vive. They will survive~' (Cited, Sterner 1976 296) Who will survive? The Old Order Amish will survive. FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 44

PREPARING FOR APOCALYPSE: SURVIVALIST STRATEGIES Richard G Peterson, United States International University, California INTRODUCTION and supplies, including the Survival Guide and Survivalists are those who believe that the Survive journals. Seminar topics included United States is on the verge of collapse. They Desert Survival, Stress in Survival Situations, hope to survive economic, social, or nuclear and the Need for Self-Reliance in Today's disaster by making preparations for self- Society. Finally, in collaboration with Richard sufficiency and breaking away as much as Mitchell of Oregon State University, dialogue possible from mainstream society. They are was initiated with survivalists through a secure willing to defend what is theirs (Liebmann et 2-way letter exchange service. This service is al 1982). Survivalists have come under widely advertized in survivalist journals, to increasing public recognition and criticism. assist survivalists who wish to contact those Survivalism has been condemned as an with similar interests without compromizing inadequate response to critical social prob- anonymity or personal security. The letter lems, and survivalists are chided for retreating exchange service proved a useful data- from social responsibility (Besser 1982). They gathering tool when we posed as survivalists. are also criticized for succumbing to fear (Mit­ chell 1983). SURVIVAL CONTINUUM My discussion focuses on survivalist Survivalism, like other deviant movements, strategies and practical preparations. In refer­ is a matter of degree of commitment, based ring to the scenario for disaster or catastrophe, on a typology created by Linder (1982). survivalists use terms such as the collapse, Level 1. Weak survivalists read survivalist the crash, apocalypse, and when the balloon literature, buy a few items such as guns and goes up. dehydrated food, and attend introductory sur­ vivalist training courses. METHOD Level 2. More committed survivalists spend Data were collected by participant observa­ more time and money acquiring survivalist tion, letter exchanges and examination of sur­ supplies and attending advanced survivalist vivalist literature. Survivalists express fear and training courses. suspicion toward strangers because of the Level 3. Moderately committed survivalists survivalists' deviant status and stigmatization, maintain mainstream jobs, family, and friends, public misconceptions, and fear of theft of but they have established membership in a their supplies. They are often reminded to: retreat group. These survivalists visit their "Think, speak, and look camouflage ... at all retreat periodically throughout the year. times be wary, suspicious and distrustful of Level 4. Hard-core strongly committed sur­ others' motives:' (Epperson 1982). Although vivalists usually have severed most social and delicate methodological and ethical issues economic ties to mainstream society, and were involved, covert methods still seemed have moved permanently onto a retreat site. most appropriate for such a milieu. Resear­ chers have observed that deliberately STRATEGIES misrepresenting oneself in deviance research The strategy of survival is much more than is not automatically an unethical practice. an intellectual exercise for survivalists. The Some information from deviant groups can possibilities of social collapse, nuclear war, only be attained through covert means and economic chaos are as frightening and (Henslin 1972; Douglas 1972). as palpably real as human perception can I attended three gun collectors' shows in make them. One can only speculate on the southern California to get experience with the time and energy which survivalists spend sift­ practical aspects of survivalism, and I attend­ ing through disaster scenarios and formulating ed the 3-day Self-Reliance and Survival Expo response strategies while being mindful of '83 in Pasedena California. At the Expo, 20 constraints of physical and mental conditions, seminars were given, and 61 exhibitors of sur­ personal finances, family and employment, vivalist goods promoted various equipment their location, and their philosophy of life, FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 45 and finally selecting the most feasible. For Marine Boat Retreating. For coastal sur­ some survivalists this process amounts to little vivalists the advantages of escape to sea by more than a game to be played sporadically boat include speed, a self-contained vehicle throughout the year, rehearsing one's which can be stocked with food beforehand, response scenario and mapping esca.pe and access to one of the world's greatest food routes to the retreat site. With increasing com­ sources. Though the marine retreat would be mitment, there is an increased degree of open to attack by seaborne pirates, there discipline, planning, and more intense simula­ would be no problem from land marauders tion of the survivalist strategies. As in and looters. However a boat with open sea wargames, they devise alternative strategies capability costs about $50,000, and would and become more flexible in order to build equire good seamanship and navigation skills their response repertoire for various Dooms­ (Payne 1982). Knowledgable survivalists also day scenarios. point out the possible danger of tidal waves There are micro and macro strategies. For from earth-quake or nuclear attack. example, a survivalist group may opt for escape from Los Angeles by boat and travel Wilderness Nomad Retreating. Wilderness north to their cabin retreat on an Oregon bay, retreating is derisively called the mountain which is a macro strategy. The micro man approach, and playing Batman in the strategies concern the type of boat, supplies boondocks. The escape usually involves a to be stocked, crew composition, cir­ van, camper, trailer, motorcycle, or horse. The cumstances under which they leave the city, approach is criticized as simplistic and doom­ and the exact route to Oregon. Macro ed to fail (1978 Spec Rpt 1, Delta Press Ltd). strategies are openly debated and discussed A shortage of fuel would limit the escape in survivalist literature. Once selected, they range, and there would be great vulnerability must then be refined by individuals or groups to gangs of looters. One cannot carry sufficient to suit particular circumstances. It should be survival equipment and supplies. During the remembered that from the survivalist perspec­ Pasedena Expo, a survivalist panel sponsored tive, thoroughness of prepartion can mean the by the Survive Journal thoroughly discussed difference between life and death. this method without a single panelist recom­ Urban Retreating. Few suburban and urban mending it. One member of the audience was Americans are in any position to quickly cautioned against it. retreat to a rural community (Mitchell 1983). The majority of survivalists no doubt must Wilderness Group Retreating. This retreat remain in urban areas because the greater mode requires small isolated farms, cabins, number of high paying jobs, and emotional or subterranean sites. It appears from the bonds to family and friends are there. Very few survivalist literature that the majority of plan to remain in urban areas after Dooms­ survivalists, who recognize safety in numbers, day. Here is a grim scenario for the post­ either belong to a retreat group or are seek­ catastrophe city: ing to join one. However, small retreat groups Without utilities, sanitation and a public health would quickly become targets of hordes pour­ service, most cities would become nightmares of ing out of devastated urban areas. The retreat disease within a fortnight, and if that weren't area should offer a low population density and enough, the inevitable arson committed by looters a reasonable climate for agriculture and and other violence-prone denizens would -­ available areas for hunting, fishing, and trap­ without the customary services of the fire depart­ ping (Tappan 1981). ment - develop into firestorms, incinerating every Small Town Retreating. The small town structure and creature in the area. (Tappan 1981 retreat with about 2,000 to 3,000 population 30) offers the best opportunity for collective defense and subsistence farming. Such a Field research clearly reveals that the more community should be sufficiently isolated from committed survivalist views urban life as even moderate size poplation centers, military threatening and may choose to keep firearms bases, and nuclear power plants. It should not handy at home and in vehicles. be vulnerable to natural disasters such as FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 46 floods, quakes, and forest fires. It should also bows. Maintains a 3000 volume reference have a mild climate and adequate rainfall. library. Wife is a registered nurse. The couple Finally, the community should be inhabited by have developed homesteading skills such as hard-working, disciplined, barter-conscious bee-keeping, canning, and butchering. Most people (Tappan 1981). of their savings have gone into survival PREPARATIONS preparations. They plan to move to a perma­ Preparations are categorized as micro and nent retreat, buying the land, and living in a macro. The macro preparation may be to trailer temporarily. Eventually, they want to acquire medical supplies for a retreat group build a small earth-sheltered home with inter­ of perhaps 15 adults and 6 children. Micro nal greenhouse and aquaculture biosystem. preparations could include purchase of Would use aquaculture and hydroponics in specific medicines, drugs, bandages, and two planned greenhouses. Have stocked a other items. Containers of suitable sizes and professional grade medical kit, and are types must be selected. The following types assembling a dental kit. Own large quantities of survival preparation are categorized by of preserved and dried foods and grains. Have level, based on gleanings from survivalist a garden area totaling 150x150 feet, with letters. The names are fictitious. apple and nut trees and grape vines. They Level 1. Jim a 56-year old man has had have several security devices with electronic experience in paneling, roofing, painting, floor and mechanical perimeter alarms and listen­ tiling, furniture repair, and woodworking. He ing equipment. They have collected several enjoys barter, but has few financial resources. hundred burlap and polypropylene sandbags. Owns many tools such as garden implements, Saving money for a ham radio transceiver, and carpenters' hand tools. Letters reflect and two portable transceivers. Maintain a full abundant anti-Communist rhetoric but little in workshop of tools, and have kept a cast iron the way of active preparations for survival. wood/coal kitchen stove. Level 2. Roger, a 31-year old dentist in Texas has nuclear war as a prime worry. Skills REFERENCES include dentistry, weapons repair, marksman­ Besser James D 1982 The Doomsday Decade. Pro­ ship with a high-power rifle, and care of gressive 46 66 casualties. Extensive collection of guns and Douglas Jack D 1972 Observing Deviance. Research on Deviance. New York. Random House ammunition. No food storage. Few supplies. Epperson Dave 1982 To the point. Survival Guide Has sketchy emergency evacuation plans to 44 two possible retreat sites, but admits possible Henslin James M 1972 Studying deviance in four problems with jammed roads. Knows that one settings: Research experiences with cabbies, suicides, drug users and abortionees. J Douglas of his biggest challenges is to create or find ed. Research on Deviance. New York. Random a survivalist support group in his area. House Level 3. Frank, a 50-year old Air Force retiree Liebmann A 1982 The Survivalists. Public Broad­ now works in civil defense in Kentucky. Life casting Service. PVT Productions. member of the National Rifle Association. Linder Stephen N 1982 Survivalists: Ethnography ofan Urban Millenial Cult Unpub PhD thesis. Los Hunts for sport, and has 3-month food supply. Angeles California, Univ of California Periodically visits his survival base (retreat), Mitchell John G 1983 Waiting for Apocalypse. a large farm. Has supportive relations with Audubon 85 18-24 long-time neighbors and nearby relatives. Payne Nick 1982 Seafarer Survival. Survival Guide 79-11 Level 4. Rance and Ann, a married couple Tappan Mel 1981 Tappan on Survival Rogue River, with 4 children live in central Massachusetts. O~egon. Janus Their prime worry is nuclear war, but now they feel that an internal conspiracy, planned by Trilateralists, Bilderburgers, and Rothchilds is occuring in the United States. Rance is a sur­ vival supplier, writer, and consultant, member of the National Rifle Association, experienc­ ed attack dog trainer, and skilled with such weapons as small arms, long bows and cross FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 47

WORK PRESSURE SIMILARITY FOR HOMEMAKERS, MANAGERS & PROFESSIONALS Janet Saltzman Chafetz, Anthony Gary Dworkin, University of Houston, Texas For most Americans, their work roles con­ find enough real work to fill at least 40 hours stitute an important part of the self-image and per week, or create enough activities which an important basis of self-esteem. Typically, can be justified as real work to fill the hours. for men, their labor force occupation provides It is not simply a matter of convincing others not only the financial resources which shape that one is doing a week's work. After all, their material life style, but gauge their degree without supervision, how is anyone to know of success as human beings. For women, if one is faking? The real issue is that in such work in the labor force and as a homemaker, a situation, one's self-esteem requires or exclusively as a homemaker is central in convincing oneself that one is really working. defining how successful and who they are as One may do that best, not merely by filling in women, and as human beings. We judge the minimum hours defined as a work week, others, and are judged in terms of value of but by expanding the work week to 60 hours work performed. This results in self-judgment or more. The legitimizing techniques of full highly colored by performance in work roles. time homemakers and those of unsupervised In the last decade, some social scientists labor force participants are very similar. have belatedly begun to pay attention to household tasks as work, and to compare this SOCIABILITY ON THE JOB type of work with paid labor roles~ We will com­ People appear to need sociability to enjoy pare practices of full time homemakers and their work roles. They mayor may not need those of certain white collar workers which, on to interact with others, actually to accomplish the surface may seem quite different. the tasks associated with their work roles. In the United States, about 40 hours per Management and professional work roles are week constitute the minimum time investment often characterized by extensive committee required to convince oneself and others that work. Consider the endless number of com­ one is fulfilling a work role adequately, and mittees found in university and corporate set­ that visible, socially desirable products or ser­ tings, and the long hours the members spend vices issue from the endeavor. In closely in committee meetings. Then think about the supervised work roles, including most manual actual policy changes and operational and white collar jobs, real work will tend to fill changes, and the real impact resulting from the full work week. After all, the purpose of the committee time expenditures. Attendance close supervision is to ensure that workers at committee meetings is a legitimate use of continue to work, and their tasks usually are work time, in the sense that nearly everyone well-defined and unending. recognizes this behavior as part of the work However, in many work roles in managerial, role. This is true regardless of the administrative, and professional positions, and accomplishments or lack of accomplishment in homemaking, direct supervision is absent. of the committees. Therefore, the individual Task definition and accomplishment are left can fill up considerable amounts of work time largely to the worker. Norms concerning the with meetings whose real function may be amount of work to be accomplished. amd even more one of sociability which goes under the the level of the accomplishment are often mask of legitimate work activity. Indeed, com­ ambiguous. In· such cases, developing and mitees issue reports, the function of which is maintaining self-esteem require that the at least partially to justify to the members and worker fill at least the socially defined minimal others that real work was done, and that the hours with activities than can be legitimated time investment was legitimate. as real work, and that there be acknowledg­ The often-ridiculed koffee klatch of ed products, such as clean clothes, meals, homemakers represents essentially the same reports, and records of clients served or phenomenon, lacking only the high level of treated. These must be credible both to others legitimation which is accorded to committee and to the worker as worth the time invest­ meetings. Homemakers often legitimate such ment. Thus, the unsupervised worker must meetings in terms of getting their children FREE INQUIRY IN CREA.TIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 48 together for necessary interactive play. Such leisure in work related ways, so does the legitimation probably fails to convince people homemaker mother convince herself of the who are not full time homemakers. Nonethe­ extend of maternal commitment by such less, it can serve to help housewives maintain activity. For older homemakers, community their self-esteem, since they validate each volunteer work provides the same legitimation others' definition of the function of their of self as a worthy and productive person. meetings as child-oriented. Cocktail parties and golf games also serve Committee meetings and koffee klatches not another purpose. In such settings people only provide at least partially legitimated set­ attempt to redefine group boundaries to tings in which to fill sociability needs. They facilitate future personal and corporate gain. also provide the very important work-related A client who regularly golfs with someone is function of information exchange. While a more likely to place the order with that per­ committee may actually accomplish nothing, son rather than with a competitor. A subor­ information exchanged by committee mem­ dinate who dines with the manager is likely bers may help each to fulfill the work role to support that person in situations of office requirements more successfully. Likewise, conflict. Individuals are likely to consider such information exchanged on child-rearing prac­ leisure partners as friends too valuable to tices, recipes, labor-saving methods, and betray, cheat, or subvert. Sometimes the kof­ cleaning products may help homemakers per­ fee klatch serves a similar function. The more form their work roles better. Lacking clear mothers incorporate into the circle, the more norms specifying the type and quantity of work prospective playmates for their children, the output, they are developed informally through better the exchange of baby sitting services, personal interaction in such settings. and other perquisites for each member.

USE OF LEISURE WORKER COMPULSIVENESS If there is need to extend work roles to The need to fill hours with legitimated activi­ perceive oneself in a more positive light, then ty can result in a lot of makework. Managers, we might expect that some part of what is administrators and professionals may draft defined as leisure will be legitimated as work­ many unread memoranda and reports, clean related. Managers, administrators and profes­ data decks endlessly, do a few more computer sionals often organize leisure activities such runs, "just to be sure:' or make another round as golf games, parties, luncheons and dinners of patient calls "just to be safe:' They may around work related functions. They justify this redo, or do to excess tasks that are legitimate­ in terms of competition: "When our com­ ly part of their regular work in order to expand petitors entertain clients and subordinates, we the hours they define as necessary to main­ must do the same:' If none did, clients would tain their self-esteem. Such tasks are inherent­ buy from someone and subordinates would ly legitimate: hence the excessive doing of not be unhappy because of the perquisites them also appears legitimate. available to others. We suggest that the ex­ Similarly, homemakers may do the laundry tension of work into leisure helps one to con­ daily, dust, mop, vacuum several times week­ vince oneself of one's genuine commitment ly, or cook elaborate dinners on a regular to the work role, which makes one a highly basis. These are tasks that must be done worthy person. more or less regularly, and they are intrinsical­ Homemakers similarly extend work activities ly legitimate. However, as most homemakers into leisure, in excursions to the zoo, wh9 take on a full time job in the labor force museums, movies and other enrichment soon discover, these household tasks can be activities for the children. Instead of relaxing, performed far less frequently than daily or they convince themselves that all manner of several times weekly. These household tasks, structured leisure, which is scarcely relaxing even when done to excess, seem to use time for the parent, is necessary for the proper legitimately, maintaining the homemaker's development of their children. Just as a male self-image as hard-working and worthy. sales representative convinces himself of the extent of his work commitment by using FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 49

WORKER INDISPENSABILITY the justification for an adeuqate performance, Perhaps the biggest boon to self-esteem is shared understandings may not be adequately to be found in convincing oneself that one is articulated to the evaluator. In turn, the personally indispensable - that one's evaluator and observer becomes an outsider absence or failure to accomplish a given task who is assumed not to understand the one at a given time will seriously affect the ability correctway to perform the task, as establish­ of the larger organization, client, or family and ed by the worker, and yet is expected by the household to function. Rarely are people really worker to accept all the worker's criteria for indispensable, and rarely will the failure to get task performance. In cases where the something done now, rather than tomorrow observer has to fill in for the worker who is really do more than create a minor inconven­ temporarily unavailable, it is likely that the task ience for others. will be performed in a way which differs from The·scholar who works extra hours to com­ the worker's understanding of the correctway. plete a paper for publication is self-convinced This serves to heighten the worker's percep­ that the work must appear in the earliest jour­ tion of self as indispensable, and the only one nal issue. The physician who works extra who can perform the task adequately. The hours to see a few more patients may assume worker may so severely criticize the work of that other doctors are less competent. The the substitute who filled in, as to extinguish manager who takes a report home to read the substitute's future willingness to help. With must believe that there will be major organiza­ no others available or willing to perform the tional problems if the report were left for later task, the worker creates a self-fulfilling pro­ reading. The homemaker who stays up late phecy of being indispensable. to finish the laundry must think it vital that her Unsupervised workers are also often unwill­ family have clean clothing to wear tomorrow. ing to delegate authority or even specific tasks In each case, the person is convinced that to others so as to lighten their work load. To spending more hours is necessary because do so would reduce the amount of avaliable no other person can to these extremely impor­ real workto fill in the time. Moreover, delega­ tant tasks soon enough or well enough. That tion of part of the task by definition declares is potent balm to self-esteem. that the worker is not indispensable. Finally, The process by which workers come to as suggested concerning the way in which define themselves as indispensable can be workers come to see themselves as indispens­ suggested. In social settings, workers and able when authority or tasks are delegated, those with whom they interact share a com­ their performance usually disappoints the mon set of understandings about the criteria delegator. When a homemaker delegates for evaluating work. In highly supervised work some aspect of child care to her husband, she roles, there may be training periods, an is likely to find that he accomplished the work apprenticeship, clear job specifications, and differently than she would have done, and even contractual agreements involving both incorrectly, by her standards. Henceforth she the worker and those specifically charged with may not readily ask him to help again. An irony supervision and evaluation. However, of the homemaker's refusal to delegate homem'akers and many professionals cannot authority or tasks is that the observer may apprentice with those who will later serve as never come to discover that homemaking evaluators, but did so with an earlier genera­ tasks involve real work, by which the observer tion who can rarely render judgments after would become more willing to accept the apprenticeship is ended. Thus the worker and homemaker's definitions of adequate perfor­ evaluator are less likely to share a set of rules mance of the role. Similarly, the manager may for judging performance. The homemaker delegate responsibility for a report to a subor­ apprentices with her family of origin, but is dinate, only to feel compelled later to redo the judged by her family of procreation, and by report to meet private expectations. Unsuper­ friends. The professional apprentices with an vised workers often expand their work and earlier generation at the professional school, feelings of indispensability beyond the work and later works in other institutional settings. th_ev actuallv must do, by discouraging or When the worker creates both the norms and denying others the opportunity to participate. FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 50

TECHNOLOGY DILEMMA actually experience diminished self-esteem, We have argued that occupations in the and come to view their performance and porfessions, management, and administra­ themselves as inadequate. tion, along with homemaking share three characteristics: 1) their work is not subject to CONCLUSIONS close supervision; 2) norms for adequate per­ In work settings where people are not closely formance are largely self-created, subject to supervised and work-related norms are challenge, and problematic; 3) there is often ambiguous, self-esteem is fragile. It depends less real work than can readily fill a conven­ at least partly on filling the hours one is sup­ tionally defined work week. Such occupations posed to be working with tasks resulting in have two needs: 1) fill the time with activities products which can be defined by self and to be busy or apparently busy; 2) define to others as legitimate work. It is further enhanc­ oneself and others that those-activities are ed if the hours can be extended with legiti­ important, profitable, and a wise use of time. mated activity, and especially if one can con­ Technological innovations make work easier, vince oneself that the extra hours are required less tedious, and faster. In turn, these innova­ on the basis of indispensability. tions tend to decrease the amount of real work Homemakers do not differ from profes­ time needed to produce a given quantity of sionals, managers, and administrators in the quality products. As a result, the technological types of mechanisms they' use to attempt to innovations often serve to increase the need legitimate their activities and maintain self­ to fill the time with work, as well as to alter esteem. They differ only in-one important way. definitions of adequate performance and pro­ People within and outside of the labor force ductivity. Computers and word processors tend to legitimate the techniques employed by make the creation of reports and research those whose labor is paid. Committee work, articles more rapid, and hence increase the and business-related use of leisure time, work­ number produced. In addition they provide related compulsiveness, and indispensibility users more time to recheck findings or to do are generally widely perceived as part and more complex analysis. Thus they raise parcel of upper-level white collarjobs. Koffee expectations of quality. In the same way, the klatches and housework compulsiveness are micro wave oven, food processor, and the butt of jokes by those who are in the paid automated washers and dryers increase the labor force. The fact that homemakers often need of homemakers to justify to themselves forego real leisure in an attempt to enrich the and others that they worked long enough. lives of their children is scarcely perceived, to These devices serve to change expectations say nothing of being respected as a work­ regarding quantity and quality of the products related and helpful activity. Lip service is given of labor. Gourmet meals are more expected, to the indispensability of the homemaker, but and less appreciated than before advent of the no one equates that to the indispensability of professional kitchen equipment. Standards of the work of the physician or the accountant. cleanliness have risen because of techno­ The fact that the homemakers' at best logical innovation. Dishes cannot be just clean legitimate one another in these ways suggests - they must be sterile, mirror-like, without that the result is lower self-esteem for them water spots. A century ago, ring around the than their counterparts whose salaried techni­ collar was of small concern to the homemaker. ques are more generously and more richly The very devices created and sold to reduce legitimated in a social sense. This may explain the tedium of work and to enhance work quali­ why, when asked what they do, homemakers ty cause stress for the unsupervised worker, are inclined to say: "I am only a housewife:' often forcing more time-filling and more labor Her professor husband, who spent the day at on more creative products which take as much a meeting of the Academic Advisement Com­ or more time to produce as the same product mittee, and in cleaning his data files for a of an earlier time, preceding the new study of attitudes toward the use of guns in technololgy. Where they fail to create new neighborhood crime would never respond: "I time-filling activities, and fail to heighten role am only a professor of- sociology:' performance, unsupervised workers may FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 51

SOCIAL HISTORY AND AMERICAN PREOCCUPATION WITH IDENTITY David Field, University of Leicester, England Richard V Travisano, University of Rhode Island INTRODUCTION United States this is never done. In some Symbolic interactionism has often been delikatessens during rush hours, strangers accused of ignoring history and 'social struc­ may share tables, but conversation is rare. If ture: These complaints have come from out­ unaccompanied, one eats mutely. In no side and from within the sociological perspec­ American restaurant would an American ask tive (Rock 1979 217; Meltzer et al 1975 119). to sit with strangers and then chat with them. Such criticisms, usually based on misunder­ The British are basically sure of who they are, standing of the perspective's theoretical and and feel it quite comfortably when their methodological presuppositions are largely accents, clothing and demeanor label them misplaced. Adherence to a symbolic inter­ British in an American setting. Americans are actionist view does not necessarily preclude basically unsure of who they are, and an interest in historical processes and struc­ experience their instant identification as tural factors, as the work of Mills (1956) and Americans in the British setting as very dif­ Strauss (1971) amply demonstrates. Apprecia­ ferent and very pleasant. It i~ a very pleasant tion of such factors is often central to an change to be someone in a situation without adequate analysis of problems at the heart of effort. Americans who continuously strive at the symbolic interactionist concern. home to become something find to their A concern with identity is central to symbolic delight that in Britain they alreay are interaction, and this concern mirrors a general something every time they speak. preoccupation with identity, which is a Another issue of note is the American style characteristic feature of the embedding in of interaction. Most observers would agree United States society. In contrast, in British that Americans are generally more garrulous sociological circles and in British society, there and more assertive than Britons. Reflection on is little concern, let alone preoccupation, with this matter indicates that Americans seem to identity. It is sometimes suggested by British say more but to reveal less. They use a kind sociologists that their American colleagues are of concealment through revealing, a techni­ overly and irritatingly concerned with identity que of holding the world at bay through both personally and professionally. This display. Nancy Reagan would not curtsey to preoccupation with identity in the United Queen Elizabeth when representing the States srpings from history and social United States at the wedding of Prince structure. Charles, where~s Queen Elizabeth, visiting Arabic countries, accepted the Arabic THE AMERICAN PREOCCUPATION customs relating to women's behavior and In the United States, at the start of each day appearance, rather than impose English in schools, children reaffirm their American customs on her hosts. Americans at home and identity by reciting the pledge of allegiance to abroad seem to act in ways which make the the flag. Nothing similar to this occurs in encounters very much their show. In the BritiSh schools. In the United States, preced­ language of sociology, the forwardness and ing many public sporting events, at the pro­ demonstrativeness of Americans in encount­ fessional, college, and high school level, the ers works to define situations in the National Anthem is played. This is not the American's terms, and their manner of enjoin­ case in Britain. In the more modern major ing interaction works to make all situations American airports, waiting areas have individ­ their own, especially in the British setting. This ual television sets to be watched privately by mode of jumping to the fore and estabalishing travelers. This is thought to be a pleasant the game plan for the encounter avoids the accommodation in America, but is not under­ anxiety of operating in an unfamiliar manner, standable to Britons. A usual practice in British and it stems from a lack of surety of self. cafes and lunchrooms is for strangers to share Americans are more preoccupied with iden­ tables and to chat amiably and politely. In the tity because they are less relaxed than Britons FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 52 about who they are. This preoccupation is world. The British novel, Cards of Identity manifested in the divergent but related (Dennis 1961) features members of a BritiSh behaviors of display and protectiveness. The identity association who meet annually to give Anthem is played; the American stands with reports on their identity changes. Author knowing self-awareness, as at table or watch­ Dennis' view so fits the view of symbolic ing television in public places, and protects interaction that one character reports behavior personal singularity at the same time. The which was never experienced, but which is American's behavior is similar in conversation, purely imaginary. The clear implication is that where one announces oneself on one's own there is no difference in life experienced and terms, forcing others to relate to that. life imagined, as both are equally symbolic fic­ tions. In George Bernard Shaw's Pygmalion, IDENTITY Eliza Doolittle's mastery of English through In a succinct and influential definition of iden­ Professor Higgins' tutoring merely allows her tity in symbolic interaction, Stone (1970 300) to pass as a young woman of breeding among says that an identity is a validated announce­ his friends. In the American movie version, ment which establishes what and where a per­ Miss Doolittle ends up marrying the professor. son is in social space. A person announcing Americans seem to insist that the self is or laying claim to a particular identity does so apparent rather than substantive. They seem by appearance and demeanor, which includes to be preoccupied with identity, and to lack social place, grooming, and clothing. And surety of self. Symbolic interaction seems to when the audience of others in the encounter mirror this preoccupation and lack of firm respond in kind, indicating by their behavior grasp by conceptualizing identity as a that accept this claim, the announcement is dramaturgically realized will-o'-the-wisp. validated and identity is established in the con­ cert of behavior. Thus established, it is IDENTITY IN BRITAIN & AMERICA experienced reflexively by the person as a felt How is Britain different in terms of identity? identity, which is to say that it seems or feels If we take identity as the often-changing sense experientially real, and for the moment, of who or what one is, gained through role becomes the meaning of the self. playing in everyday life, and admit that such The phrase for the moment is important here. behavior is a large part of what goes on in both It is generally held, in symbolic interaction that America and Britain, we may still ask if the the self is an essentially unrelated bunch of wherewithall so to play roles is really all there identities which exist as meanings when suc­ is to self. Rootedness in social history makes cessfully played out in interaction, but which for persons who possibly have real consis­ do not exist in any other way. In this severe tencies in behavior over long periods of life dramaturgic view of everyday interaction the in many different situations, and who possibly world becomes only a stage. While one plays play at many of their roles with great the part of Hamlet one is Hamlet. When one awareness and deliberation. They certainly is not playing any role, one is not anything at have a consistent and fairly unshakable sense all. The implication, supported in many of what they are. Such more permanent interactionist quarters, is that there is no aspects of a person do not represent a more permanence in the self beyond such per­ real or true self than the less permanent ones. manence as there might be in a particular But such aspects exist, and they make a dif­ social role in a particular historic period. In ference in behavior. The difference is the modern society, where such permanence is basis for the American preoccupation with rare, the self becomes a kaleidoscope. This identity and the British ease about identity. view is peculiarly American. Stone (1970) suggests that four types of iden­ Such a vision is not entirely foreign to British tity may be distinguished, varying by their consciousness. The Guardian newspaper relevance in various situations. 1) Universal from 1979 carried an advertisement which identities such as sex and age, "designate asked, "Shamed by your English?" It went on one's humanity:' They are basic identities, to offer a course in proper speaking which pro­ taken for granted, which have influence in mised to give one a "leg up" in the business almost all situations in terms of deference FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 53 and demeanor, and at the same time, they are they act, and seem to act from the stance of essentially given. There is no effort involved what they are. This is history built into people. in estabishing them. Rather, they are difficult In the United States, people seem to act so to avoid. 2) There are identities which are that they can become something, and indeed, embedded in what Stone calls structural the best·American sociological thought on relations. Simply put, these are the institu­ identity claims that a person who is not acting tionalized roles of life which' have relevance out some identity is nothing at all. in many, but not all situations. Various work roles, especially professional roles are good DIFFERENT HISTORIES examples. 3) Less formally structured inter­ 1) Different Attitudes Toward Authority. personal relations are both more diffuse Britain had a feudal system for a long time and in meaning and more restricted in scope than moved out of it very slowly. It is no news that structurally based identities. 4) There are certain legacies of that system continue in relational identities which are peculiarly British life today. America never had a feudal characteristic of mass societies. These are not system, and many of its immigrants were particularly important, and have a very limited seeking to escape from what they regarded relevance across situations, such as shopper, as oppressive forms of institutionalized and movie-goer. By using Stone's ideas we authority. America was established on the can get a small but crucial difference between conscious notion that long-held customs and America and Britain. traditions are to be abandoned (Noble 1968). In the United States, the only aspects of a Thus we may say that America is a deliber­ person which seem basically to inform most ately enacted society rather than a historical­ situations, and the only universal identities, ly cressive one. It is a society which was are age, sex, and race or ethnicity. In Britain, deliberately started by consciously rejecting it seems that one must add national or a heritage of long-held customs and traditions. regional identity to the list. Some Britons think We need to consider but one telling point. The of themselves as British. Others think Scot, United States has operated reasonably well or Welsh, or Gordie or English identity. These for almost 200 years on the basis of a quite identities are basic because they are essen­ excellent written constitution which contains tially given in situations. They are not open to various checks and balances to protect negotiation and they are not doubted. They against the usurpation of authority by anyone constitute a base for interaction. In the United individual or group, while protecting the rights States one is an individual, a person, and one of all individuals to specific freedoms. Britain may also be Italian, Irish, Polish, or Norwe­ has operated reasonably well for a longer gian. In Britain, one is English, Scottish, or period with no written constitution. Attitudes Welsh. The important difference here is that to institutionalized authority are founded on the seeminly similar designations in the two a long tradition of centralization, and com­ societies are not the same. In the United pared to the United States, relative trust and States their character is essentially adjectival, acceptance of centralized power (Thornton while in Britain it is essentially nominal. 1966). Today, Britain is the more tightly cen­ This sense of self which Britons have is not tralized of the two societies. merely ideational, and not merely a reflection 2) Geographic Space. The United States is in their heads. These identities of British, a vast country, and Americans think of it as English, Scottish, or Welsh are manifested in SUCh. Further, there is a history of people mov­ their behavior. While a British reader might ing out over that space in the past, especially readily agree that such identities and the when they felt their independence threaten­ actions which go with them are basic and ed. Ideationally, in the American popular con­ given in interaction, American readers might sciousness, the spaciousness of the country have trouble with this, because identity is has long been associated with individuality problematic in the United States. These iden­ and separateness. And popular conscious­ tities are basic in Britain, as they are never ness aside, communities spread out across challenged and no one ever loses them. In the space of America more than 100 years ago Britain, people seem to be something before with broad geographic separation. FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 54

Britain, by contrast, as a relatively small new world. There is a fair number of structures country. There have been many people 150 years old dotted over the American north­ relatively crowded in Britain for a relatively east, but most of the country has few struc­ long time. Britons are conscious and proud of tures built before 1900, and many towns have their position on an island off the mainland of none. Britain has thousands on thousands of Europe. This small island geography, as buildings - cathedrals, churches, castles, opposed to the continental geography of the public buildings, houses and cottages - 300 United States, seems to make for a certain all­ to 600 years old. It has no mean number of of-this-island-together mentality for which churches and castles up to 1000 years old, there is no equivalent in the United States. and beyond that, is almost littered with Further, this attitude has been periodically Roman, Bronze Age, Iron Age, and Stone Age reinforced by British involvement in European sites. wars which, unlike most war involvements of The impact of this difference on the people the United States, posed the immediate threat is hard to specify. If we consider that there are of invasion, and directly involved a large por­ still a few people in the American northeast tion of the male population. The British, as living in 200 year old ancestral homes, and if against the American involvement in World we imagine what it is like to live in such a situa­ War II, highlights this difference. Not merely tion, knowing that one's own forebears had internal space, but also the spatial relation lived in those very rooms for all those years, with other countries is important in engender­ we begin to appreciate that the overwhelm­ ing different senses of identity. ing majority of Americans have no sense of 3. Ethnicity. The ethnic intensity of Britain is immediate delimited connection with the past. contrasted to the ethnic diversity of the United This kind of connection may be called the past States. It is quite a different thing to be a as actuality, a kind of connection with history member of one of a very few ethnic groups, which Americans lack because they are so as in Britain, as against being a member of mobile and so newly established in such a vast one of a large multitude of ethnic groups, as country. in the United States. Compounding the issue In Britain there are not large numbers of of diversity, and leading to the dissolution of people living in ancestral homes, and the pro­ ethnic identity in America, is the fact that while portion may be no larger than in the United Scots, Welsh, and English always were States. But in Britain, the plethora of older Britons, American Italians, Lithuanians, structures seems to combine with the other Greeks, and others of immigrant origin were factors we have mentioned into something not always Americans. The British situation which comes down to the same thing: a sense has worked toward the maintenance of ethnic of the past which anchors. This kind of con­ identity, while the American has worked nection with history, as the past actuality toward its dissolution. should be understood as more than a matter History as Idea or as Actuality. of perspective. Rather, it is an actual connec­ The key to the difference between the two tion with the past as it has come down the societies' connection with the past is the large years infused with the present in ways which influx or immigrants in American history, the make for particular perspectives and actions great mobility in American society, and the in the people involved, in traditional modes of legacy of ahistoricism in the American con­ behavior. This kind of connection anchors sciousness of the past. So many Americans people, and being anchored, people seem to are of immigrant stock, and so many are have a sense of who, where, and what they geographically and socially mobile. This are. They cannot escape it. This describes the mobility is recognized as implying a lack of British. stable identification, a loss of symbols of the Americans lack this kind of connection, and past, and a loss of personal and social history being unanchored, they drift everywhere. (Klapp 1969; Lifton 1969; Berger 1963). They seem unable to stop the drifting. Living American life is less rooted in history and in a condition where traditional connections historic symbols than British life. And there is have been broken, Americans' sense of the certainly a physical difference. America is a past is what we may call the past as idea. FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 55

This means that the Americans' idea of the From an evolutionary perspective, all animals past is not the history of their own ethnic must connect effectively to the world if they group, be it that German or Italian or Greek. are to persist as individuals and as species. It is not even the history of America in a con­ Human beings, essentially freed from what we ceptualization even somewhat related to what call instincts in animals, connect to the world has actually gone on for the past 200 years. through symbolic culture. In any human com­ Rather, it is the imagined history of escape munity which persists over a long period, a from the oppression of the Old World to the great deal of wisdom about the world - what opportunities of the New World. This yields a it is and how it works, and how it can be completely distorted notion of history simply manipulated, and how it is dangerous - is as a land of opportunity. won through trial and error and long experi­ Since a people's notion of the past obvious­ ence. In the United States over the past 200 ly informs their behavior, we may ask what this years~ the millions of immigrants from all over difference between Britain and the United Europe and Africa have abandoned their States means in the way people relate to the ancestral culture. The new generations have world around them. Put dramatically, the abandoned the ways and wisdom of their British relate from the stance of having once parents and grandparents, and earlier built and ruled a great empire. The Scots and forebears. Lost are their native language, Welsh live from the stance of having long suf­ folklore, wisdom, music, dancing, and arts. fered the Vikings, the Normans, and more Such losses are not always total, and some recently, the English. Britons do dramatize elements are retained in many cases, but this their history. We would expect a people with is in bits and pieces. In a general sense, their so much Celtic background and influence to past was totally lost. exercise good deal of poetic license. But It could be argued that loss of such items as poetic license with the past is not what hap­ language or music is not cultural loss. The pens in the United States. Americans relate Irish speak more English than Erse, and no to the world from a stance of a totally imagin­ one questions their sense of ethnic identity. ed past of escape from historical and com­ Yet there is a difference. The Irish have made munal connections into boundless opportuni­ English their own, rendering and transform­ ty, where Miss Doolittle marries her Professor ing it with the Gaelic rhythm and lilt. No Higgins, or where the princess' kiss turns the successful American group has done anything frog into a handsome prince. American tradi­ similar. Only at the very bottom of the tion is based on British and European dreams. American class structure, with black and The British are living in history, while Hispanic Americans does one find English Americans are living in a British fairy tale. But language with distinction. There may be even in America, life is not at all like a fairy regional accents in the United States, but tale. these are not associated with ethnic groups. When ethnic groups came to the United LOSS OF HISTORICAL CONNECTION States, their oral traditions stopped dead in The overall combination of these differences a generation. The old ways were deliberately in history and connection with the past make isolated and discarded in an effort to become for what can be called a loss of historical con­ "American:' American ethnics are proud to nection in the United States. This is nothing acknowledge their ethnic origin, but they are less than a loss of culture. The term loss of also proud to be real "Americans:' and do not culture is strange to sociology, where a liberal want to be thought of as greenhorns just off tradition has led to the wide acceptance of the the boat. Toward such new immigrants, even idea, generally taken as fact, that all cultures from their own old-world country, they condes­ are different but equal, and that all. human cend from the heights of their superior beings have culture, because a cultureless Americanism. human is not possible. This is true only in part. Americans have escaped their own individual A human being without culture is impossible, ethnic histories and connections by getting but it is not true that all cultures are equal, lost in the ahistoricism built into American equally effective and equally humanizing. society on the basis of a European dream of FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 56 escape from history. This is the dream which within sameness in Britain, there is much followed the immigrants themselves to the sameness within dissimilarity in the United New World, down to the present. The real States. Yet Americans can be much more bother in this is that an enacted tradition individual. Less caught in history, communi­ based on a human dream is different than a ty, and tradition, they can be more free if they historical tradition based on a long history of dare, and when they dare, they are often informing human experiences. When this explosively and startlingly creative. While such dream of unconnectedness has persisted as creativity may gain Americans much notorie­ it has in the United States, the hard-won tradi­ ty, and sometimes fame and fortune, it does tional wisdom which is being thrown away is not give them sureness of identity. Identity for never regained. The culture remains ever human beings seems to come only from con­ young and buoyant, full of hope and promise, nection with unbroken historical community. but full of naivete as well. The glory of it is the typical American enthusiasm and frontier sen­ REFERENCES sibility of being able to overpower the world. Berger PL 1963 Invitation to Sociology. Garden City The cost is a built-in stupidity about life and NJ Anchor Doubleday Dennis N 1960 Cards of Identity. New York. the human condition and history. Meridian Books Klapp 0 I 1969 Collective Search for Identity. New CONCLUSION York. Holt Rinehart Winston These historical differences between Britain Lifton RJ 1969 History and Human Survival? New York. Random House and the United States are what lie behind the Meltzer B N, JW Petras, LT Reynolds 1975 Sym­ the American preoccupation with identity, on bolic Interactionism. Genesis, Varieties, and the one hand, and the British ease about iden­ Criticism. London, Boston. Routledge Kegan Paul tity on the other hand. Acceptance of authori­ Mills CW 1956 The Power Elite. New York. Oxford ty as against its lack, and smaller space as U Press Noble DW 1968 The Eternal Adam and the New against space which seems boundless, ethic World Garden: The Central Myth in the American intensity as against ethnic diversity, the past Novel Since 1830. New York. Braziller as actuality as against the past as idea, and Rock P 1979 The Making of Symbolic Inter­ unbroken tradition as against tradition aban­ actionism. New York. Oxford U Press Snowman D 1977 Britain and America: An Inter­ doned - these have made the difference. pretation of their Culture, 1945-1975. New York. Britons are more sure of who they are, and Harper Row so have a sense of surety and strength in Stone GP 1970 Appearance and the Self. GB themselves to be more individuated. In a Stone, HA Farberman eds. Social Psychology remarkable reversal, there is in the people of through Symbolic Interaction. Waltham Massachusetts. Ginn Blaisdell Britain, much differentiation within sameness. Strauss AL 1971 The Contexts of Social Mobility: The American situation is the reverse. Lack­ Ideology and Theory. Chicago. Aldine ing a sense of surety about identiy, Americans Thornton A P: 1966 The Habit ofAuthority; Pater­ are significantly less individuated and more nalism in British History. London. Allen Unwin conforming. While there is differentiation FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 57

TRENDS IN SOCIOECONOMIC RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION Craig St John, University of Oklahoma INTRODUCTION innumerable daily decisions dealing with Previous research on trends in residential spatial activities." (Berry, Kasarda 1977 78). segregation has focused on segregation Residential segregation should be positively based on race, indicating that a high level of related to increasing urban scale if this argu­ residential segregation between blacks and ment is correct. Longitudinal data presented whites persists in cities in the United States here can only be suggestive as to the despite gradual decreases in recent decades ~ccuracy of this hypothesis. (Taeuber, Taeuber 1965; Sorensen et a11975; Van Valey et al 1977). Others examined resi­ DATA AND METHODS dential segregation based on differences in This study applies longitudinal data for the socioeconomic status (Duncan, Duncan interval 1940-1970 in which census tracts are 1955a; Uyeke 1964; Erbe 1975; Farley 1977). the areal units for which residential segrega­ Only Simkus (1978) has examined changes tion is calculated. Census tracts are small in the level of socioeconomic segregation over areas, averaging 4000 population, are relative­ the census interval 1960-1970. ly homogeneous, fixed, and with relatively In this paper I assess changes in residential stable boundaries. They are conceived to segregation based on socioeconomic status approximate urban neighborhoods (US over the three decennial census intervals, Census Bureau 1970). 1940-1970. This period, including four decen­ Most studies of residential segregation, nial census years, is long enough to determine whether they focus on race or on socio­ if minor shifts in socioeconomic segregation economic status, have been cross-sectional found for recent decades are part of longterm for a single point in time. Others that have shifts, or are small fluctuations in a relatively included more than one point in time have not stable residential pattern. been truly longitudinal studies because they For the present analysis, data limitations calculated the level of segregation existing in preclude any explicit test of hypotheses urban areas on the basis of all existing cen­ derived from urban theory, but it has impor­ sus tracts for each point in time. Because the tant implications for the theory of increasing Census Bureau continues to tract more ter­ societal scale as applied to the urban social ritory as cities expand, and because they environment (Greer 1962; Shevky, Bell 1955; change the boundaries of some census tracts, Wilson, Wilson 1945; Hunter 1978; Berry, such studies tend not be be based on com­ Kasarda 1977 Ch 4). An argument can be parable units over time. This would not be a made that as the urban environment grows in problem if newly tracted areas had population size and complexity, increasing in scale, compositions identical to older areas, or if tract urban dwellers might have increasing motiva­ boundary changes were random. But newly tion to carve out small homogeneous niches tracted areas tend to be suburban and quite that are free from the uncertainties of the different from older areas; and tract boun­ larger urban environment (St John 1981). This daries are often changed to preserve tract implies that residential segregation intensifies homogeneity, which is certainly nota random with increasing scale. We can view the homo­ event. geneous communities emerging in modern To make this study truly longitudinal, three mass society as an adaptation to the scale of longitudinal data sets spanning all of parts of the urban environment. They allow urban the 1940-1970 period have been constructed. residents to reduce the vagaries and grada­ The census tracts in each data set are limited tions of the urban environment to fewer to those in existence at the earliest date. This discrete categories. For their residents, local insures that for each data set, the urban area community defines" ... an area relatively free tracted is identical for all census dates. The of intruders ... where potential friends are to tract boundaries also have been adjusted so be found ... or cultivated. They minimize the that they remain constant over time. There are prospects of status insult, -and simplify the four types of boundary adjustments: 1) add FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 58 two or more tracts together at time 1 to equal trends because the racial composition of the a tract boundary at time 2; 2) divide a tract at Chicago metropolitan area, especially the time 1 into two or more tracts at time 2; 3) add central city, has changed considerably during two or more tracts together at time 1 to equal the period. The change has important implica­ the area included by two or more tracts at time tions for trends in socioeconomic segregation 2; 4) parcel portions of tracts at time 2 into a in the total population. single tract at time 1. Adjustments 1, 2, and The measures of residential segregation 3 can be exact, while adjustment 4 depends reported here are based on the Duncan and on a tract population being evenly distributed Duncan (1955a,b) index of segregation. The both heterogeneously and geographically. index indicates how much persons with a par­ Only adjustments 1, 2, and 3 were needed to ticular trait, such as college education, are compile longitudinally comparable data for the segregated from those with other traits rele­ 1940-1970 and the 1960-1970 periods. Com­ vant to the overall variable, in this case, piling data for the 1950-1970 period required education. The indexes of segregation for the adjustment 4 because the suburban tracts of several traits of the overall variable can be 1950 underwent considerable realignment weighted and summed to produce an overall before 1960, but were stable between 1960 measure of the segregation based on a and 1970. variable. Bogue and Bogue (1976) argue that The latter adjustment required tedious the relative index ofsegregation (RIS), and the "hands-on" manipulation of data, which relative index of segregation for a variable therefore was confined to one large (RISV) are influenced by population composi­ metropolitan area, Chicago. The first data set tion, and are therefore undesirable for comprises the 1940-1950-1960-1970 figures longitudinal analysis of segregation where the for 722 census tracts in an area for the cent­ population composition changes over time. ral city of Chicago, holding consistent The present .analysis relies on relative boundaries throughout the period. The second measures of segregation which adjust the data set incorporates the figures for index of segregation (IS) and the index of 1950-1960-1970, based on 1950 boundaries segretation for a variable for changes in for 1021 census tracts including the central population composition. The calculation of the city and a substantial component of Chicago three measures, index of segregation (IS), suburbs, including Gary, Hammond, and East relative index of segregation (RIS), and the Chicago, in Indiana. The third data set for relative index of segregation for a variable 1960-1970 for 1218 census tracts adds more (RISV) are as follows: Index of Segregation: of Chicago's Illinois suburbs. The choice fell on Chicago because the census tract boun­ 15=.5 E ~=1 t [(c~ I Cj)- (c~ I Cy)] x 100 f daries, particularly in the central city, have v = general category, as education. been more stable than in other comparable i = subcategory, as college, high school, cities. grade school in education. We will examine three types of socio­ c = cell count, persons. economic residential segregation, based on C = total count, persons. three variable categories: 1) education; 2) occupation; and 3) family income. The cen­ The Index ofSegregation is adjusted to yield sus tract data contain information on educa­ a Relative Index of Segregation (RIS): tional composition of the adult population from For each variable, v, let Q be the ratio; age 25, and occupational composition of the Q = Cj ICy male labor force with only minor classification differences. Family income data were col­ For Q tI .5, RIS = IS I (1 - Q); lected only from 1950. From 1960 to 1970; For Q .....5, RIS = IS I Q tract socioeconomic composition can be The Relative Index of Segregation for a determined separately for whites and non­ Variable: whites, allowing examination of trends in socioeconomic segregation separately for RISV = E ~1 (RIS ·x Q) racial groups. It is instructive to examine these m = total characteristics, i, in variable. FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 59

TABLE 1. LONGITUDINAL SEGREGATION INDEXES BY INCOME LEVEL (RIS) AND INCOME (RISV) FOR CHICAGO, 1950·1970 Relative Index of Segregation (RIS) Family Income Tracted 1940; Tracted 1950; Tracted 1960; (Quartlles) 722 tracts 1021 tracts 1218 tracts 1950 1960 1970 1950 1970 1960 1970 High 32.4 39.4 40.8 32.7 42.5 40.1 41.5 Medium high 22.5 21.4 23.6 21.8 22.8 19.5 21.1 Medium low 11.4 14.2 14.7 14.114.7 17.9 18.7 Low 27.4 30.1 29.6 28.1 31.7 29.8 31.8 Income RISV 19.9 22.0 22.8 21.3 23.4 20.8 21.7

TABLE 2. LONGITUDINAL SEGREGATION INDEXES BY EDUCATION LEVEL (RIS) AND EDUCATION (RISV) FOR CHICAGO, 1940·1970 Relative Index of Segragation (RIS) Education Tracted 1940; Tracted 1950; Tracted 1960 Levels 722 tracts 1021 tracts 1218 tracts 1940 1950 1960 1970 1950 1970 1960 1970 College 4+ 39.6 37.2 38.2 42.3 39.6 41.5 38.9 39.4 College 1-3 30.8 29.5 23.2 23.8 26.8 23.1 23.7 22.2 High school 4 27.1 17.3 14.5 12.8 15.9 14.0 14.8 14.2 High school 1-3 10.6 8.4 8.3 13.0 9.7 15.5 10.1 15.7 Elementary 8 a 15.8 14.3 13.0 15.7 15.1 18.3 14.5 18.4 Elementary 5-7b 24.8 21.5 19.7 20.8 22.4 27.0 32.4 34.6 Elementary 1-4 36.2 29.5 29.0 26.8 31.0 33.1 36.2 33.2 None 50.6 42.3 29.9 28.0 43.7 31.8 Education RISV 22.3 18.8 17.0 18.6 19.6 21.1 18.6 20.9

a, b, 1940 elementary grade categories are: a 7-8; b 5-6.

TABLE 3. LONGITUDINAL SEGREGATION INDEXES BY OCCUPATION LEVEL (RIS) AND OCCUPATION (RISV) FOR CHICAGO, 1940·1970 Relative Index of Segregation (RIS) Occupation Tracted 1940; Tracted 1950; Tracted 1960 Levels 722 tracts 1021' tracts 1218 tracts 1940 1950 1960 1970 1950 1970 1960 1970 Professional 30.4 28.8 27.7 32.0 30.0 29.2 27.2 27.0 Managerial 28.1 28.2 32.4 30.8 28.9 32.1 31.4 30.0 Sales a 28.3 30.5 28.7 28.1 28.0 28.0 26.2 Clerical 19.8 9.3 11.3 11.1 11.9 13.4 14.8 14.1 Craftsmen 16.9 18.3 20.1 19.3 18.6 19.5 19.2 19.1 Operatives 21.2 19.9 21.6 23.8 20.9 26.4 22.5 25.7 Service 23.8 34.0 31.7 23.0 .23.8 19.4 23.8 19.6 Laborers 34.1 28.4 31.7 23.0 Occupat. RISV 22.3 18.8 17.0 18.6 23.2 24.0 23.6 23.2

a No Sales category in 1940. FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 60

RESULTS income, education, and occupation as Measures of residential segregation measures of socioeconomic status calculated for levels of family income are necessitates that many people with high shown in Table 1, which shows a clear trend education and prestigious occupations can­ of increasing economic residential segrega­ not afford housing in residential areas consis­ tion. For both territorial bases, the segrega­ tent with their other socioeconomic status tion of income levels (RIS) increased con­ characteristics. The life styles people wish to sistently over time except for medium high pursue are dependent on their financial income in the central city longitudinal data. capacity. When the economic information is sum­ The absence of clear trends in educational marized in single overall measures of segrega­ and occupational residential segregation in tion (RISV) the increasing economic segrega­ Chicago from 1940 to 1970 may be at least tion is again apparent. Consistent increases partly the result of Chicago's changing racial are found in all territorial bases. The pattern composition. So far, all measures of segrega­ of segregation by level of income conforms to tion that have been reported pertain to the a U-shape; the extreme levels of income are total population, both white and nonwhite liv­ more segregated than the mid-levels. The ing in the particular tracted area. However, the extremes also display greater increase over proportion of Chicago's population that is non­ time. white has increased considerably in the Data for residential segregation based on 40-year interval, particularly in the central city education differences are shown in Table 2. area tracted in 1940 which conforms closely These data indicate that trends in the level of to the actual political boundaries of Chicago educational segregation are less consistent proper. The population ratios are shown· in over time than those for economic segrega­ Table 4. If the level of socioeconomic segrega­ tion. The summary measures of segregation tion among the growing nonwhite population (RISV) indicate that segregation increased is lower than it is among the declining white somewhat between 1950 and 1970 when population, then socioeconomic segregation calculated for the data that is based in each group could increase over time while longitudinally on the area tracted for decreasing for the total metropolitan 1950-1970, for the central city plus major population. suburbs. For the 1940-1970 data for the cen­ There is considerable support for the pro­ tral city, there is no consistent increase. And position that there is less socioeconomic when segregation is calculated by level of segregation among the nonwhite than the education, there are many exceptions to the white population. For example, blacks receive trend of increase. In fact, levels of educational less return in neighborhood quality defined in segregation in the central city remained fairly terms of the socioeconomic status of stable for the period. neighbors, and for their own socioeconomic Stability over time rather than consistent resources than whites (Villemez 1980). increase or decrease also describes trends in Presumably, this results from middle and occupational segregation in Chicago from upper class blacks being "channeled" into 1940-1970, as shown in Table 3. Summary predominantly black neighborhoods through measures of occupational segregation (RISV) housing market practices. Blacks may be display no substantial fluctuation. Examination reluctant to move into higher quality by occupation levels (RIS) also reveals no con­ neighborhoods if those neighborhoods are sistent change. predominantly white (Farley et aI1978). They The data presented to this point indicate that may also fail to take advantage of known and economic segregation increased in Chicago affordable housing opportunities in white during the 1940-1970 period, while segrega­ neighborhoods for fear that they will not be tion based on education and occupation socially accepted (Farley 1980). Whites may remained stable with relatively little change. actively try to prevent blacks from gaining It is income, and not education or occupation access to housing in their neighborhoods, that is directly tied to the housing market. The maintaining the strict lines of racial residen­ considerable discrepancy that exists between tial segregation (Berry, Kasarda 1977). FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 61

TABLE 4. POPULATION SHIFTS FOR CENSUS TABLE 5. SEGREGATION INDEXES FOR TRACTED AREAS FOR CHICAGO, 1940·1970 INCOME, EDUCATION, & OCCUPATION FOR WHITE & NONWHITE CHICAGO POPULATION Tracted 1040 Total Nonwhite Percent 722 tracts population population nonwhite Family Income Relative Index of Segregation (Quartiles) White Nonwhite 1940 3384833 281 188 8.3 1960 1970 1960 1970 1950 3591 523 509422 14.2 1960 3484517 835775 24.0 High 23.5 25.2 28.7 32.5 1970 3312402 1 143375 34.5 Medium high 11.9 12.4 18.3 21.6 Medium low 17.7 18.6 11.3 11.4 Tracted 1950 Low 22.2 25.2 24.4 30.7 1021 tracts Income RISV 18.4 19.7 20.1 23.4 1950 5082697 596034 11.7 1970 5836702 1 334375 22.9 Education College 4+ 38.6 38.2 42.0 47.8 Tracted 1960 College 1-3 23.8 21.6 24.8 27.0 1218 tracts High school 4 13.7 14.7 16.3 14.8 1960 6564286 1 019772 15.5 High school 1-3 10.7 15.4 9.8 13.0 1970 7606379 1 404716 18.5 Elementary 8 15.1 19.7 10.7 15.1 Elementary 5-7 20.1 27.5 15.1 19.5 Source: 1940 and 1950 data, Social Development Elementary 1-4 30.5 34.8 21.4 23.4 Center, Community and Family Study Center. None 38.9 35.4 26.8 30.6 1960 and 1970 data, US Census Bureau, 1977a,b. Education RISV 18.4 20.9 15.9 18.6

Moreover, when upper and middle class Occupation blacks do move into white neighborhoods, Professional 25.4 24.8 41.1 41.1 they are frequently of higher socioeconomic Managerial 29.2 27.7 35.4 33.9 status than their new neighbors (Denowitz Sales 26.0 24.7 30.6 31.2 1980). These factors may all contribute to Clerical 14.5 13.5 21.9 19.8 relatively lower levels of socioeconomic Craftsmen 17.1 18.6 15.9 16.5 segregation among the black population. In Operatives 23.0 25.0 13.0 15.8 turn, as the proportion of Chicago's nonwhite Service 19.8 17.4 19.7 18.7 22.7 population increases, they may also contribute Laborers 26.7 21.1 21.3 to a lower level of socioeconomic segregation Occupation RISV 22.0 21.9 19.2 20.7 in the total population, even though socio­ economic segregation might be increasing in both the white and nonwhite populations level of socioeconomic segregation. considered separately. Residential segregation based on education Segegation indexes for family income, increased significantly within both the white education, and occupation, calculated and the nonwhite populations between 1960 separately for whites and nonwhites are and 1970. In addition, there was a higher level shown in Table 5. The relative index of of educational segregation within the white segregation for family income indicates a population than within the nonwhite popula­ higher level of economic residential segrega­ tion in both 1960 and 1970. In fact, the 1970 tion in 1970 than in 1960 for both whites and level of educational segregation among non­ nonwhites. Furthermore, economic segrega­ whites was only slightly greater than the 1960 tion among nonwhites was higher in both 1960 level among whites. Thus, because the pro­ and 1970 than among whites. This particular portion of the total population that is nonwhite finding, though contrary to what was ex­ increased between 1960 and 1970, increases pected, is consistent with the previous result in the level of educational segregation that economic segregation in the total popula­ calculated for the total population are lower tion did increase consistently over time. This than increases calculated for each race is an example in which changing racial com­ separately. position contributes to a higher overall The 1960 and 1970 results for occupational FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 62- segregation calculated within races are virtual­ foundation is established, life styles, stage in ly identical to those for educational segrega­ the life cycle, and ethnic pluralism may take tion. The only difference is that the level of over as more salient bases for segregation. occupational segregation calculated for the The emergence of lifestyles and -life cycle white population remained the same between based ,communities as total living packages, 1960 and 1970, instead of increasing. The and the rebirth of ethnic identity in the 1970's evidence presented here provides support for might well be symptoms of this trend. If this the notion that the changing racial composi­ is the case, then residential segregation as an tion of Chicago did influence the level of adaptation to increasing urban scale should socioeconomic segregation calculated for the focus on new sets of discriminatory criteria total population, independently of changing other than socioeconomic status. Further­ levels of socioeconomic segregation within more, because life styles are largely pur­ each racial group. chasable commodities, especially in terms of living arrangements, increased segregation as CONCLUSION an adapatation to increasing urban scale is These findings have important implications likely to be concentrated among the middle for the theory of increasing societal scale as and upper classes. To examine this possibili­ it is applied to urban areas. First, it must be ty on a large scale would require census tract noted that this research does not constitute or comparable demographic data for socio­ a direct test of the theory. It deals specifically economic status cross-classified by stage in with only one case, and no attempt has been the life cycle and life style variables. made to measure an increase in scale. Before the theory can be tested adequately, more REFRENCES cities need to be examined and measures of Berry, B J L, J 0 Kasarda 19n Contemporary Urban increasing scale should be introduced. Ecology. New York Macmillan However, Chicago does represent a case to Bogue, 0 J, Elizabeth Bogue 1976 Essays in Human Ecololgy. Comm. Family Study Ctr, Chicago U be examined, and is a city that did undoubted­ Oenowitz RM 1980 Racial succession in New York ly increase in scale over the course of the City, 1960-1970. Social Forces 59 440-455 study period, given that population size and Duncan Otis 0, B Duncan 1955a Residential organizational complexity are two dimensions distrubution and occupational stratification. Amer of scale. J Sociol 60 439-503 ___ 1955b A methodological analysis of But the data for Chicago do not indicate that segregation indexes. Amer Sociol Rev 20 210-217 a clear trend of clustering in homogeneous Duncan 0 0, 0 L Featherman, B Duncan 1972 enclaves accompanied its increasing scale. Socioeconomic Background and Achievement The failure to find this trend may be largely New York. Seminar Press Erbe BM 1975 Race and socioeconomic segrega­ a result of changing racial population composi­ tion. Amer Sociol Rev 40 801-812 tion. It may also be due to the failure of the Farley R 1977 Residential segregation in urbaniz­ theory of increasing scale to account ade­ ed areas of the United States in 1970: An analysis quately for urban residential patterns. The of social class and racial differences. Demography further possibility exists, that socioeconomic 14 497-518 1980 Racial residential segregation: status is being replaced by _other criteria as Is it caused by misinformation about housing the basis for residential segregation. Life costs? Soc Sci Qtrly 61 623-637 styles, stage in the life cycle, and ethnic Farley.R, H Schuman, S Bianchi, 0 Colasanto, S pluralism may be cross-cutting socioeconomic Hatchett 1978 Chocolate city, vanilla suburbs: Will the trend toward racially separate communities status as determinants of residential location. continue? Social Sci Res 7 319-344 If this is the case, we may find that segrega­ FischerC 1981 The public and private worlds of city tion lays a foundation for homogeneous life. Amer Sociol Rev 46 306-316 clustering as an adaptation to an urban Greer Scott 1962 The Emerging City. Glencoe III environment that .is increasing in scale. The Free Press Hunter A 1978 Persistence of local sentiments in establishment of this foundation might be mass society. 133-162 0 Streed ed. Handbookof responsible for the persistent levels of Contemp. Urban Life. San Francisco Jossey Bass socioeconomic segregation found throughout the 1940-1970 period. However, once this References concluded on page 68 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 63

ATTITUDES TOWARD TECHNOLOGY AND SCIENCE IN A BIBLEBELT CITY Alexander Nesterenko and Douglas Lee Eckberg, Tulsa University, Oklahoma INTRODUCTION Of particular interest are issues thought to In recent years the crisis of science is concern the Biblebelt region, namely, evolu- thought to derive from waning public approval tion and genetic engineering, which are for science and technology (Gingerich 1975). anathema to many socially conservative This contradicts the view of some historians groups. Finally, past studies suggest that that the American public by tradition, equates public opinion is likely to be multidimensional. science with progress (Rosenberg 1961; We will apply factor analysis to establish a Handlin 65). Even so, such general approval structure of opinion on technology and would not necessarily indicate approval for science. specific technological and scientific issues. We surveyed a sample of adults of the Others propose that the purported crisis of metropolitan area of Tulsa, Oklahoma, which science is not a general anti-science crisis, but has many social, economic, and political instead, consists of various controversies characteristics prominent in recent controver- (David 1980; Hannay, Nunn 1974; Shils 1974). sies over technology and science. Tulsa has Opinion surveys reveal that the public is a high technology economy in petrochemicals, ambivalent. Despite general approval for aeronautics, and information processing. It is science, there is evident disapproval and dominated by powerful evangelical religious misunderstanding on some specific techno- institutions. With a metropolitan population of logical and scientific issues, which leads to about 500,000, it is one of the larger cities in speculation that the public may lack any the Biblebelt, of which it claims to be the coherent structure of opinion on these issues "buckle:' Concern is evident in that the (Etzioni, Nunn 1974). Oklahoma legislature did not pass a "creation Previous studies have concentrated on science" law because to do so would have general affect toward technology and science required equal time for evolution science or on specific issues, without demonstrating (Godfrey 1981). Tulsa is preparing for a major a clear structure of public opinion (Mazur controversy over a proposed nuclear power 1977; Taviss 1972; Goldman, Platt, Kaplan plant. Finally, the city is situated near several 1973; LaPorte, Metlay 1975; Anderson, Lipsey highly polluted waste disposal sites, one of 1978). The southern Biblebelt region has not which was called the worst in the nation by been studied. Several prior samples have the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency. been drawn from the west coast and from the Trained telephone interviewers administered northeast. Historically, demographically, and a 39-item questionnaire which we developed, economically, the southern Biblebelt region to 308 respondents. These respondents con­ has been the locus of several conservative stituted 54 percent of those contacted for an movements, including some against secular interview. Our findings suggest that scientific trends (Kahn 1974; Watkins, Perry respondents do not clearly distinguish 1974; Numbers 1982; Lo 1982; Thompson between technology and science, as is the 1975). case in earlier studies, so we use the combin­ ing term,tech-science. PURPOSE AND METHOD Earlier research suggests that the public is RESULTS generally confident of science. Despite a General Opinions. Initially, strong approval decline in. public confidence toward most was given for both technology and science: social institutions, in recent years, science has 89 percent said that tech-science is important, risen to rank above government, business, or very important in their lives; and 85 percent and labor unions, and just below medicine said that tech-science has made the world (Mazur 1977). Our purpose is: 1) to measure better; 74 percent agreed that tech-science general opinions on technology and science should be encouraged, and not controlled. in a Biblebelt setting; 2) to measure opinions Only 4 percent thought that tech-science is on specific technological and scientific issues. dangerous, and that it should be closely FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 64

FIGURE 1: PERCEIVED INFLUENCE IN TECHNOLOGICAL DECISION MAKING (Scale 1-5. All groups: For difference between perceived and desired, P= .001) Perceived Desired Influence Influence Group

4.4 Scientists 4.2 Public 4.0

3.8 Business 3.6 Government 3.4 3.2 3.0 2.8 2.6

controlled. They also thought that scientists questions should not be pursued by science should have more influence in decision compared to 41 percent who thought that making about technological advances than at science should be permitted to explore free­ present, and more influence than the govern­ ly. In open-end questioning it was typical for ment, business, or even the public should respondents to point out that investigation into have, as shown in Figure 1, where the rating human origins, genetic engineering, and the differences for all four groups is significant at like should not be continued. And 72 percent the .001 probability level. agreed that there is a "moral crisis" in the With respect to the general affect, this world today, while 33 percent thought that Biblebelt sample is similar to samples from science is culpable, or were unsure of the other regions of the country in its strong complicity of science in the moral "crisis:' approval of technology and science. To determine the extent to which the Specific Issues. Approval of tech-science is respondents grant authority to scientific also extended to such specific issues as opinion, they were asked to judge two issues nuclear energy, the space program, and on which there is no substantial difference of modern methods of contraception. Striking opinion within science: 1) Is astrology a exceptions occur regarding genetic engineer­ science? 2) Is evolution theory valid? Accept­ ing and laetrile, where from 22 to 51 percent ing astrology asa "science:' or rejecting of the respondents are unsure about their evolution theory, or uncertainty about the two acceptability and appropriateness, as shown would suggest a marked departure from in Table 1. opinion in the science community. And 48 per­ On other issues, respondents disagreed with cent either accepted or were unsure about the established scientific opinion or they were scientific validity of astrology, and 60 percent uncertain. Thus, 44 percent thought that some rejected or were unsure on evolution theory. FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 65

TABLE 1: PUBLIC OPINION OF TECHNOLOGY desire control, but recognize their lack of (Percent) power and information. They think that power resides in dominant national institutions. Technology very some un- some very Items bad bad sure good good STRUCTURE OF OPINIONS TOWARD Nuclear energy 8 11 22 36 23 TECHNOLOGY AND SCIENCE Fertilize in vitro 32 21 23 19 5 Factor Analysis of the Data. Factor analysis Laetrile 8 11 53 22 6 of the 29 opinion items yielded 9 principal axes Genetic engineering 21 15 38 17 9 with eigenvalues of 1.00 or greater. Varimax Space program 3 6 9 36 46 rotation was applied and it accounted for 58 New contraception ways 7 7 10 29 48 percent of the total variance in the 9 factors. These factors have clear structure, with onIy three items receiving substantial secondary TABLE 2: OPINION ON SOCIAL MOVEMENTS loadings. Items were assigned to factors on AGAINST TECHNOLOGY (Percent) which they had at least ±.40 loadings, including 2 items which fell slightly short of this Social dang- bad un- good valu- criterion. Of the 9 varimax factors, 3 were omit­ Movement erous sure able ted because each included only one item. The Against three excluded items were: 1) appropriateness Nuclear Power 9 22 31 25 13 of modern methods of contraception; 2) validi­ Against ty of astrology as a science; 3) validity of Pesticides 4 20 31 34 11 laetrile as a treatment for cancer. Against The six remaining multi-item factors can be Supersonic Transport 6 27 40 22 5 called either "operative" or "nominal:' Against because they appear to be derived from the Genetic engineering 5 20 39 28 8 similarity and placement of items, and Favor Government therefore, are probably dependent on the Control of Pollution 6 26 15 38 15 construction of the questionnaire. These are therefore eliminated from further discussion. Respondents were also questioned about And factors 2, 5, and 6 are defined as various anti-technology movements pertaining "operative" because they include diverse to nuclear energy, pesticides, the supersonic items, and appear not to be significantly transport plane, genetic engineering, and the dependent on instrumentation. See Table 3. movement favoring government control of Operative Factors. Factor 2, Life Processes pollution. The results appear in Table 2. The is defined by 6 items pertaining to social and plurality of respondents favored all of these living systems: in-vitro fertilization, genetic movements except the movement against engineering, the social movement against supersonic transport. However, more than 30 genetic engineering, areas of inquiry that percent of the sample was unsure about the science should avoid, the validity of evolu­ four anti-technology movements. tionary theory, and the existence of a "moral crisis~' We interpret Factor 2 as follows: Those TECHNOLOGY DECISION MAKING who approve of in-vitro fertilization will approve In technology decision making, government of genetic engineering, disapprove of social and business were thought to have the movements against genetic engineering, not greatest influence, with scientists third and the believe that areas of inquiry should be avoid­ public fourth. When asked how much ed, regard evolution theory as valid, and reject influence each of these groups should have, the idea of "moral crisis~' Factor 2 suggests the rankings were almost reversed, as shown the current controversies, particularly that of in Figure 1. Moreover, 75 percent of the creationism, which often divide evangelical respondents indicated that the public does not Christians from other Americans. However, it have sufficient knowledge about technology is important to note that the life process theme and science. Thus, the data suggest an image is not associated with other public opinions of an alienated public. The respondents about tech-science. Factor 2 indicates that FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 66

TABLE 3: MAJOR FACTORS IN OPINION TOWARD TECHNOLOGY AND SCIENCE Factor Names Items Loadings 1. Influence in public influence .68 technology business influence .71 decision making government influence .70 scientists' influence .61 desired public influence .56 desired business influence .68 desired government influence .72 desired scientist's influence .61

2. Life Processes approve in-vitro fertilization .72 approve genetic engineering .79 movement against genetic engineering -.53 Are there areas· to leave alone? -.60 Is evolution valid? .45 Is there a moral crisis? -.51

3. Social Movement approve nuclear technology -.51 against Technology movement against nuclear energy .80 movement against pesticides .63 movement against supersonic transport .54 movement against genetic engineering .35 favoring government control of pollution .58

4. Action Stance general regard for technology .81 toward Science general regard for science .86 and Technology Has tech-science made the world better? -.45

5. Products of Is tech-science important in your life? .66 Science and approve of space program .68 Technology Has tech-science made the world better? .48 Has science caused a moral crisis? -.41

6. Public Power desired public influence .47 Does the public know enough about tech-science? -.70 Is there a moral crisis? .35

"creationism" is not necessarily part of a science has brought about a "moral crisis~' general movement against tech-science, but Persons affirming these items are likely ·to appears to be an independent aspect of believe that tech-science is important, and that evangelical belief. This underscores research it has improved the world, and are likely not showing that activists among "scientific to believe that science has caused a "moral creationists" tend to work in high technology crisis~' Because the space program has industries and do not disapprove of. these generated many consumer spin-offs, it endeavors (Nelkin 1977 71). appears that Factor· 5 reflects approval for Factor 5, Products of Science and such scientific and technological innovation. Technology is defined by four items referring Factor 6,Public Power is defined by three to the importance of tech-science in one's life, items concerning how much influence the approval of the space program, whether tech­ public should have in technology decision science has improved the world, and whether making, how much information the public has FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 67 about tech-science, and whether a "moral gratuitous approval for the consumer con­ crisis" exists. This factor indicates that those veniences that arise from tech-science. who believe that the public should have Finally, Factor 6 Public Power underscores greater influence are likely to believe that the the.relation between the public and science. public does not have sufficient knowledge Neither is Factor 6 linked with an identifiable about tech-science, and that a "moral crisis" social movement, nor does it concern the exists. material rewards of tech-science. Instead, it stresses alienation and detachment, and the DISCUSSION desire for greater information and control, and Our findings are similar to those obtained in perhaps, the respondents' desire for more other regions of the country. Ambivalence is organized understanding about tech-science. indicated. Although tech-science is approved in general and respecting some specific CONCLUSION issues, there is also substantial disagreement The data provides no evidence of and uncertainty about about established regionalism in opinions toward tech-science. scientific opinion. Acceptance of tech-science Evolution and genetic engineering are is not necessarily contingent on accurate associated with the Life Processes factor. This understanding (Tobey 1971). suggests that issues pertaining to morality and Disparity between public and professional the basis for human life are thought to be out­ conceptions of tech-science is inevitable, par­ side the domain of scientific inquiry. This wish ticularly in light of the heterogentity of opinions to control and repudiate both the results and and beliefs found in modern society (Berger, even the right to conduct scientific inquiry has Berger, Kellner 1974). And there are often appeared in the history of fundamentalist influences contributing to public ambivalence. Protestant and Catholic hi.erarchies. Dissemination of technological and scientific From this, one would expect the religious information is largely dominated by the mass fundamentalist regions of the country to be media institutions, and not by the scientific particularly rejective of the idea of evolution community. Critics speculate that media and the practice of genetic engineering. But preoccupation with discrete stories, rather in contrast to a recent National Assessment than with continuing trends and processes of Education Progress survey, our data show results in fragmented public understanding. that the position of the Tulsa sample is no There may be other factors in public more hostile than that of the nation as a whole ambivalence and lack of an integrated (Miller 1982). The even split in the sample on conceptual structure about tech-science, but the question of evolution is commensurate the mass media contribute to the situation. with the results of national surveys (Gallup Respondents do not have an organized 1977, 1981; Christianity Today 1979). This structure of opinion toward tech-science, as Biblebelt sample is actually somewhat more is evident from the factor analysis of the data. accepting than are the British on the issue of Factors 2, 5, and 6 illustrate patterns of evolution (Current Opinion 1973). opinion. Factor 2, Life Processes parallels Tulsa is a metropolitan center with high­ recent efforts of activist groups to persuade technology industries tied to the national and mobilize the public against in-vitro fertili­ economy, which are expected to influence zation, genetic engineering, and evolution opinions toward tech-science. At the same theory. Moreover, these issues are receiving time, Tulsa is dominated by major fundamen­ considerable media attention. Thus, it seems talist organizations, with 79 percent of the that opinions toward tech-science may sample native to the region, 30 percent of the vacillate as groups vie for media attention and sample religiously fundamentalist, and 45 per­ as various issues are presented as cent being politically conservative. Tulsa is newsworthy. characteristic of the Biblebelt, and the Factor 5, Products of Science and opinions of our respondents reflect opinions Technology is largely defined by items that of the region. require only general opinions about tech­ science. It may represent little more than FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 68

REFERENCES Rosenberg CE 1961 No Other Gods. Baltimore. Anderson R W, MW Lipsey 1978 Energy conser­ Johns Hopkins U Press vation and attitudes toward technology. Public Shils E 1974 Faith, utility, and the legitimacy of Opin Qtrly 42 17-30 science. Daedalus 103 1-15 Berger P, B Berger, H Kellner 1974 The Homeless Taviss 11972 A survey of popular attitudes toward Mind: Modernization and Consciousness. New technology. Technology & Culture 13 606-621 York. Random House Thompson JJ Jr 1975 Southern Baptists and the Christianity Today 1979 The Christianity Today antievolution controversy of the 1920's. Mississip­ Gallup Poll. Dec 21.23 12-19 pi Qtrly 29 65-81 Current Opinion 1973 British Attitudes on a variety Tobey RC 1971 The American Ideology ofAmerican of ideas. July 7. 1 70 Science: 1919-1930. Pittsburg UPress David EE Jr 1980 On the dimensions of the technology controversy. Daedalus 109 169-177 Etzioni A, C Nunn 1974 The public appreciation of science in contemporary America. Daedalus 103 191-205 Gallup Opinion Indexes: 1977, 1981 Religion in America 1977-1978. No 145; 1981. No 184 ST JOHN Continued from page 62 Gingerich 0 1975 The Nature of Scientific Discovery. Washington DC. Smithsonian Inst Shevky E, W Bell 1955 Social Area Analysis: Godfrey L 1981 Newsletter No 1. Massachusetts Theory, Illustrative Application and Conceptual Comm of Correspondence. Anthro Dept, Procedures. Stanford U Press Massachusetts U, Amherst. Simkus AA 1978 Residential segregation by Goldman R 0, BB Platt, RB Kaplan 1973 Dimen­ occupation and race. Amer Social Rev 4381-92 sions of attitudes toward technology. J Applied Sorensen A, KE Taeuber, RJ Hollingsworth Jr 1975 Psycho/57 184-187 Indexes of racial, residential segregation for 109 Handlin 0 1965 Science and technology in popular cities in the United States: 1940 to 1960. Sociol culture. 184-198 G Holton ed. Science and Focus 8 125-142 Culture. Boston. Beacon St John C 1981 Residential segregation as an adap­ Hannay N B, RE McGinn 1980 The anatomy of tation to increasing urban scale. Paper, Amer modern technology: prolegomenon to an improv­ Sociol Assn Mtg. ed public policy for the social management of Taeuber K E, AF Taeuber 1965 Negroes in Cities: technology. Daedalus 109 25-53 Residential Segregation and Neighborhood Kahn EJ 1974 The American People. Baltimore. Change. Chicago Aldine Penguin US Bureau of the Census LaPorte T R, 0 Metlay 1975 Technology observed: 1970 Census User's Guide. Washington DC Attitudes of a wary public. Science 188 121-127 USGPO Lo CYH 1982 Countermovements and conser­ 1972a 1960 Census of Population and Housing vative movements in the contemporary United Census Tract Summary Tape States. Ann Rev of Sociol 8 107-134 1972b 1970 Census of Population Summary Mazur A 1977 Public confidence in science. Social Tapes, Fourth Count. File A (Tracts) Studies of Science. 7 123-125 Uyeki ES 1964 Residential distribution and Miller J 0 1982 Attitudes to genetic modification stratification. Amer J Sociol69 491-498 research. Sci Technol & Human Values. 3937-43 Van Valey T L, WC Roof, JE Wilcox 1977 Trends Nelkin 0 1977 Science Textbook Controversies and in residential segregation: 1960-1970. Amer J the Politics of Equal Time. Cambridge Sociol 82 824-844 Massachusetts. MIT Press Villemez W 1980 Race, class, and neighborhood: Numbers R 1982 Creationism in 20th Century Differences in the residential return on individual America. Science 218 538-544 resources. Social Forces 59 414-430 Pember 0 R 1981 Mass Media in America. 3rd ed. Wilson G, M Wilson 1945 Social Change: The Chicago. Science Research Associates Analysis ofSocial Change Basedon Observations Perry E, L Watkins 1974 The Rise of the Sunbelt in GentralAfrica. Cambridge England. The Univer­ Cities. Beverly Hills California. Sage sity Press FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 69

THE DIAGNOSTIC MANUAL (DSM-III) AND SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE Karen A Holmes and Paul R Raffoul, University of Houston, Texas INTRODUCTION The system provides a comprehensive Controversy among social work educators psycho-bio-social approach to evaluation and practitioners regarding the use or abuse (Williams 1981 102). of diagnostic labels has been revived with Williams cites three specific reasons for her publication of the Diagnostic and Statistical position. First, if accurate diagnosis suggests ManualofMental Disorders (1980, 3rd ed) by the most effective treatment, and if social the American Psychiatric Association. We will workers are responsible for diagnosis and use the common reference, DSM-III for this treatment planning, then social workers: manual. For years, labeling theorists and must become familiar with current standards for critics of the prevailing medical model of acceptable practice. Second, to maintain their therapy have warned mental health practi­ poSition as respected members of multidisciplinary tioners about the negative consequences of treatment teams, social workers must be able to applying diagnostic labels to institutionalized communicate with their medical colleagues ... persons, to those in therapy, or to those who Third, DSM-III can serve as a comprehensive tool fail to conform to society's expectations for learning ... about psychopathology ... and (Scheff 1974; Szasz 1961,1976; Rosenhan about mental disroders:' (Williams 1981 101) 1973). Nonetheless, while the social work pro­ fession has remained somethat divided on the On one side is the position that social issue of diagnostic labels, the prestige and workers must be knowledgable about the authority of the medical profession have con­ DSM-III in order to improve the quality of tinued to influence many functional aspects diagnosis and the quality of treatment, and of social workers' practice, including that of be able more effectively to communicate with diagnosis. other mental health professionals such as psychiatrists and clinical psychologists. THE ISSUES Opposed is the argument that diagnositic According to the American Psychiatric labels of mental disorders are not within the Association (APA) Task Force on Nomen­ purview of social workers, and further, that clature and Statistics, whose job it was to labeling itself has negative consequences. In guide the development of their diagnostic particular, there are data suggesting that manual, DSM-III, the purpose was to classify women, minorities of color, and lower income and describe mental disorders (Spitzer et al groups tend to be labeled with greater fre­ 1980 152). In addition to defining mental quency and more pejoratively than other client disorders, the Text Editor, Williams (1981), groups (Dohrenwend, Chin-Shong 1967; who is also a social worker, notes that DSM­ Brenner 1982 48). However, the addition of III includes the official codes and correspond­ Axis 4 and Axis 5 to the diagnostic manual, ing terms for all mental disorders recognized DSM-III while not a part of the "official" by the APA, and operational definitions and diagnosis, may be an attempt to offset some descriptions for each category of disorder. In of the concerns expressed by the labeling Williams' view, the manual"... truly represents critics. Specifically, Axis 4 provides a means the most advanced development in diagnosis of evaluating the severity of psychosocial (and) ... Social workers must become familiar stressors in the 12 months preceding the with DSM-III:' (Williams 1981 101, 106) onset or worsening of the disorder. Axis 5 pro­ Williams feels that one of the most important vides a way to assess the individual's adap­ new features of DSM-III which is particularly tive functioning during the previous year. Our relevant for social work, is the comprehensive question now is: "To what extent are the five multiaxial system for evaluation. The DSM-III axes of the DSM-III diagnostic manual being is said to provide: 1) comprehensive opera­ utilized by social work practitioners?" tional definitions of the recognized disorders; 2) greater diagnostic reliability than before; PURPOSE OF THIS STUDY 3) a new 5-axis classification system. This is an exploratory-descriptive study that FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 70 provides information about current utilization TABLE 1: CHARACTERISTICS OF STUDY patterns, and perceived advantages and SAMPLE BY USE OF DIAGNOSTIC MANUAL disadvantages of DSM-III among practicing Always Sometimes Never social workers. The research objectives are: n = 14 n = 15 n = 24 1) Identify and describe the extent to which DSM-III is used by social work practitioners in Age* a variety of settings. 2) Determine the Mean 42 37 34.5 influence of practice settings and practitioner Range 24-58 26-55 27-48 demographic variables on utilization or non­ Sex utilization of the DSM-1I1 by social workers. Male 7 7 6 3) Identify and describe advantages and Female 7 8 18 disadvantages of DSM-III utilization for social Years in Practice* workers. 4) Explore the perceived influences Mean 12.3 5.2 6.6 of the DSM-III nosology on social work Range 1-34 2-10 1-13 practice, with particular attention to Axis 4 Years in Position * and Axis 5. Mean 5.9 2.3 3.0 Range 1-19 1-5 1-9 METHOD *p ~ .05, 1-way analysis of variance Study Instrument and Data Collection Procedures. A 15-item self-administered questionnaire was developed to gather data TABLE 2: PERCEIVED ADVANTAGES on utilization patterns and perceived advan­ OF DSM·III BY FREQUENCY OF USE tages and disadvantages of DSM-III, and Always Sometimes Percent demographic and descriptinve professional n=14 n=15 n=29 variables from a sample of .social workers. Respondents were solicited at a recent state Meets 'a'gency conference of the National Association of requirement 11 2 45 Social Workers (NASW). Enhances This approach was taken in an attempt to diagnosis 10 12 76 maximize the probability of obtaining a Saves time representative sample of social work practi­ recording 5 17 tioners across the state of Texas from a variety Communication of practice settings, and with a heterogeneous with colleagues 9 9 62 utilization pattern relative to DSM-Ili. The Treatment respondents were sampled in two groups at planning 9 9, 62 the conference: a pre-conference workshop Understanding on DSM-III and a general meeting of the Texas patients 9 8 59 Society of Hospital Social Work Directors. A Insurance total of 140 questionnaires was distributed, reimpursement 5 7 41 and 53 questionnaires were returned yielding Total responses 58 47 a response rate of 38 percent.

FINDINGS Study Sample. For data analysis, the study TABLE 3: DISADVANTAGES OF OSM·III sample was divided according to frequency of BY FREQUENCY OF USE DSM-III use as Always, 26 percent; Always Sometimes Percent Sometimes, 28 percent, and Never, 45 per­ n= 14 n= 15 n=29 cent. With few exceptions, all respondents were Masters' level social workers. Labels clients 2 7 31 Demographic, professional, and work setting Value conflicts 1 3 14 variables are presented by group in Table 1. Too little training 2 7 There are statistically significant differences None 11 5 55 using one-way analysis of variance on all age Total responses 14 17 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 71 variables between groups. As shown in Table five axes in the diagnosis. Only 45 percent 1, the older respondents were significantly cited meeting agency requirements as an more likely to be the more frequent users of advantage, and most of these were in the OSM-III, with the youngest respondents in the always use group. The only respondents who Never use category. Consistent with age cited time saving in case recording as an findings, the more frequent users also were advantage were in the always use group. Less significantly more likely to have the most years than half saw the OSM-III as an advantage in in practice, averaging 12.3 years, compared receiving third party payments. with 5.2 years for the Sometimes users. Using Four clear responses evolved in relation to the Neuman-Keuls test for within-group dif­ perceived disadvantages (Table 3). Most, or ferences, the older, more frequent users had 55 percent saw no disadvantages, but those significantly more years in their position, with who did see disadvantages cited the effect of 5.9 years average, compared to 2.3 years, labeling clients as SUCh. Most of these average time in position. No differences were negative perceptions came from the neverand found in work setting by frequency of OSM-III sometimes use groups. Clearly those who usage. In terms of theoretical orientation, always use the OSM-III, and are required to nearly half, or 45 percent of the respondents do so by their agency support use of the OSM­ described themselves as eclectic, followed by III system, but here are some specific issues psychodynamic, 17 percent; behavioral, 6 per­ being raised in relation to OSM-lii. One cent, and Gestalt, 2 percent. respondent was concerned that the therapist could easily get caught up with clinical Utilization of DSM·III. diagnosis, and reify the label rather than treat Is is surprising to find that only 29 of the 53 the unique person. Another thought that OSM­ respondents, or 55 percent, report using OSM­ III tends to be a standardized method to III in their practice. We did not expect this, with classify and quantify human behavior. two-thirds of the sample employed in hospital Axis 4 and Axis 5. settings. This is more interesting considering Because of the potential relevance to social responses to the question: "Who determines work practice for Axis 4, Severity of use of OSM-III?" Nearly all, or 93 percent of Psychosocial Stressors, and Axis 5, Prior those who always use OSM-III are required to Adaptive Functioning for treatment planning, do so by their agencies. Among the Some­ all users of OSM-1I1 were asked to identify from times users, 47 percent chose to use·the OSM­ a select list, the specific purposes for using III by individual option. In all,·72 percent of the each axis. Using the Kolmogorov-Smirnov usage is because it is required, and 28 per­ test, findings indicated that users significant­ cent choose it as a matter of preference. ly more frequently selected "definition of cur­ rent condition" and "planning treatment" as Advantages &·Disadvantages of DSM·III. the major reasons for asking about stressful To identify and des.cribe th perceived advan­ events (0 = 0.15, P ~ .05) When respondents tages and disadvantages of OSM-III, were asked to rank their responses related to respondents were asked to indicate specific the purpose of these axes, 1-4 from most to advantages and disadvantages of the system. least useful, more respondents chose "defini­ Table 2 provides a summary of those tion of condition" than any other category. responses according to frequency of use. This finding was statistically significant by. the Three-fourths of the respondents said that use Kolmogorov-Smirnov test (0 = 0.97, P ~ .05). of OSM-III enhances their diagnostic skills. The same responses were solicited for Axis One said that it helps to differentiate between 5 with similar findings. Again, most diagnoses, and another said that it lends respondents selected "development of pro­ specific criteria to the diagnostic process. And gnosis" and "planning treatment" as the 62 percent said that OSM-III factlitates com­ purpose for asking about prior social function­ munication with colleagues and the develop­ ing (0 = 0.97, P ~ .05). However, when ment of treatment plans, while 59 percent said asked to rank the usefulness of their choices, that it helps in understanding patients. One respondents ranked "definition of condition" observed that it was helpful to look at all significantly higher than "planning treatment FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 72

(0= 0.99, P ~ .05). In both cases, OSM-III 230 disorders. Under Axis 2, some of the users appear to be familiar with the appro­ children's "mental disorders" included priate purpose for Axes 4 and 5, but do not Specific reading disorder, Attention deficit relate this to their usefulness in practice. For disroder, Shyness disorder, and Developmen­ this study, verification of current diagnostic tal articulation disorder, to name a few label is the most important use of Axis 4 and examples (Garnezy 1978 4). Axis 5. It is important to note that our respondents who indicated that the primary use for Axes SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS 4 and 5 was to define the condition rather than Only about half of the social work practi­ to assist in planning treatment. This suggests tioners who responded to the questionnaire that while social workers' concerns about the are current users of the diagnostic manual, negative effects of labeling prevent them from OSM-III, and among those, the use of the using the OSM-1I1 in treatment planning, they manual is dictated by the employing agency. find the system a useful tool for communi­ No one theoretical orientation was found to cating with medical colleagues. distinguish users from non-users. Older and more experienced respondents were more REFERENCES likely to use it than were younger and American Psychiatric Association 1980 Diagnostic inexperienced practitioners. Enhancement of and Statistical Manual for Mental Disorder. 3rd edition. diagnostic skills was the most frequently cited Brenner David 1982 The Effective Psychotherapist: advantage of OSM-III, but most repondents Conclusions from Practice and Research. New reported multiple advantages, which raises York. Pergamon Press the question of whether attempts were made Dohrenwend B P, E Chin-Shong 1967 Social status and attitudes toward psychological disorder: The to discriminate among the various uses of problem of the tolerance of deviance. Amer Sociol OSM-lil. The 29 social work practitioners who Rev 32 417-433 use the instrument gave 105 responses in the Garmezy Norman 1978 DSM-III: Never mind the citing ways in which the system is useful, and psychologists: Is it good for the children? Clinical only 15 disadvantage responses. Over half Psychologist 31 4-6 ·. Rosenhan David L 1973 On being sane in insane saw no disadvantages of any kind with places. Science 179 250-258 the OSM-1I1. Overall, the diagnostic manual, Scheff Thomas J 1974 The labeling theory ofmental OSM-III tends to be viewed in a positive illness. Amer Sociol Rev 39 444-452 light by social workers who regularly use it in Spitzer Robert L, Janet BW Williams, Andrew E practice. Skodol 1980 DSM-III: The major achievements and an overview. AmerJ Psychiatry 137 151-164 Szasz Thomas 1961 The Myth of Mental Illness. Multiaxial Evaluation vs. Labeling New York. Hoeber Harper Implications for Practice. 1976 Schizophrenia: The Sacred Symbol Presuppositions of this study were that of Psychiatry. New York. Basis Books Williams Janet BW 1981 DSM-III: A comprehen­ diagnosis and evaluation: 1) are within the sive approach to diagnosis. Social Work 26 knowledge and skill boundaries of social work; 101-106 and 2) are ethicallycongruent with the values and goals of the profession. But some social workers would argue that diagnosis whether based on one axis or five, is not an appropriate function of social work because of the potentially dangerous consequences of labeling. Others could argue against OSM-1I1 on the grounds that it reflects the increasing movement toward "medicalization" of social and behavioral dysfunctions which may not be medical or mental disorders. When the OSM­ III was first published in 1952 it contained 60 disorders; in 1968 there were 145 disorders (Garmezy 1978). The 1980 edition contains FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 73

MOTIVATION: A FUNCTION OF COMMUNICATION, BEHAVIOR DEFINITION &REWARD Barrie Edwin Millen Blunt, Oklahoma State University "The question is why some workers tend to Similarly, individuals in an organization who be high producers, or why persons of largely place a high value on money will probably similar backgrounds who are engaged in the focus their efforts to ensure that they receive same activity under comparable conditions what they value. Appropriate behavior for exhibit considerable variability in output." politicians is to position themselves on visible (Georgopolulos et al 1957 345) issues in a manner consistent with the majority During an age of cutbacks, declining federal of their constituency, and for the organization support, and rising unemployment, one must worker it may be to produce a large output. try to understand what has fostered confusion Such a fundamental approach is valuable for for the past 25 years. What stimulates produc­ supervisors concerned with employee motiva­ tivity? What can organizations and their tion and productivity as well as for individuals managers do to stimulate employees, produce considering research in organizational leader­ results, and enhance growth of subordinates? ship. The central issue is: How can the Much effort has been devoted to the leader­ organization influence subordinate behaviors ship inquiry. The style approach to leadership through the use of benefits, or similarly, how attempted to describe various leader styles can indiviuals best acquire from an organiza­ (Lewin et a11939; Blake, Mouton 1964; Cart­ tion that which they value for themselves and wright, Zander 1960; Halpin, Winer 1957; their families? Hemphill, Coons 1957; Kahn 1958; Katz et al A four-step process is necessary to fulfill 1950). The more recent contingency these identical, yet often widely divergent approaches to leadership assert that no one goals. style of leadership is universally more 1) The most difficult step structurally is to pro­ appropriate than another (Fiedler 1967; vide the individual supervisor with authority Fiedler, Chemers 1974; Tannenbaum, and autonomy to control independently a Schmidt 1958; Hersey, Blanchard 1969). variety of benefit options available to each Theorists using this framework suggest that subordinate. Innovations such as across-the­ the appropriate leader behavior style depends board "merit" increases clearly move away on situational factors. Recent path-goa/works from this discretionary approach. have considered various contingencies 2) Assuming the implementation of super­ including subordinate expectations, but have visory discretion, an open and honest line of continued to focus on contingency-style im­ communication must be established between pacts (House, Dessler 1973; Greene 1979; each pairing of supervisor and subordinate. Schriesheim, DeNisi 1979; Evans 1974). The This linkage has the primary purpose of essential difficulty with this approach is the articulation and understanding of subordinate potentially large number of alternatives interests and values. It is a linkage of critical relative to style. Thus, it is reasonable to importance which is constantly smothered by imagine equally as many "correct" style other concerns perceived to be more press­ behaviors as there are performance situations. ing. The wealth of literature on performance An alternative approach to leadership appraisal indicates the extent and severity of research is to focus on supervisor-subordinate this problem. interactions and subsequent outcomes, rather 3) The behaviors sought by the organization than on styles and outcomes. The underlying and the supervisor must be clearly defined for logic of this process is straightforward. All each individual subordinate. This requires not persons are inclined to engage in certain only the definition of immediate tasks, but behaviors to the extent that those behaviors more important, a clear indication of the will result in outcomes which are perceived as overarching behaviors which the supervisor beneficial. If a congressman or mayor or presi­ considers most important to the organization. dent places high value on retaining an office, 4) There must be appropriate valued rewards the aspirant will probably engage in behaviors for subordinates who engage in defined thought likely to produce that outcome. behaviors. FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 74

One may contend that this approach con­ Dessler G 1973 Investigation of the Path-Goal tains at least two significant limitations. First, Theory of Leadership. PhD thesis. City Univ of there is the possibility that individuals may not New York Evans M 1974 Extensions of a path-goal theory of know or understand their own values. Second, motivation. J Applied Psych it may be inappropriate for an organization Fiedler F 1967 A Theory of Leadership Effec­ inflexibly to define behaviors in which tiveness. New York. McGraw Hill employees are to engage. In response to the Fiedler F, M Chemers 1974 Leadership and Effec­ tive Management Scott Foresman first criticism, I suggest the implementation of Georgopolulos B, G Mahoney, N Jones 1957 A path­ a strategy whereby 1) the employee is provid­ goal approach to productivity. J Applied Psych ed a predefined benefit structure which in­ Greene C 1979 A longitudinal investigation of cludes a variety of incentives, and 2) that the modifications to a situational model fo leadership supervisor works with the employee to under­ effectiveness. Academy of Management Pro­ ceedings 54-58 stand better the employee's individual values Halpin A, B Winer 1957 A factorial study of the and desires. This is entirely consistent with leader behavior descriptions. R Stogdill, R Coons effective communication and efficient eds Leader Behavior: Its Description and management. Measurement Ohio State University, Columbus. Bureau of Business Research The second issue requires acceptance and Hemphill J, A Coons 1957 Development of the understanding, rather than rectification. We leader behavior questionnaire. R Stogdill, R Coons must recognize that the individual has a eds Leader Behavior: Its Description and responsibility to the organization to provide the Measurement Ohio State University, Columbus. defined services. It is only in this capacity that Bureau of Business Research Hersey, P, K Blanchard 1969 Life cycle theory of the organization can and should articulate leadership. Training & Develop ~6-34 defined behaviors. These actions taken by the House R, G Dessler 1974 The path-goal theory of supervisor are appropriate and essential. leadership: Some post hoc and a priori tests. J In sum, the worker of today is very similar Hunt, E Larson eds Contingency Approaches to Leadership. Southern Illinois U Press to the worker of other eras, and like all Kahn R 1958 Human relations on the shop floor. workers, desires valued rewards for effective E Hugh-Jones ed Human Relations and Modern efforts. It is in the best interests of the Management Amsterdam. North-Holland organization to tie these benefit opportunities Katz 0, W Maccoby, N Morse 1950 Productivity, to motivated and productive behavior. This is Supervision, and Morale in an Office Situation. Detroit. Darel the reponsibility of the organization to itself, Lewin K, R Lippit, R White 1939 Patterns of ag­ its supevisors and its individual workers. gressive behavior in experimentally erected "social climates:' J Social Psych REFERENCES Schriesheim C, A DeNisi 1979 Task dimensions as moderators of the effects of instrumental leader Blake R, J Mouton 1964 The Managerial Grid behavior: A path-goal approach. Acad ofManage­ Houston. Gulf ment Proceedings 103-106 Cartwright, 0, A Zander 1960 Group Dynamics: Tannenbaum R, W Schmidt 1958 How to choose Research and Theory. Evanston Illinois. Row a leadership program. Harvard Bus Rev Peterson FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 75

OKLAHOMA DELEGATE TRAITS: 1981 WHITE HOUSE CONFERENCE ON AGING Paul M Sharp, Auburn University, Alabama F Gene Acuff and Richard A Dodder, Oklahoma State University BACKGROUND the notion of the social origin and development After the 1981 White House Conference on of self within a nexus of social interaction, this Aging,· a participant summed up her thoughts approach implicitly presumes the continuity of borrowing from Peggy Lee's song, "Is that all middle-age cultural orientations, including there is ...?" (Krogh 1981) Part of the answer attitudinal and role continuity. This theory to her question predates the Fall of 1981, and owes much of its present prominence to the is anchored in the preparation st~ge at the increased involvement of elderly persons in state level. Prior to the national conference, the political process. each state was asked to provide viable input Disengagement theory is anchored in the through a state conference, .with national functional motif in sociological theory. Accept- delegates from that body later representing ing as axiomatic the detrimental nature of their constituency in the national forum. aging, it applies one definition of aging as a In early Spring of 1981 each of the 10 state process of increased vulnerability and districts in Oklahoma were asked to choose decreased viability. This approach assumes delegates for a State White House Conference the inevitable and reciprocal withdrawal of on Aging. From this aggregate of 485, and society from aging individuals, and aging during district caucuses at the state meeting, individuals from society. In theory, one may 72 potential national delegates were chosen. disengage without subsequent loss of morale. This panel was forwarded to the Governor's Although increasingly questioned on grounds White House Conference on Aging Commit- of a conservative ideological bias, the tee which selected the final 26 to represent physiological realities of aging, such as a the State at the National White House Con- decline in the homeostatic mechanism that ference on Aging in Washington, D.C. maintains a static or constant state in the With increasing emphasis on participatory internal environment of the organism beg for democracy and the growing influence accru- some rapprochement of this old conservative ing to the politicized elderly, the elected and theory with social reality. Social gerontologists appointed advocates occupy key roles as offer a compromise position in the term dif­ agents of future change for the elderly. This ferential disengagement to identify the partial research compares some of the selection and function of disengagement theory (Streib, representative aspects of such a process. Schneider 1971). Older cohorts may disen- An important question emerges: Does the gage from the work role and concurrently in­ process select the best qualified represen- crease the engagement level in less demand­ tatives for the national conference? This was ing roles (Bynum, Cooper, Acuff 1978). measured "by several instruments to tap those Other theory orientations derived from or most knowledgeable about aging, measured related to these theories are identified as role on the Palmore (1977) Facts on Aging Quiz, theory, subculture theory, age stratification and their degree of purpose, measured by the theory, and reference group ·theory. Role Crumbaugh (1964) Purpose in Life Scale, and theory addresses life transitions and the their degree of anomie, measured by the Srole anticipatory socialization involves preparation (1956) Anomie Scale. for the next age category. Typically, society does prepare its members for all but the last THEORY stage of life. Subculture theory is based on This research indirectly addresses some some shared notion of common identity and theories of aging (Atchley 1980). The activity common plight. Despite the obviously theory perhaps has received the most support, heterogeneous nature of some 25 million older both in terms of empirical research and public persons in the United States, many believe policy. Rooted in symbolic interaction theory that their similarities are strong enough to be in sociology, this approach ties successful molded into a viable political voice for social aging to high levels of activity. Predicated on change which is advantageous to the aging. FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 76

Age stratification theory views the similarities and designed this study to investigate some and differences of age cohorts as being of the characteristics of the two pools of anchored in the shared historical, social, delegates, to determine the equity of the economic, and political experiences that tend selection process for delegates. to be imprinted, and to form a constellation of ideas, beliefs, values, and attitudes that are METHOD observable in common overt behavior. Refer­ Data were collected from respondents from ence group theory looks for behavioral norms the national and state delegates on marital and standards in reference relations, in those status, race, sex, age, education, birthplace, groups to which the actor aspires in a perceived health, self-rated knowledge of membership or symbolic identification. aging, and degree of religiosity, and the Palmore Aging Facts Quiz(1977), the Crum­ PROBLEM STATEMENT baugh Life Purpose questionnaire (1964) and As eclectic research, this study makes no the Srole Anomie (1956) questionnaire. direct test of aging theories. Evaluation of the The target population consisted of 457 differences and similarities between the persons chosen as delegates from the 10 national and the state delegate groups involv­ economic development districts in Oklahoma ed in the sociopolitical process suggests some for the Oklahoma White House Conference on orientation from these theory perspectives. Aging. Of the 457 chosen as delegates, 74 The two panels of the sample are activity were selected as nominees to be delegates oriented by virtue of involvement. Their par­ to the National White House Conference on ticipation grounds this axiomatic observation. Aging in 1981. They were selected by the The elements of the disengagement model Governor's Advisory Committee, which from also typify many of the respondents in the pre­ this pool of 74, further selected the final 26 sent research. For example, many are formally delegates who actually attended the White retired, but selectively maintain median levels House Conference on Aging in the Fall of of engagement, called differential engage­ 1981. The State paid travel expenses for 13 ment, with attendant high morale. Role theory of this delegation, and 13 paid their expenses is evident in the obvious transfer of previous privately. For this study, the sample popula­ skills to present positions. For many, a prior tion and the target population are the same. repertoire prepared them for leadership posi­ A questionnaire was mailed to each of the tions in aging circles. Clearly, and perhaps 455 delegates, excluding two who were unconsciously, the respondents in this study familiar with the research project. The original are advocates, and thus are involved in the list erroneously reported 458 names, because evolution of an aging subculture. As the data there was one duplicate listing. The returning are presented, and with similarities more pro­ questionnaires were monitored for missing nounced than differences, it appears that this data and identification numbers. Due to population of respondents gives some confir­ restrictions of time and funding, only one mail­ mation to the tenets of age stratification ingwas completed. Usable questionnaires theory. Finally, the prestige associated with were obtained from 227 of the original state selection to the national panel heightened the delegate pool of 383 for a 59 percent return saliency of the reference group theory. rate, and 42 of the 72 original national delega­ Prior to the state conference, and during the tion nominees, for a 58 percent return rate. final selection of the 26 national delegates, the State Director of Aging shared a concern with RESULTS the Governor's White House Conference on Demographic characteristics of the two Aging Committee. Specifically, he question.: samples are shown in Table 1, where the ed how representative the national delegates criterion t-statistic value at the .05 level of con­ would be of the state conference of delegates. fidence is 1.65 for a combined 267 degrees Did the process of selection assure fair of freedom. There are significant positive dif­ representation of the State's concerns at the ferences between the national and state national level of decision making? Later, the delegation groups for level ofeducation, size authors met with the State Director of Aging of town of birth, self-rated knowledge of FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 77

TABLE 1: MEAN SCORE COMPARISON, delegate groups. Of the 105 paired correla­ NATIONAL VS STATE DELEGATES tion coefficients, only 10 pairs met the .05 (Criterion: t .05,227 = 1.65) correlation significance criterion, with the minimum, r .30 for the 42 national delegates Delegates: = (bold print), and the minimum r .13 for the Variables Range National State t = 227 state delegates (regular print). In Table Marital, married 0-1 0.76 0.69 1.18 2, the paired correlation coefficients are Race, white 0-1 0.79 0.78 0.15 shown below the diagonal, and their z­ Gender, male 0-1 0.52 0.62 -1.12 transformations are shown in mirror image Age 26-99 60.83 63.32 -1.06 above the diagonal. Assuming equal Education 0-20 16.00 14.44 2.45 variances, differences between the z­ Birthplace 1-5 2.79 3.36 2.42 transforms of the correlation coefficients can Health 1-5 4.29 4.24 0.37 be evaluated by the estimate of the standard Knowledge 1-5 4.40 4.07 2.95 deviation of the difference, a familiar opera­ Religiosity 1-5 3.05 3.58 -2.63 tion in statistical tests with two groups. Life Purpose 1-7 6.24 6.17 0.78 Calculating the correlation between two Anomie 1-7 3.39 3.46 -0.36 variables uses 3 degrees of freedom: one for Semantic differential 1-7 4.84 4.91 -0.36 the variance of each variable, plus one for Aging Facts, Right 1-24 12.74 11.22 2.62 their covariance. This requires subtracting 3 Aging Facts, Wrong 1-24 7.81 8.26 -0.85 from each sample n when measuring the z­ Don't know 1-24 3.45 4.52 -2.30 score difference with the estimated standard deviation of the difference. The standard deviation of the difference is estimated by the aging, and correct responses on the Aging square root of the pooled reciprocals (1 Ix) of Facts Quiz. Thus, the national delegation ap­ the degrees of freedom remaining in the two pears to have been better qualified in terms groups. The formula and calculation are as of these criteria, to participate in the National follows: White House Conference on Aging. The only 1 1 (1) SZ1-z2 = [(n - 3r + (n - 3r ].5 significant negative difference was in self­ 1 2 rated religiosity, which is not obviously related 1 1 = (39- + 197- ).5 = .175 to socioeconomic and sociopolitical factors in aging. We omit interpretation of the Don't Know response rate on the Aging Facts Quiz. The correlation coefficient, ranging from The samples were almost representative in + 1.00 to - 1.00 must be transformed to a racial makeup, with 78 percent white, 11 per­ z-score of the same sign, ranging between cent black, 9 percent native American, and the + 4.00 and - 4.00, using the following formula 2 percent Hispanic or other. More than 70 per­ for a correlation coefficient, r =.6: cent were married, and 20 percent were widowed, and 8 percent were divorced, (2) zr = .5 log [ (1 + r) 1 (1 - r) ] separated, or single. In rating health, 95 per­ cent perceived their health as average or = .5 log (1.61 .4) = .69 better. In knowledge about the elderly, 38 per­ cent claimed to be very knowledgable; 40 per­ cent claimed good knowledge; and 22 percent The z-score for the difference between two claimed relatively poor or no knowledge about correlation coefficients is determined from the elderly. In religiosity, 21 percent claimed their z-transforms as follows, where: the highest level; 25 percent claimed to be very religious; 41 percent claimed a moderate level; 10 percent were not very religious; and 3 percent claimed none. Table 2 presents comparisons only of non­ (3) ZZ1-z2 = (Z1 - z 2) 1 SZ1-z2 zero (significant) pairs of correlations among the 15 variables for the national and state = (.71 - .22) 1 .175 = 2.80 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 78

TABLE 2: COMPARISON OF NON-ZERO CORRELATIONS FOR NATIONAL & STATE DELEGATES (National, n = 42; r .05,42 = .30; State, n = 227, r .05,227 = .13) (Correlations below diagonal; z-transforms above; decimals omitted; national r, z, bold type) Variable 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Marital, married -32 -35 Race, white 2 -32 -40 -13 -18 Gender, male 3 -31 -34 Age 4 -38 -21 Education 5 31 -45 22 -37 Birthplace 6 61 22 Health 7 32 -16 Anomie 8 -31 31 -13 -16 Age Facts Right 9 -36 -85 -50 -21 -50 -74 Age Facts Wrong 10 -38 -42 -69 -45 -18 -35 -46 -32 Don't know 11 -46 -31 -63 -42 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 z-score and error probability, p, for correlation differences:

r1, r2 3-1 8-2 10-2 9-4 6-5 10-5 8-7 10-9 11-9 11-10 zr1-r2 0.17 -1.08 -1.26 -0.97 2.80 -0.46 2.74 -2.00 1.37 0.74 Probability, p .43 .14 .10 .17 .01 .68 .01 .01 .09 .23

from the standard table for the cumulative nor­ DISCUSSION mal distribution. This accounts for .998 of the Being mindful of these limitations, we note distribution, leaving an error probability, p, of that only 3 of the 10 significant paired correla­ 1.000 - .998, and p = .002. This calculation tions differ from each other enough for a identifies a significant difference between the significant difference. The main conclusion is two correlations coefficients, .61 and .21 for that the two groups of national and state the given sample size. delegates are not measurably different, The lower part of Table 2 gives z-scores and overall, in the 105 paired correlations of the the probability, p-value for each of the 10 15 variables, and that the variables are paired significant correlations. It should be mainly uncorrelated among themselves, since noted that an n of 40 represents a lower limit most of the correlations differ from zero only for use of z transformations, and we recognize within chance due to sampling variation. This that the Pearson product-moment correlation, simplifies the task of analysis. r, is not well suited to ordered categories of The 3 significant differences in correlation ordinal scale variables, ,where variance may values shown on Table 2 are those between: be constrained by skewed distributions. 1) birth place and education FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 79

(Row 6, Column 5); 2) anomie and perceived respondents. That this expected negative health (Row 8, Column 7); and 3) Aging Facts: correlation is measurably higher for the Right and Wrong (Row 10, Column 9). The na­ national delegation, tional delegation has a much higher correla­ with R2 = .48, compared to R2 = .21 tion between size of town of birth and level of for the state delegation suggests that the education than that of the state delegation. smaller national delegation was more The suggestion is that those· born and reared homogeneous in background, and more con­ in larger towns have more incentive and sistent in response patterns to this test of opportunity for education. This effect is hard­ awareness about the conditions of the elderly. ly measurable for the state delegation where The original question of an equitable selec­ the R2 or predictive power of the correlation tion process of national delegates from the (.22 X .22) is .05, compared to .37 for the larger state pool of delegates can be national delegate group. answered in part. Although the two groups The significant difference in correlations for appear to be essentially equal on the majori­ perceived health and anomie scores arises ty of variables, several findings indicate some mainly from the fact that the correlation is real differences. National delegates had more positive for the national delegates and education, claimed to know more about the negative for the state delegates. Both correla­ elderly, and were less negative about the tion values are close to the significance elderly than the state delegates. Overall, the criterion of ±.30 for the national group and selection process appeared to select those ±.13 for the state group. For the national persons who were best qualified to represent delegate group the R2 is .09, while it is incon­ the State at the national level. 2 siderable as a predictor at R .= .026 for the state delegate group. However, it appears that REFERENCES there is a real difference, and that the Atchly RB 1980 Social Forces in Later Life. Belmont members of the national delegate group who California. Wadsworth perceived better personal health also were BynumJ E, BL Cooper, G Acuff 1978 Retirement reorientation: Senior and adult education. J Geron­ more dissatisfied with social and personal con­ tol 33 253-256 ditions. The correlation of the state delegate Crumbaugh J 1964 Experimental study in Existen­ group is in the expected direction, but is so tialism: Psychometric Apporach to Frankl's con­ weak as to cast doubt on the logic of the cept of noogenic neurosis. J Clin Psych 20 200-202 relation. ___ 1968 Cross-validation of Purpose in The significant difference in the expected Life Test based on Frankl's concepts. J Individ negative correlation between right and wrong Psych 24 74-81 answers on the Aging Facts Questionnaire is Krogh Linda 1981 Is that all there is? Gerontology not readily explained. That the correlation is News Palmore E 1977 Facts on Aging: A short quiz. significant and negative in both cases Gerontologist 17 315-320 indicates the probable consistency and real Srole L 1956 Social integration and certain cor­ discrimination between the right and wrong ollaries, exploratory study. Amer Sociol Rev 21 answers. If there were zero correlations 706-717 Streib G, CJ Schneider 1971 Retirement in between these variables in either group, it American Society. Ithaca New York. Cornell U would suggest random and meaningless Press answers due to poor questions or disoriented FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 80

"THE PRACTICAL! FASHION'S LATEST CONQUEST Ann-Mari Sellerberg, University of Lund, Sweden INTRODUCTION from new angles. By adopting changing rules Earlier descriptions of the expansion of about how you cook, how you attend your fashion often centered on new areas of con­ garden, and how you clean, fashion attacks tent, such as first names, or scientific these utilitarian domains from a utilitarian approaches. Here we will see how an oldarea aspect. And an expansion toward the practical of fashion activity receives new treatment. The is perhaps more significant in understanding subject area is food, not in respect to vogue today's fashion than further concern with in dishes, but in reference to the preparation content. of food as a matter of vogue.. The practical has become independent of the strictly functional. ACCESSING THE PRACTICAL It has been maintained in diverse contexts The practical domain which will illustrate this that the swings of fashion affect only things second type of the expansion of fashion is that are actually rather unimportant in life: cooking. We go back a few decades in time, superficial changes in clothing, adornment, when the~hole cooking process was most decor, social conduct, and amusements. often hidden. In restaurants, food was These fields are not seen as depending on prepared behind closed doors, and often from really vital motives of human action. To be secret recipes. At home, the housewives stood sure, even subjects such as religious faith and with their backs to the rest of the family while scientific interest can be steered by fashion, cooking in the kitchen. For many, time and .but not until they have been rendered super­ energy were at a premium in what concerned ficial. Fashion does not reach them until they housekeeping and cooking. Further, most of have become detached and therefore the preparation and cooking of food had to "independent of the deeper human motives:' originate in the home. (Simmel 1971 298) My hypothesis is that many of today's This limitation of fashion's activity is criticiz­ utilitarian areas have been liberated to a cer­ ed today. To a discerning eye, fashion is read­ tain extent from "practical" doctrines and ily seen as operative in many diverse areas traditional rules. Today, in a completely new of social life. Blumer mentions fields like the way, one can choose to do some of the cook­ pure and applied arts such as painting, ing tasks at home. As one advertisement for sculpture, music, drama, architecture, danc­ a food processor puts it: "It does the heavy ing, and household decoration. "There is plen­ work: you have the fun:' ty of evidence to show its play in the field of The making of food is an area which has medicine ... it even touches such a relatively been opened to fashion. Fashion requires sacred area as that of mortuary practice:' veritable settings where many new proposals (Blumer 1973 328) Certain areas are still look­ can be presented. Here the term settings is ed on as closed to fashion. One such sphere not confined to fairs and exhibits and other is the domain of the sacred, and another is places where the latest approaches are the practical. Fashion is not supposed to take presented. Even on a pedestrian day-to-day root in the areas of utility, technology, or level, fashion seems to require such staged science. scenarios. Many modern restaurants have cooking scenes. In pizzerias, restaurants with EXPANSION OF FASHION charcoal grills, and other arrangements, When it is said that fashion is constantly today's guests can watch their dinner being expanding its fields of activity, it is often a created, and the preparation itself becomes question of new areas of content. Fashion has a performance. This is in clear contrast to the extended in this century to include not only restaurants of yesterday, when the food was clothing, but food, home decoration, topics of ceremoniously unveiled with the raising of a debate, first names, and scientific theories. I silver cover. Voila! There, displayed for the shall view the expansion of fashion from guest's admiration, was the completed dish. another aspect. Fashion can attack old areas Now we line up and watch at the same time FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 81 that our charcoal-grilled steaks, pizzas, ice because fashion reaches much farther than cream sundaes, and flaming deserts are is apparent. Food processors have added created before our very eyes. Putting the many new accessoires, in addition to the old making of food in the limelight places different ones, such as strainers, meat grinders, requirements on the cooking personnel. The vegetable slicers, and potato peelers. Now chef is on-stage, and cannot retreat to the side one can purchase grating cylinders to grate to correct possible blunders. At Benihana the dried figs, juice extractors, grain mills,· and staff are especially trained so that the prepara­ noodle and macaroni presses. Some of these tion becomes something of a spectacle accessoires are particularly in vogue at cer­ (Wykoff, Sasser 1978 31). tain times. Fashion may even prescribe that Even if the whole dish cannot be prepared the grain mill should have "schnitzer type" in front of the guests, one is careful to insure mill stones. Thus, even the functions of the that certain strategic steps are carried out machines have become vulnerable in the before their eyes. Certain elements of the pro­ highest degree to the whims of fashion. cess are more presentable than others, and A natural byproduct of the increased variety certain dishes are more suitable for public and functions of kitchen appliances is the preparation. In an ice cream parlor advertiz­ increase in production of certain foods at ing "home-made" ice cream, a great display home. This trend is contrary to what one would is made of the machine that bakes the ice expect - that people eat more ready­ cream cones. Presumably, this phase is more prepared products and foods. Certain foods suited to demonstration than the manufacture which, a decade past, were almost invariably of the "home-made" ice cream. purchased ready-made are now being made Whereas in earlier times, the ingredients of at home, with the help of fashionable specializ­ a dish were often secret, now the contents are ed machines. Pasta is an example. Pasta meticulously listed. In salad bars, everything machines are being sold more widely in that goes into the various types of salad are Sweden now. Ice cream was formerly made often published. Hamburger menus inform of in factories, and now is being prepared in the exactly how many grams the different choices home. weigh, along with the trimmings. What can­ We can also speak of an expressive trend not be prepared publicly should be described which prescribes for the cook a certain emo­ as exhaustively as possible. tional atmosphere and a way of feeling. In a brochure for the ingeniously developed COOKING AT HOME technical kitchen appliances, one is very Even the area of cooking at home has been careful not to ignore the appeal to the senses opened to shifting trends of fashion, such as in cooking. For appliances that one fears will the move to the technological. Today's home be far too mechanical, one reads testimonials kitchen is often equipped with food pro­ in the advertizements: "Sure I had my doubts cessors, household assistants, mixers, in the beginning. I thought that there would blenders, pasta machines, ice cream makers, be no place for feeling and imagination. But and grain mills, to name only a few. General­ " ly, these new kitchen appliances are not Cook books and food articles today have necessities. And there is an important dif­ become both poetic and sensuous. In an ference when one compares this home pro­ article about newly published cook books, the duction with that of the past. In the past, "poetry of recipes" is mentioned. "They are everyone was compelled to do these chores beautiful, richly illustrated cook books filled at home. Now, one chooses to do them, which with facts and fantasy. You can just imagine means that one can produce and process the colors, tastes, and smells." The same one's own pasta, carrot juice, and ice cream. article, discussing some bread recipes says: Swedish "fashion commentators" have "They are filled with lyrics and bread:' opposed fashion's dictating the color and (Translated: Svenska Dagbladet 1981 Nov 5) design of our practical aids. These commen­ Under the heading, "Food is Sensuousness tators, who are often its critics, seem to have and Perfect Raw Materials:' a couple who misunderstood the extent of the fashion, publish cook books were interviewed. "They FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 82 believe that food should be a total experience The practical today can be described in - with serving and arranging. And it starts Simmel's words as: to a certain extent, " ... already in the kitchen ... with the proper removed from the service of life that original­ attitudes and feelings:' (Translated: Manads ly produced and employed it:' Simmel sees Expressen 1981 Nov 8 16) Here we see the the "numerous phenomena that we lump new approach to fashion. It concerns instruc­ together under the category of play" as a par­ tions for the correct state of mind for the cook. ticularly clear example of this autonomization One can distinguish shifting trends with regard of contents. Can we perhaps now say that the the proper temperament of the cook. fashion has acquired the possibility to play with the practical? And can we perhaps FASHION'S PLAY WITH THE describe fashion in the same way that Simmel PRACTICAL describes play? "From the realities of Ufe it One can perhaps discern a tendency takes only what it can adapt to its own nature, towards hierarchical organization of fashion's only what it can absorb in its autonomous various areas and angles of· approach. The existence:' (Simmel 1964 41,43) latest thing most likely appears as something more refined, and something to keep up with. REFERENCES Those who are in the knowwith the latest rules Blumer Herbert 1973 Fashion: From class differen­ concerning the practical aspects of cooking tiation to collectgive selection. G Wills, D Midgley eds. Fashion Marketing. London. Allen Unwin stand out in the front lines of fashion. Fashion Simmel Georg 1971 On Individuality and Social fixes the attention of the community on an Norms. D Levine ed. Chicago U Press object or process at a certain time and place. --_ 1964 The Sociology of Georg Simmel Now, may certain practical areas stand in the K Wolf ed. Free Press of Glencoe, Illinois limelight? Wyckoff D Daryl, Earld W Sasser 1978 The Chain Restaurant Industry. Lexington Books. FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 83

MANUAL·NONMANUAL DISTINCTION, STATUS INCONSISTENCY AND CLASS IDENTIFICATION Gary D Sandefur and Nancy J Finley, University of Oklahoma INTRODUCTION fairly high in the income distribution. Public ,Class consciousness is an important concept school teachers with advanced academic in the study of social stratification and social degrees often have incomes at or below the behavior. Whatever criteria are used to iden- center of the income distribution. Both sets of tify classes, we do not have social classes individuals may have difficulty identifying with unless there is class consciousness (Maciver, a particular class. 2) The determinants of class Page 1949). If individuals merely have similar identification operate differently in different placement on socioeconoomic measures, they groups. Most determinants of class identifica­ do not form classes unless they subjectively tion are less important for blacks than for perceive themselves as identifying similar whites (Legget 1968). This is generally interests with others in similar positions. attributed to the overriding significance of We will examine the individual's identifica- minority group membership as a determinant tion with a certain class as measured by of class identity. Vanneman (1980) found that response to the familiar subjective class place- manual-nonmanual distinction was less impor- ment question (Centers 1949). Some re- tant for women than for men. It is noted that searchers regard this as the lowest and most prestige is less important as a determinant of fundamental level of class consciousness class identity for blue collar than for white (Giddens 1973; Vanneman 1980). We are collar workers, and this is attributed to the especially interested in how class perception overriding significance of being a manual is shaped by objective socioeconomic factors, worker (Vanneman, Pampel 1977). but we view these factors in a diffe'rent way. According to Hodge and Treiman (1968539) INCONSISTENCY AMONG EDUCATION " ... the failure of subjective class identifica­ INCOME AND PRESTIGE tion to crystalize around objective features of Most observers agree that inconsistency the stratification system is attributable to the among education, income, and prestige is an fact that different objective aspects of one's important feature of the American stratifica­ position in the class structure do not tion system. But how does this inconsistency themselves cumulate into a well-defined class affect class identification? It is said that incon­ system:' No one has thoroughly investigated sistency generates confusion, and this is con­ the ways in which this failure to crystalize sistent with a pluralist view of American takes place. society, which assumes that there are several Past research has shown that among the competing and inconsistent bases for political more important determinants of class iden­ action or dimensions of the stratification tification are occupational prestige, education, system (Hodge, Treiman 1968). Much of this income, and blue collar versus white collar inconsistency among prestige, income and employment (Jackman, Jackman 1973; Van­ education arises from structural features of the neman, PampeI1976). As prestige, education, labor market. We will consider only white full and income increase, individuals are more time employed males who have completed likely to identify with the middle class as their education. For this group, education is opposed' to working class. constant throughout the work career, whereas The failure of these factors to cumulate well income and prestige usually change. In this as a basis for common interests explains the conceptual framework we can view education absence of a well-developed class system in as a resource and income and prestige as the United States. There are at least two ways rewards. We can then discuss inconsistency in which these objective factors. could fail to in terms of being underrewarded or over­ cumulate: 1) Inconsistency among objective rewarded, based on a comparison of reward factors may impede identification with a social levels to education level. Education is not the class. Skilled blue collar workers with high only resource which workers carry into the school education sometimes have income labor market, but it is probably the most FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 84 important (Sorensen 1977) controlling for the effects of status There are at least three causes of being inconsistency. underrewarded. 1) Some people, through bad This means that status inconsistency luck or misfortune, cannot capitalize on their suppresses the effects of status on class resources as well as others, though this is not identification. the main source of inconsistency, and may not be permanent. Over time, the effects of bad CLASS OF WORKERS AND luck and misfortune can be overcome. CLASS IDENTIFICATION 2) Young people are more likely to be under­ Blue and white collar workers have different rewarded. They enter the labor market with economic and political interests, and these a fixed set of resources, and careers consist interests are reflected in a strong relation of a gradual increase in rewards until they between the manual/nonmanual distinction reach a reward level which matches their and class identification (Jackman, Jackman resources. Young workers are likely to see 1973). As regards prestige, being a blue being underrewarded as temporary. 3) Much collar worker is such a powerful determinant if not most of the underrewarding is due to the of class identity that many more subtle status structure of certain careers. Several. heavily differences are unlikely to be as important for populated occupations such as public school this group as for white collar workers (Van­ and college teaching and social work require neman, Pampel 1977). high education levels, but income levels are Recent work on other aspects of stratifica­ at or below the center of prestige and income tion also suggests that the distinction between distributions. blue and white collar workers is very impor­ There are at least two sources of being over­ tant: " ... the central class division within the rewarded. 1) Through hard work, luck, or good labor market is along the manual-nonmanual fortune, some people are able to achieve occupational divide .. :' and manual workers income and prestige leve-Is in excess of what have become increasingly disadvantaged others with similar resources can achieve. relative to nonmanual workers, since the latter Some with high school education become suc­ have some incentive to ally with capital cessful small businessmen with incomes (Gagliani 1981 259). Further, the contraction relatively high in the income distribution. in the proportion of manual jobs and the rapid These are rather rare. 2) A more likely source expansion in nonmanual jobs has led to of inconsistency is occupation or career. increasing homogeneity of the blue collar Unions succeed in raising the income of many labor force and the increasing heterogeneity workers. Skilled workers are likely to have of the white collar labor force. Consequently, income levels which exceed the level of their we expect that not only is prestige less impor­ formal education. Foremen, office managers, tant for blue collar workers, but that other and other low level supervisors are also like­ determinants of class identity are less impor­ ly to have a prestige level exceeding their tant for blue than for white collar workers. education level. Along with objective status, we investigate Inconsistency impedes the effect of ver­ three other factors which we expect to be tical status on class identification (Hodge, more important for white than for blue collar Treiman 1968). Thus, if inconsistency were not workers: 1) union membership; 2) unemploy­ present, the effects of status would be ment experience; 3) age. Past research stronger. We can test this argument by ex­ indicates that union membership is not a amining the effects of status without control­ significant determinant of class identity when ling for inconsistency, and comparing it to the other variables are included in the analysis effect of status after controlling for incon­ (Jackman, Jackman 1973). However, this sistency. If the effects of status are greater could be due to failure to consider its effects after controlling for inconsistency, we can for different groups within the population. demonstrate that inconsistency among status Some research on white collar occupations dimensions is an important factor in the class suggests that union membership might be a identification process. Our first hypothesis is: significant factor in this group. Not all manual H1: The effects ofstatus will be greaterafter jobs are desirable, because they involve hard, FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 85 degrading work, and some pay pqorly E = education; I = income, and P = prestige. (Gagliani 1981). Consequently, some non­ This is the basic model used by most resear­ manual workers identify as members of the chers in the past, usually with some added working class. Membership in a union might independent variables. Three types of incon­ enhance this identification, since membership sistency among these variables are possible: in unions is one way in which nonmanual inconsistency between income and education workers become polarized (Wright 1968). (I-E), inconsistency between prestige and Another aspect of the labor market ex­ education (P-E), and inconsistency between periences of individuals that might be related income and prestige (I-P). One statistically to class identity, and which has effects that inappropriate way to examine inconsistency will probably vary for blue and white collar effects would be to retain the three separate workers is unemployment. This factor receives measures of status and use difference terms little attention in the recent class identification to represent status inconsistency. This would literature, though earlier work demonstrated result in the following model: its importance (Legget 1968). Recent 2: 10 = b E + b 1+ bsP + b {I-E) + bs{P-E) + ba{I-P) unemployment experience is likely to help 1 2 4 shape an individual's perceptions of the class But the covariance matrix of the variables in structure and where s/he belongs in it. Though such a model would be singular, and no unemployment is generally more devastating unique estimates of the b coefficients could for blue collar than for white collar workers, be obtained. Another alternative would be to it is likely to have a larger effect on class use interactiqn terms to represent inconsis­ identification for the latter, since the status of tency: being a blue collar worker is so important. 3: 10 = b E + b 1 + bsP + b 1E + bsPE + baPI Age is a neglected determinant of class iden­ 1 2 4 tification. As individuals grow older, they Here, interaction terms measureinconsisten­ accumulate property, such as automobiles, cy plus other forms of interaction, and make furnishings, and equity in a home. Their it impossible to investigate linear forms of general life style improves, at least until retire­ status inconsistency (Wilson 1979). ment. ConsequentJy, age is a variable which One appropriate way to assess the effects of picks up these unmeasured changes in the inconsistency is to assume that there is an quality of life. As individuals grow older they overall dimension of status and to define a should be more likely to identify with the number of types of inconsistency equal to the middle class. And we expect this vari~ble to remaining degrees of freedom after creating be less important for blue collar than for white the overall status measure (Hope 1975). We collar workers. Our second hypothesis is: can create an overall measure of status call­ H2: Status and other determinants ofclass ed socioeconomic status (SES) which can be identification will be less important for blue a weighted or unweighted sum of income, collar workers than for white collar workers. prestige and education. This leaves two degrees of freedom. Consequently, we must SPECIFYING INCONSISTENCY MODELS omit one type of inconsistency from the equa­ Evaluating these two models requires abili­ tion. In general, a model of n status variables ty to measure inconsistency among education, generates a model of one overall measure of income, and prestige. The crucial step in status and n-1 inconsistency variables. Trying studying status inconsistency is the assump­ to exceed this produces a singular covariance tion that there is a single underlying status matrix. Assuming that we have some basis for dimenSion, and that inconsistency can be choosing two of the possible forms of incon­ defined as orthogonal to that dimension (Hope sistency over the other, we could arrive at the 1975). Ignoring other possible independent following model: variables for the moment, one possible model 4: 10 = b SES + b (P-E) + bs(I-E) of class identification would be the following: 1 2 There is question whether students of class 1: 10 =b E +b 1 +bsP 1 2 identification want to give up the three where 10 = class identification; separate status measures in order to FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 86 investigate status inconsistency. There are no the logits. Maximum likelihood estimates of a methodological or statistical grounds for doing are obtained and reported below. so. Equations 1 and 4 are technically the We collapse 4 categories into 2: working 2 same, and would yield the same R , the (lower and working class) and middle (middle same predicted value of 10, and identical coef­ and upper class; Vanneman, PampeI1977). ficients for· any other independent variables For the hypothesis we estimate the following appearing in· both models. The choice must equation: be made between these models on theoretical grounds. The theoretical basis for choosing 7: log [ Pm/(Pm -1)] = b1S + b2(P - E) Equation 4 in our situation is that this model + b3(1- E) + b4M + bsUn + baU + b7A offers the only way to examine the impact of inconsistency on class identification. where p m = probability of being in the middle class category; S = status; M = DATA manual; Un = unemployed; U = union; and Our data are from the 1974, 1975, 1977, and A = age. Other terms are as previously 1978 General Social Surveys collected by the defined. National Opinion Research Center. The 1976 GES was not used because it omitted the MEASURES question about union membership. We look Education is measured in years of schooling, only at employed white males. Employed and occupational prestige applies the Siegel status is required because earnings from a job (1971) prestige scores. Measuring personal and the prestige of an individual's job are im­ income is not as straightforward. Income portant variables in our analysis. Past analysis responses were coded to categories based on shows that the process of class identification uneven intervals, and it was not possible to is considerably different for nonwhites and standardize incomes for each year to a base women than for white males (Evers 1975; year. Therefore we decided to convert the per­ Goyder, Pineo 1974; Jackman, Jackman sonal income variables to five ranks based on 1973; Ritter, Hargens 1975). Since sample quintiles for each year, scoring the low quin­ sizes were similar, we did not weight each tile 1, and the high quintile 5. The composite sample to the harmonic mean. After excluding measure of status (SES) was computed from cases with missing values our sample factor loadings generated by a factor analysis included 1628 white employed males. of income, education, and prestige. Inconsistency was defined in terms of the dif­ METHOD ferences in rankings on prestige and educa­ Several alternatives can be used with a tion and income and education. Our basic categorical dependent variable, including log measure of inconsistency was computed by linear models, probit analysis, and logit subtracting standardized education from stan­ models (Goodman 1971; Vanneman, Pampel dardized income (Inc-Ed) and standardized 1977; Feinberg, Mason 1979). In this analysis education and standardized prestige (Pres­ we use a linear logistic response model (Iogit; Ed). Four remaining variables are measured Haberman 1974). This model is appropriate as follows: manual equals 1 for manual or blue for categorical dependent variables and both collar worker, and 0 otherwise; Unemployment categorical and interval level independent equals 1 if the respondent experienced at variables. Assuming y is an independent least one period of unemployment during the binary random variable with values 0 or 1: past 10 years, and 0 otherwise; Union equals 1. if the respondent belongs to a union during 5: Pr(y= 1) = p; the survey year, and 0 otherwise. Age is then the general logistic response model is: measured in years. 6: log [p I (1-p)] = ax RESULTS where X is a vector of independent variables, Hypothesis 1. For Model 1 in Table 1 the and a is a vector of coefficients. Thus, Equa­ composite SES measure is used but tion .6 represents a model that is linear in inconsistency terms are excluded. The FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 87 goodness of fit test indicates that this model TABLE 1. DETERMINANTS OF represents a significant improvement over the CLASS IDENTIFICATION assumption that each person has the same Variables Model 1 Model 2: SES + probability of identifying with.the middle class. with SES Inconsistency The coefficients are metric, representing Coeff. t-test Caeff. t-teat effects of the variable on the log of the odds of identifying with the middle class rather than Manual -.438 -6.52 -.395 -5.74 the working class. A unit change in an inter­ Union -.020 -0.34 -.066 -1.04 val variable modifies the log of the odds of Unemployment -.179 -2.92 -.174 -2.76 identifying with upper class by the value of the Age .007 1.65 .015 3.38 coefficient, and for categorical variables, being SES .765 9.07 1.034 10.74 in category 1 modifies the log of identifying Inc-Ed .129 -2.19 with middle class by the value of the Pres-Ed -.552 6.94 coefficient. Constant -.706 Being a manual worker diminishes the odds Chi2 tests: n = 1628, p= .001 of middle class identification (-.438). This Goodness of fit 403.06; df = 5 457.04; df = 7 agrees with past research. Belonging to a Improvement test 53.98; df=2 union does not affect class identification, which also agrees with past research. The t-test criteria: t.o5 =1.96; t.o1 =2.58; t.oo1 =3.29 experience of unemployment reduces odds of middle class identity (-.179). This is as predicted, and suggests that unemployment TABLE 2: DETERMINANTS OF CLASS IDENTITY: operates as a variable in social class iden­ MANUAL AND NON MANUAL WORKERS tification. Age is not significant. A significant effect appears for socioeconomic status (SES Variables Manual Nonmanual p .765) which agrees with past research. Union .090 -.312 .004 The test of Hypothesis 1 involves comparison Unemploy. -.284 -.024 .050 of socioeconomic status in Model 1 to its Age .011 .021 .277 effects in Model 2 of Table 1, which contains SES .757 1.331 .004 status inconsistency as well as status. The Inc-Ed -.070 .358 .000 Chi-squared test of improvement in Table 2, Pres-Ed -.303 -.803 .002 which compares Model 2 with Model 1 shows Constant -.992 -.682 that adding the inconsistency terms Chi2 tests: n = 1628 significantly improves ability to explain class Fit goodness 481.8; df = 7 .001 identification. Further, the effects of Improvement 24.7; df = 6 .001 socioeconomic status are substantially increased after controlling for status incon­ Notes: sistency: 1.034 in Model 2 compared to .765 1. P significance level is that of interaction laws. in Model 1. Hypothesis 1 is supported. 2. Improvement test compares Table 2 model to Model 2 Inconsistency among the status measures of Table 1. suppresses the effect of status on class iden­ tification. When inconsistency effects are con­ trolled, the effects of status increase. When we control for effects of inconsistency, Adding inconsistency terms has little impact the effects of age appear. on effect of being a manual worker, union We made no predictions concerning the membership, .or unemployment experience. effects of the inconsistency terms. The results But adding inconsistency terms results in a indicate that as the level of education in­ significant effect on class identification for age creases, the likelihood of identifying with the (.015), suggesting that inconsistency also middle class increases. However, as the level impedes the impact of age on qlass identifica­ of prestige relative to the level of education tion. This could occur from reduced likelihood increases, the likelihood of middle class iden­ of inconsistency, when education level tification decreases. We hesitate to attribute exceeds income level with increased age. significance to these coefficients since we see FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 88 Hypothesis 2 is supported by 4 of the 6 no a priori reason to predict the direction of variables. Only the effects of unemployment their effects. We suspect that their effects are are the reverse of those predicted in due primarily to structural positions in the Hypothesis 2. Most determinants of class United States labor market which produced identification are more important for non­ the inconsistency, and not to the inconsistency manual than for manual workers. per sea Hypothesis 2. Table 2 contains the results of CONCLUSIONS estimating a model that will allow us to test 1) Inconsistency among measures of status Hypothesis 2. The Chi2 Test of Improvement does impede the effects of status on social indicates that this model represents a class identification. With statistical control for statistically significant improvement over the inconsistency, the effect of an overall measure Model 2 of Table 1. This means that the effects of status on class identification increases. of at least some of the determinants of class 2) Union membership, socioeconomic status identification differ significantly for manual and and inconsistency, as determinants of social nonmanual workers. The effects of belonging class identification, are more important for to a union support the hypothesis. Belonging nonmanual than for manual workers. to a union deters nonmanual workers from 3) Important determinants of class identifica­ identifying with the middle class (-.312), but tion which have been ignored or prematurely slightly increases the likelihood of middle class discarded in previous research include age, identification for manual workers (.090). This union membership, and unemployment finding supports those who suggest that experience. unionization may be one way to facilitate the Union membership and unemployment identification of nonmanual workers with the experience play different roles in class iden­ working class (Wright 1976). The finding tification for blue collar and white collar illustrates the importance of unionization as workers. The effect of age is of particular a determinant of class identification. The interest, since it raises questions concerning failure adequately to explore possible inter­ class identification over the life course and the action in the past led to a premature decision work career. The impact of status and other that unionization had no direct impact on class determinants of class identification may vary identification. depending on the individual's career stage. The effects of unemployment do not support The socioeconomic status of one's parents Hypothesis 2. Having experienced unemploy­ probably has an important impact on class ment in the past 5 years has a much larger identification early in adult life. This impact effect on class identification for manual may decline with age as one's successes and workers (-.284) than for nonmanual workers failures come to playa larger role in the social (-.024). Perhaps unemployment is a more class identification process. devastating experience for blue collar than for white collar workers. REFERENCES Age effects also do not support Hypothesis Centers R 1949 The Psychology ofSocial Classes. 2. The slight difference in effect for nonmanual Princeton U Press Evers Mark 1975 Gender, race, and influence of workers (.021) and manual workers (.011) is socioeconomic status on change in sUbjective insignificant. The effects of socioeconomic class identification. Paper. Amer Sociol Assn mtg. status and inconsistency terms do support Feinberg SE 1977 Analysis of Cross-classified Hypothesis 2. Socioeconomic status is con­ Categorical Data. Cambridge. MIT Press siderably more important in shaping the Feinberg S E, WM Mason 1979 Identification and estimation of age-period-cohort models in analysis perceived class identity of nonmanual workers of discrete archival data. 1-67 K Schuessler ed. (1.331) than of manual workers (.757). Incon­ Sociological Methodology. San Francisco. Jossey sistency between education and income has Bass a larger effect for nonmanual workers (.358) Gagliani G 1981 How many working classes. Amer J Sociol 87 259-285 than for manual workers (-.070). Inconsisten­ Giddens Anthony 1973 Class Structure ofAdvanc­ cy between prestige and education has a ed Capitalism. London. Hutchinson larger effect for nonmanual workers (-.803) References concluded on Page 94 than for manual workers (- .303). Thus FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 89

SOCIOLOGICAL UNCERTAINTY: ADVICE FOR HELPING PROFESSIONS Mark N Wexler, Simon Fraser University, Canada INTRODUCTION As perceived and understood, the change is Practical men and women concerned with not at a uniform pace but an irregular, the shape of our times are becoming clear on shapeless amoebic movement, advancing one fact: that we are living in an age of uncer­ here and retreating there, apparently, in a tainty. The knowledge explosion has paradox­ random fashion. The age of uncertainty ically succeeded in helping us to realize the denotes a world in which citizens perceive a severe limitations of expecting the future to previously predictable and understandable unfold as a neat consequence of the present. reality becoming far less so. This uncertainty, understood sociologically as This depiction of an age of uncertainty an aggregate response rather than as an depends implicitly on perception of socio­ individual response, has important implica­ logical uncertainty as a relative state. This tions for the helping professions generally, rather abstract topic is concretized with three and for social workers particularly. analogies: 1) sociological certainty, I hope to sensitize human service practi­ 2) sociological ambivalence, and tioners to the process wherein variations in 3) sociological uncertainty. sociological uncertainty alter the nature of suc­ Imagine that you are watching a theater mar- cessful social adjustment. As we move steadi­ quee in late evening, and the blinking lights ly into increasing social uncertainty, the alter­ announce the film. You read the message with ing nature of successful social adjustment certainty and base your decision to attend or becomes an important aid to the human not on trust in your comprehension of the service workers seeking to know the nature message. This is an instance of sociological of problems confronting their clients. certainty. In this instance, certainty is not only possible, but prevailing. The messages out VARIATION IN SOCIOLOGICAL there in the environment are comprehensible, UNCERTAINTY and moreover, meet your fundamental needs. Each human generation attempts to make It is important to round out this depiction and sense of its times. This collective sense­ thus avoid the utopian strain in depicting making procedure is' an effort to encapsulate certainty by noting that indecisiveness and the core of common sense beliefs about our inability to cope are possible under conditions age. Unlike the biological generation period of sociological certainty. In a psychological of 20 years, the sense-making procedure is context, some persons are indecisive despite facilitated by the mass media, and occurs the clarity of the message. This individual more rapidly. During World War II, the existen­ response, rather than the aggregate response, tialists, aided by the popular press, dubbed stems from a low tolerance for ambiguity or an entire generation the lost generation. The ipability to understand the message when 1950's, as psychologists tell us, was an age read. of status anxiety. Psychoanalysts inform us In the second instance, of sociological that the 1960's were a period of reaction ambivalence, the blinking of the marquee against the conformist anxiety of the 1950's. lights is speeded up, making it impossible for It was the age of the counter-culture. The those with normal vision to discern the 1970's, and perhaps the 1980's as econ­ message. This signals an increase in the rate omists, sociologists, and futurologists tell us, of uncertainty. Now one has to weigh the are the age of uncertainty. importance of the message, because the cost, The age of uncertainty, whether depicted by in time and energy, of comprehending the economist Galbraith (1977), the sociologist message now increases. Ambiguity also Merton (1976) or the futurologist Tottler (1971), increases. Only those having the intellectual is based on the increasing experience of unex­ prowess and the will to spend the energy will pected and avowedly uncontrollable events. succeed in solving the problem. The incidence Things are changing, not only more rapidly, of ambivalence here is remediable. Solutions but spasmodically, and hence, unpredictably. are: 1) decide early in the scenario that the FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 90 message is unimportant, and go to other be interested in reactions to sociological things; 2) use technological means, such as uncertainty. There are two related reasons for a high speed camera, to slow the blinking; this assertion. 1) Those requiring and seek­ 3) locate someone you trust who has seen the ing assistance of social workers in an age of film and ask about it. uncertainty will be of a different sort and more The third instance, unlike the other two, has numerous than under conditions of either cer­ no rational solution. It is sociological uncer­ tainty or ambivalence. 2) Due to the difference, tainty. In this case the lights blinking out the social workers ought to move towards an message are not only blinking rapidly, but as evaluation of the usefulness of present in sociological ambivalence, are blinking ran­ therapeutic techniques and styles. As domly as well. The result is unpredictability. products of an age of uncertainty, they may Efforts to master this unpredictability by be less effective than under conditions of intelligence, with genuine sociological uncer­ ambivalence or certainty. tainty, can only frustrate. It is pointless to look Those requiring the aid of social workers in to alternate activities on which one has more an age of uncertainty are neither the social certain information, since all message­ and psychological marginals prevalent as dependent actions under conditions of clients in an age ofcertainty nor those unable sociological uncertainty are equally random. to cope with accelerating and increasing Technological solutions only produce an change, as is the case in an age of indecipherable replication of randomness. ambivalence. The age of certainty forces itself Finally, it is impossible to find anyone who most harshly on citizens who are firmly com­ has seen the film. mitted to mastering the rules of the game. The third instance typifies the ideal condi­ These are the citizens with a high desire for tions of sociological uncertainty. Elsewhere control and mastery, to whom uncertainty is (Wexler 1981) I traced the relation of this understood as a correlate of much-dreaded depiction to the classical theory of social powerlessness. This fear of powerlessness, anomie and explored the reasons for melded with a desire for control, and a com­ emergence of the belief in ours as an age of mitment to the rules of order all provide a new uncertainty. In this historical framework, the type of client; one who has met with great suc­ age of uncertainty may not be empirically cess in adapting to the conditons of certainty useful. Perhaps change is no more rapid and and ambivalence, but not to those embedded no more spasmodic than that prevalent in the in an age of uncertainty. Canadian west. Such reasoning, while Let us now account for how variations in interesting to the empirical scientist, is less so degrees of sociological uncertainty create a to the human service practitioner, who must change in the number and type of clients likely deal with the simple but powerful fact that to seek assistance of helping professionals. when people perceive things as real, they act To get to this issue in an analytic mode, we accordingly. will explore the sociological model of social The first time that I insisted that the normalcy and adaptation prevalent in the "monsters" were not in the room with my works of structural functionalists (Parsons drug-dependent client, I believed it, and my 1949, 1951; Merton 1957; Wexler 1974). assistant believed it. But we were already Structural functionalists are important in this acting in line with this belief. It became context since they seek to address the pro­ apparent to me, albeit not very quickly, that blem of the ongoing adaptation of individuals my empirical validation~f a monsterless reality to changing social conditions. The emphasis was powerless to dematerialize my client's here is historical and macrosocietal. In­ monsters. dividuals are depicted as constantly striving to fulfill their personal desires and needs in VARYING UNCERTAINTY AND the context of altering social and historical THE CLIENT conditions. If one accepts, either that ours is an age of In the context of structural functional theory, uncertainty, or that many people believe it to social normalcy is viewed as a product of the be, then human service practitioners should degree to which the individual and society are FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 91 integrated. Social normalcy is realized, the acceptable path to approved ends. functionalists argue, when citizens develop These strategies of human adaptation are modes of legitimate action grounded in social­ ideal types in the Weberian tradition (1964), ly accepted values which effectively achieve and are simplifications of a complex welter of or approximate the ends sought by indi­ adaptive patterns. The simplification of ideal­ dividuals. Failure to achieve one's ends or to type analysis occurs with the use of sensitiz­ do so in the context of socially approved ing labels like conformity and rebellion to values, when recurrent, will lead to social denote broadly conceived adaptive strategies. strain, and to abnormality if not tempered. Humans, it is argued, in an age of certainty Within the structural functional perspective, will generally develop adaptive strategies that helping professionals arise to maintain a differ from those in either ambivalence or congruence between the actions and values uncertainty. Moreover, those unable to suc­ of individuals and those of the larger society ceed in attaining social normalcy in an age of or collective in which both acting and valuing certainty will differ from those prevalent in are meaningful. either ambivalence or uncertainty. This logic Helping professionals, according to struc­ assumes that individuals within populations tural functionalists, attempt to help citizens seek stable and trustworthy information in learn and coordinate effective strategies of order to achieve social normalcy. To fulfill both adaptation. An effective strategy is one in the means-ends and the social legitimacy which the individual achieves the end sought, aspects of social normalcy, it is imperative that and does so with the approval of his/her col­ one find or develop a means of making sense lectivity. The logic here is that socially normal of the social world. individuals are those capable of successfully In the age of uncertainty this need for a securing their needs or adjusting them so as sense-making procedure is easily fulfilled. As to secure their needs while realizing the shown in Figure 1, the adaptive strategy most approval of society. Everyone will attempt to useful in this context is conformity. This con­ develop modes of adaptation, but when these formity cannot be blind. The rules governing fail and none are found to replace them, the the social system are explicit, and one desir­ individual becomes a client of human service ing to fulfill particular ends within a socially practitioners. legitimate context ought to be aware of the The structural functionalists take their social rules guiding that behavior and reasoning one important step further. They especially the particular nuances and em­ posit five basic strategies of human adapta­ phases given to the general behaviorl stream tion to the changing social world. In line with by highly successful 'known models. The Merton's (1957) work these are the five: known model is the active agent whose Conformity -The mode of adaptation involv­ behavior is made concrete, and not abstract­ ing a reliance on tradition and well-established ly theoretical or rule-bound. The second most paths of action to socially acceptable ends. successful adaptive strategy in an age of cer­ Retreatism - The mode of adaptation involv­ tainty is innovation. The stability of elements ing a concerted search for a more controlled in an age of certainty permits the emergence social microcosm in which the individual can of the stable social entrepreneur..Social achieve socially acceptable ends. entrepreneurship goes beyond conformity in Ritualism - The mode of adaptation involving achieving one's goals. It takes a concrete an elaborate and structured series of con­ instance of conformist behavior and generates tinued and often repetitive actions to achieve a novel combination. The novelty of innova­ socially acceptable ends. tion is easily kept within the parameters of the Rebellion - The mode of adaptation involving legitimate and the totally acceptable in an age an effort to thwart or renounce specific or of certainty, but this becomes more difficult generalized authority figures in order to in both the ages of ambivalence and achieve socially acceptable ends. uncertainty. Innovation - The mode of adaptation involv­ Ritualism is the strategy least likely to work ing the synthesis of heretofore uncombined in an age of certainty. The ritualist relies on elements to generate a novel but socially an elaborate and structured series of often FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 92

FIGURE 1: CERTAINTY IN reads rebellion as a signal to increase block­ HUMAN ADAPTATION: ing behavior. Retreatism works well for those Adaptation Saliency seeking goals that are achievable in the retreatist context. These goals shouId be conformity + highly focused. Moreover, to be successful in retreatism +1- either a hermitic, or a community retreatist ritualism endeavor, the retreatist must be fully engag­ rebellion -I+ ed and unstinting in commitment to this adap­ innovation + tive strategy. In an age of ambivalence the social world FIGURE 2: AMBIVALENCE IN becomes more turbulent. Conformity, like its HUMAN ADAPTATION behavioral root, tradition, now becomes iffy. Adaptation Saliency Conformity, as shown in Figure 2 works well when done selectively. Since the social pro­ conformity +1- cesses have speeded up so rapidly, one must retreatism +1- learn to adjust the old well-established rules ritualism of an age of certainty to one of ambivalence. rebellion -I+ One of the best and most important ways to innovation + 1- accomplish this is to select a model who is proving successful in the accelerated social FIGURE 3: UNCERTAINTY IN conditions of this period. The selection HUMAN ADAPTATION requires a clear understanding of one's goals Adaptation Saliency and an ability to discern this in a successful model as other. conformity In an age of ambivalence, as in an age of cer­ retreatism +1- tainty, retreatism can be both adaptive and ritualism + non-adaptive. Retreatism is useful for those rebellion seeking limited goals with an intense focus innovation +1- and concentration, a strategy not easily accepted in the hurly-burly of today's urban repetitive actions to achieve socially accep­ life. But one must be aware that it is likely in table ends. This behavioral strategy suc­ an age of ambivalence, as turbulence in­ cessfully anchors the psyche, and permits a creases, that more individuals lacking in deep feeling of control, but it often is incapable of commitment, will perceive the retreatist adap­ ready transfer from one goal accomplishment tation as a panacea. To these increasing to another. In an age of certainty, one must numbers, the retreatist adaptation may pro­ not only be able to use stable information to duce an increase, and not a decrease in social accomplish a goal, but be able to move on to abnormality. other goals when one has succeeded with the The ritualist in an age of ambivalence sticks first. Ritualism in an age of certainty is like a out less exaggeratedly than in an age of cer­ traveler with too much luggage. tainty, but the ritualist's insistence on highly Two adaptations that work for some and not routinized activities does not become any others in an age of certainty are rebellion and more functional. The reason the ritualist retreatism. Rebellion works well when the begins to assume the appearance of greater individual is prevented from accomplishing adjustment in an age of ambivalence is that socially acceptable goals by an authority the ritual routines often give others the feel­ figure. It works best when the authority figure ing that here is a swift and assured decision­ is sensitive to rebellion as a message in line maker; one who is self-confident. Ritualism with other's desire to achieve socially accep­ increases during an age of ambivalence. To table goals. It works worst when directed to many, as the script speeds up, the only way non-authority others with little direct influence to tackle the acceleration is to memorize one's on the individual's goals, or when directed to lines. an authoritarian type authority figure who Rebelliousness in an age of ambivalence is FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 93 both adaptive and non-adaptive. In this of uncertainty, but this frequency should not respect it is like rebelliousness in an age of be taken to gauge rebellion's adaptiveness, certainty. But there are two key differences to because the perception of blockage increases be noted. In an age of certainty, it is still highly when the rebel feels unable to achieve socially useful to rebel in order to communicate feel­ acceptable ends. But it is difficult to locate the ings of being blocked to the blocking other. source of blockage, and without this In an age of ambivalence, it is both more dif­ knowledge, tension reduction is temporary, ficult to identify clearly the blocking other, and and in the long run tension is increased. The of equal import,.to have the other recognize reason that rebellion fails to reduce tension the rebellious content of the message. Thus, overall is the ubiquity of rebellion in an age in an age of ambivalence, as individuals find of uncertainty. Tension likely increases as acts it more difficult to achieve their ends, of rebellion are not received as messages of rebelliousness increases. blockage, but as acts to be resisted with equal Innovation in an age of ambivalence or greater rebellious intensity. becomes an important, but dangerous mode In an age of uncertainty ritualism will in­ of adaptation. It is important because the age crease and provide a psychological anchor. of ambivalence provides great opportunities Ritualism will not lead to goal attainment bet­ to innovators. The rapidity of acceleration of ter than conformity, but it provides a sense of social phenomena melded with increasing control. Excess behavior luggage which draws erasure of older and more concrete demarca­ ridicule to the ritualist in the age of certainty tions of the age of certainty not only make in­ helps to maintain calm and steady demeanor novation possible, but demand it. The dangers in times of social agitation. The ritualist takes of innovation are twofold. 1) It cannot be refuge in a large corporate entity or fundamen­ taught, and one is confounded by those who talist religious interpretations. The ritualist claim to be able to teach innovation. 2) More adheres rigidly to a series of understandable pressing is that the innovator in an age of behavioral prescriptions. The solidity of this ambivalence may be found on the wrong side step-by-step system provides a relatively of the law. The issue of social legitimacy of sophisticated way to cope with uncertainty. action, explicit in the structural functionalists' The retreatist and innovator, as shown in designation of social normalcy now becomes Figure 3 can adapt or fail depending on their problematic. The categories of moral and legal mode of approach. Successful retreatism evaluation often change more slowly than the entails a formal commitment to the ideals and motive force that stirs the innovator. discipline of this mode of existence. Those In an age of uncertainty, unpredictability seeking hermitic existence must insure that prevails. In these circumstances, as shown in affiliative and social desires are well Figure 3, conformity is not a very useful adap­ understood. Those entering the community of tation. Traditional means of achieving social­ retreatists encounter a boom of such persons ly approved ends no longer serve adequately in the age of uncertainty, and many are drawn to guide behavior. Moreover, direct modeling in less to the ideals of retreatist existence than based on the perceptions of successful others, by fear of the raw machinations of mass is adaptive in an age of ambivalence but is no behavior. Successful innovation does not longer useful in an age of uncertainty. Citizen signal a mastery of the system or the use of A's perception of Citizen B's success in a ven­ intellect to fashion novelty. Instead, successful ture with an outcome which A desires, in no innovation requires patience, a playful disposi­ way guarantees that B's method will succeed. tion and good fortune. The unsuccessful in­ The speed which denoted an age of ambival­ novator is one who, lacking patience, is con­ ence is not joined to the incidence of tinually frustrated by the randomness of spasmodic change. Patterned events occur­ occurrences, and looks at each failure as a ring at Time 1, such as B's successful threat to the self-perceived superior intellect. behavior need not be at all successful at Time The successful innovator understands the 2 simply because the same behavior importance of luck and appreciates the sequence is used. emergent, unpredictable age of uncertainty. The rebel appears very frequently in an age FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1, May 1984 94

CONCLUSION SANDEFUR, FINLEY continued from Page 88 While more analysts focus on the stress variable as an important indicator of Goodman Leo 1971 Analysis of multidimensional contingency tables: stepwise procedures and psychological and social problems, they do so direct estimation methods for building models for at the expense of ignoring the manner in multiple classifications. Technometrics 13 33-61 which stress in the aggregate plays a vital role ___ 1972 A Modified multiple regression as sociological uncertainty. Being a good help­ approach to the analysis of dichotomous variables. Amer Sociol Rev 37 28-46 ing professional requires cognizance not only Goyder John C, Peter C Pineo 1974 Minority group of one's particular therapy, but also of how this status and self-evaluated class. Sociol Qtrly 15 can be adjusted to suit ongoing changes in 199-211 the nature of society. I have tried to sensitize Haberman SJ 1974 Analysis of Frequency Data. human service practitioners to the effect of Chicago U Press Hodge Robert W, Donald J Treiman 1968 Class alterations in sociological uncertainty on identification in the United States. Amer J Sociol human efforts to achieve normalcy. As a prac­ 73 535-547 titioner one must grow familiar with one's own Hope K 1971 Social mobility and fertility. Amer version of current normalcy, but it is even Sociol Rev 36 1019-1032 1975 Models of status inconsistency more important to realize how transitory such and social mobility effects. Amer Sociol Rev 40 normalcy is in the face of altering social 322-343 pressures. Jackman Mary R, Robert W Jackman 1973 An interpretation of the relation between objective and REFERENCES subjective social status. Amer Sociol Rev 38 569-582 Galbraith J 1977 The Age of Uncertainty. Boston. Legget JC 1968 Class, Race, and Labor: Working Houghton Mifflin Class Consciousness in Detroit New York. Oxford Garner W 1962 Uncertainty and Structure as U Press Psychological Concepts. New York. Wiley Mciver R M, CH Page 1949 Society. New York Mack R 1971 Planning on Uncertainty. New York. Rinehard Wiley Ritter K V, Lowell L Hargens 1975 Occupational Merton R 1957 Social Theory and Social Structure. positions and class identification of married work­ New York. Free Press ing women: a test of the asymmetry hypothesis. 1976 Sociological Ambivalence. New Amer J Sociol 80 934-948 York. Free Press Siegel Paul 1971 Prestige in the American OCcupa~ Mills C W, H Gerth 1953 Character and Social tional Structure. PhD thesis. Chicago U Structure. New York. Harcourt Brace World Sorensen AB 1977 Structure of inequality and the Parsons T 1949 The Structure ofSocial Action. New process of attainment. Amer Sociol Rev 42 York. Free Press 965-978 1951 The Social System. New York. Vanneman Reeve 1980 U.S. and British perceptions Free Press of class. Amer J Socio/85 769-790 Toffler A 1971 Future Shock. New York. Bantam Vanneman Reeve, Fred C Pampel 1977 The Weber M 1964 The Theory ofSocial and Economic American perception of class and status. Amer Organization. New York. Free Press Sociol Rev 42 422-437 Wexler MN 1974 Police culture: A response to Wilson KL 1979 Status inconsistency and the Hope ambiguous employment. C Boydell, C Grindstaff, technique, I: the grounds for a resurrection. Social P Whitehead eds. Selected Readings on the Forces 57 1229-1247 Administration ofJustice. Toronto. Holt Rinehart Wright E 0 1976 Class boundaries in advanced Winston capitalist societies. New Left Rev 98 3-41 _ 1981 Uncertainty as a root metaphor Zurcher L A, KL Wilson 1979 Status inconsistency in social science. Free Inquiry in Creative Sociol and the Hope technique, II: a linear hypothesis 9 31-35 .about status enhancement, status detraction, and satisfaction with membership. Social Forces 57 1248-1264 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 95

GOFFMAN: CONTENT AND METHOD FOR SEMINAL THOUGHT Jack E Bynum, Charles Pranter, Oklahoma State University GOFFMAN CONCEPTUALIZATION concomitant methodology. Certainly, Stigma Erving Goffman, widely acknowledged as a is a compelling and exciting book, filled with leading contemporary social thinker, is a pro- what CW Mills meant by "sociological lific and popular writer, having authored 35 imagination:' It is filled with convincing major journal articles and many books. His in- glimpses of social reality, with a combination fluence spread through innovative concepts of keen, profound insights and a persuasive like dramaturgic model, and the game style. It is perhaps worthwhile to investigate metaphorfor analysis of social interaction, and what Goffman is doing, and the method and his analysis of societal response in stigma. sources of data which lie behind his analyses. "Since the publication of The Presentation of If theory can be defined as: A map of an Self in Everyday Life (1959), Goffman has empirical referent, it seems fair to assume that been widely regarded as one who could the ultimate validity and generality of develop effective and intriguing theory. His theoretical contributions are determined by perspective and concepts have become part the data and method from which the theory of the standard vocabulary of sociology:' was generated. (Glaser, Strauss 1967 136). Regarding Textbooks on social research methodology Stigma: Notes on the Management ofSpoiled condition the student to expect certain Identity, another of Goffman's admirers sug- prescribed procedures in every report of gests that it represents the apex of the sociological investigation. One expects the author's craftsmanship, brought about by a scientific method to be apparent in the pro­ rare blend of scientist and humanist (Cuzzort cess of formulating most research problems 1969 6). and research designs. Whatever the process Looking at the relation between these two entails, the interaction between theory and books may offer insight into the Goffman empirical reality should be reciprocal and method of creating and validating theory. ongoing. Movement from one to the other Methods of data collection, investigation of should involve use of unbiased data collection, phenomena and style of presentation are stated hypotheses and variables specified in similar, but The Presentation of Self clearly a form testable in a~ reliable manner, with embodies the major theoretical development, careful consideration of causal relations and while Stigma consists of a concentrated inferences. application and a sort of testing of the theory These requirements constitute an ideal. But and concepts developed. In both books, Goff- its acknowledgment is not to deny that notable man's effort is directed to developing contributions have been made to the fund of theoretical frameworks beyond the study of sociological knowledge through efforts which the substantive areas. In the Preface to The either fall short of the formal prescription, or Presentation ofSelf, he begins: "I mean this even employ different criteria for what is report to serve as a sort of handbook detail- acceptable and fruitful in sociological ing one sociological perspective from which endeavor. The effect is to place the student social life can be studied ... " In Stigma he in a vortex of controversy over different notes that numerous good studies of stigmas methodological approaches and the adequacy have accumulated; he wishes to show "how of differing theories generated from them. this material can be economically described One argument centers on the relative merits within a single conceptual scheme." He con- of quantitative versus qualitative empirical tinues, "This task will allow me to formulate evidence. These two positions are often and use a special set of concepts .. :' treated as polar opposites. They are referred Stigma involves not only an application of a to as scientism, mathematical-statistical hard previously constructed framework, but also a sociology, and methodolatry by one critical continued theoretical development. Thus, the faction, and as humanism, verstehen, and soft book provides opportunity to examine both the sociology by the opposing faction. Kingsley content-data of seminal thought and the Davis supports the first position and criticizes FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 96 those who fail to found their theory on quan­ elaborate measurements, or structured ques­ titative data: "Others share in a regrettable tionnaires or interviews. He does not hesitate social science propensity: theory, instead of to use literary examples if they help to iIIustate meaning the widest body of rigorous reason­ a concept or idea. He relies heavily on case ing about a set of observed relationships, has studies, gleanings of "expert opinion" from come to mean a long stretch of purely verbal other sociological and psychological studies, analysis:' (Davis 1959 313) as well as novels and casual conversations. Bierstedt (1960 9) champions the humanist His work is mainly of a descriptive, qualitative orientation, suggesting that all sociology need nature which seems to blend well with his own not be scientific: "Veblen used no question­ profound insights. According to Cuzzort (1969 naires, Sumner no coefficients of correlation, 192), Goffman qualifies as a scientist: and Tocquevill was wholly untrained in the "Goffman stands back and observes through modern techniques of field investigation. One perspectives of science, the artful behavior of does not imply from these examples that man. The effect is powerful ... the large follow­ either ignorance or neglect of formal method ing ... in sociological and psychological circles is a virtue. One does imply that something is a result of the fact that he brings together more than method is required to achieve a the synthetic powers of the humanistic artist genuine superiority. The reason these writers with the analytic and objective powers of the were great sociologists is that they were contemporary social scientist:' humanist first:' Since Goffman's seminal writings are devoid Another argument centers not so much on of conventional measures, the effort to deter­ the kind of data from which to generate or test mine his methodology must center on the con­ theory, but the extent to which it relates to an tent of the writings per se. Content analysis actual empirical referent. Larson's (1973) dif­ is the highly flexible tool which can be molded ferentiation between grounded theory and to any conceptual format deemed promising ungrounded ,theory illustrates the dilemma. for assessing non-obvious characteristics According to Glaser and Strauss (1967 2), about a corpus of scientific work. Goffman grounded theory means "the discovery of used copious short footnotes to illuminate his theory from data systematically obtained from text for the reader concerned with possible social research:' Ideally, grounded theory is sources for his ideas and demonstrative ex­ solidly anchored in the empirical world. At the amples. A simple content analysis of those other extreme, ungrounded theory consists of footnotes for Stigma provides an exploratory abstract impressionism, rational construction avenue to the Goffman method. Content without form or content. In this realm of analysis is quantitative in the sense that it theoretical development and testing, there is involves measurement and classification of a tendency to present analysis without ade­ some component of documentary materials, quately explaining how certain conclusions providing a quantitative method of working were selected in preference to other logical with qualitative data (Simon 1969 271). and plausible conclusions. Not surprisingly, Although content analysis of the footnotes is " ... the personal style of the "ungrounded elementary, some intriguing facts emerge con­ theorist" rather than the content of his work cerning Goffman's data sources which con­ becomes the focal point not only of his detrac­ stitute much of his scientific methodology, and tors, but also his admirers:' (Larson 1973 3) from that, his formulation of theory. The whole effect is to remove from considera­ There is a total of 292 footnotes in Stigma, tion the objectivity essential to scientific each citing a source which illuminates or method:' demonstrates the various points made in the text. Of the 292 footnotes, 280 are included GOFFMAN METHOD in the present analysis. Sufficient information The reader of Stigma soon becomes aware was not available for the remaining 12 that Goffman is not concerned with formal references to be traced. The frequency method, and that his theoretical development distribution by number of citations per source and validation often veer toward the for 194 citations is indicated in Table 1.1, with ungrounded pole. He does not rely on 74 single citations listed alphabetically by FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 97

TABLE 1: SOURCE CITATION FREQUENCY IN STIGMA FOOTNOTES

Table 1.1 Multiple Citations Citations Authors Source Year and Title Citations Authors Source Year and Title

15 Chevigny 1962 My Eyes Have a Cold Nose 4 Keitlin T 1962 Farewell to Fear 15 Henrich, Kriegel 1961 Experiments in Survival 3 Atholl J 1956 Reluctant Hangman. 12 McGregor 1953 Facial Deformities-Plastic Surgery 3 Aiesman D 1951 Some observations on 7 Goffman 1959, 1963 Encounters; Asylums; Self marginality. Phylon 7 Aolph 1955 1957 Women of the Streets; 3 Aussell 1949 Victory in My Hands Personal Identity 3 Sartre J 1960 Anti-Semite and Jew. 7 Stearn 1961 1962 Sisters of the Night; Sixth Man 3 Viscardi 1952, 1961 A Man's Stature. Laughter in 6 Carling 1962 And Yet We Are Human the Lonely Night 6 Lemert 1948 1951 Social Pathology 3 Wildwood 1959 Against the Few. 6 Toynbee 1961 Underdogs 2 Becker 1963, 1955 Outsiders. Marijuana use and 6 Yarrow, Clawson 1955 Social meaning of mental social control.Social Probl illness. J Social Issues 2 Broyard 1950 Portrait of the inauthentic negro. 6 Hathaway 1943 The Little Locksmith. Commentary X 6 Orbach et al 1957 Fear and defensive adap­ 2 Gowan AG 1956 The War Blind tations to loss of anal sphincter control. 2 Greenwald 1958 The Call Girl Psychoanal Rev 2 Griffin JH 1960 Black Like Me. 5 Baker W, L Smith 1939 Facial disfigurement & 2 Freeman, Kasenbaum 1956 The illiterate in personality. J Amer Med Assn America. Social Forces 5 Criddle 1953 Love is not Blind 2 Hartman 1951 Criminal aliases: A psychological 5 Davis F 1961 Deviance disavowal: Management study. J Psych of strained interaction by visibly handicapped. 2 Hooker E 1961 Homosexual community. Unpubl Social Probl 2 Hughes HM 1961 The Fantastic Lodge. 5 Lewin K 1948 Resolving Social Conflicts Pt 3 2 Landy, Singer 1961 Social organization & culture 5 Livingstone 1963 Living with Epileptic Seizures of former mental patients. Human Relats 5 Parker, Allerton 1962 Courage of his Convictions 2 Linduska 1947 1961 My Polio Past Madelaine: 5 White AK et al 1948 Studies in Adjustment to An Autobiography. Visible Injuries 2 Mills E 1961 Living with Mental Illness. 4 Barker A 1953 Social psychology of physical 2 Aigman 1959 Second Sight disability. J Social Issues 2 Seeman 1958 The intellectual & the language of 4 Johnson J 1960 Autobiography of an Ex-colored minorities. Amer J Sociol Man 2 Wolfe B 1950 Ecstatic in black face. Modern Rev

Table 1.2 Single references by author. Adams A 1961 Ernst, Schwartz 1962 Lindesmith, Strauss 1956 San Francisco Chron 1963 Allport G 1958 Fleming 1954 Love E 1957 Savitz, Tomasson 1959 Baldwin J Glass A 1962 Maurer 1949 Schachtel 1961 Bainbridge 1961 Gordon 1960 Meltzer 1962 Shaler 1904 Bartlett 1961 Greenberg 1950 Messinger 1962 Somer, Osmand, Pancyr '60 Belknap 1956 Heckstall-Smith 1954 Myerson, Maller 1960 Stone 1962 Berkeley Daily Gaz 1961 Henry 1954 Murphey Unpubl Swartz 1957 Broom, Beam, Harris 1955 Hirshi 1962 Norman 1958 Thomas Brossard 1955 Hodgson 1954 Parkins 1961 Unadjusted Girl 1923 Birdwhistell 1955 Hughes E 1958 Palmer 1958 Unpubl ms 1952 Burma 1946 Kane 1927 Perry et al eds 1956 Warner WL 1937 Clark E 1961 Kardmer 1951 Perry SE 1954 Wechsler 1960 Chaudhuri 1959 Kerkhoff 1952 Pear 1957 West N 1962 Coser 1962 Kogon, McLeod 1947 Phelan 1953 Westwood 1960 Dendrickson, Thomas 1954 Kohn, Williams 1956 Poli 1960 White DA 1961 Dentler, Erikson 1959 Ladieu et al 1947 Poll 1962 Marx Gary Unpubl ms Dexter LA 1958 Lee A 1953 Aeiss 1961 Sawadski, Lazarsfeld 1935 Dickens' Amer Notes 1842 Levin 1953 Aoneche 1953 Erikson E 1950 Lieber 1962 Aubin 1961 author in Table 1.2, with year of publication. the sturdy web of his arguments. The wide Listing titles for multiple citations shows the range of sources incorporated in Stigma is range and types of sources for Goffman's definitely worth noting. analytical thought processes. He freely 1) Case studies and fictional sources such as acknowledged these intellectual obligations, reflective novels are favorite sources to supply (Figure 1) showing his personal contacts and examples and illustrations of his point. generalizations from experience. He used an 2) It is significant that social scientists have antenna to pick up stray fragments of data, ignored the pimp category in prostitution examples, and concepts, and wove them into research. Goffman calls this a hiatus in the FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 98 objective study of this subject. Much of the method type. Categories were constructed basic problem in social science research is from information gained by tracking down and made up of operant latent factors which the checking the content of all listed sources. The social scientist has yet to discover. task was complicated because 40 of the references were published in Great Britain, FIGURE 1: OTHER STIGMA NOTES and many were not available to us. Cases 1.1 Personal Credits. where the source could not be obtained were "I know a physician ... P 42 classified where possible according to infor­ Harvey Sacks, p 55 mation gleaned from literary abstracts and Harold Garfinkel, p 62 from Goffman's context. This classification Evelyn Hooker, p 83 was facilitated by Goffman's habit of indicating Harold Garfinkel, p 88 whether the source was a novel or a bio­ David Matza, p 139 gra·phy. Finally, sources were classified in four Dorothy Smith, p 143 categories, in addition to that containing the more scientific studies. The categories 1.2 Insightful Comments appeared to be clearly defined and mutually "The management of stigma is, of course, a exclusive. If a source qualified for anyone of central theme in the English novel." p 5. the categories, that was the only category in which it could be placed. " ... a convention seems to have emerged in The four analytical categories are presented popular life-story writing where a questionable with a definition, an illustrative example, and person proves his claim to normalcy by citing the percentage which the category represents his acquisition of a spouse and children ..." for all Stigma source citations. p 7. 1) Fictional or hypothetical. Not based on fact but on fantasy or conjecture. Example: I "Although there is ample fictional, and even Levin's A Kiss Before Dying. 14 percent. some case history material on prostitutest 2) Bio- or autobiographical, or a single there is very little material of any kind on the case. Example: Griffin's Black Like Me. 22 pimp~' p 79. percent. 3) Essay, descriptive, & qualitative. These sources are similar in construction and DISCUSSION content-type to Gottman's Stigma. 19 percent. Exactly half of all 292 references cited in 4) Intuitive suggestion. Based on intuition or Stigma refer to 22 of the 127 authors and con­ suggestions from friends in converstion. fidants listed as idea and illustration sources. Example: "Suggested by Evelyn Hooker in Of the 269 cited works, 191, or 71 percent Conversation:' 3.4 percent. were contemporary, within the previous 9-year This category system accounts for a total of period, and 78, or 29 percent were from earlier 58 percent of Goffman's citations. It provides publication. Since Goffman relies so little on an excellent example of extraordinarily fruit­ quantitative data, there is no barrier to current ful qualitative output. This 58 percent of Goff­ validity. And we can probably discount the man's research sources which lies outside the heavy concentration of references on just one­ hard, quantitative data so popular with sixth of the listed sources, since there is no neopositivists in sociology today represents clear requirement to distribute references the key to Goffman's methodology. At the equally among sources. However the analyst same time, we must recognize that 42 percent might probe further into the effects of source of the data sources used in Stigma are from dominance in Stigma. Is there evidence that studies by sociologists and psychologists that Goffman's analysis is misdirected by would be perfectly acceptable to more quan­ favoritism is source selection? titative and formal methodological orienta­ More in-depth analysis yields further implica­ tions. When these two groups of sources are tions. This analysis consists of classifying into brought together with Goffman's own inven­ a series of categories all those sources not tive insights, we get a readable and pro­ considered to be of the quantitative, formal vocative book like Stigma. FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 99

CONCLUSION these consitituent elements and offers a useful It is apparent that Goffman's methodololgy is alternative to the quantitative/qualitative an adroit synthesis of differently derived data. dichotomy in sociological analysis. While the debate continued throughout the discipline between proponents of the REFERENCES qualitative versus the quantitative emphasis Bierstedt Robert 1960 Sociology and humane learn­ in research methodololgy, and between ing. Amer Sociol Rev Feb 3-9 Cuzzort RP 1969 Humanity and Modern ungrounded versus grounded theory and Sociological Thought New York. Holt Rinehart theory development, Goffman boldly Winston generated and applied theory on the basis of Davis Kinsley 1959 The sociology of democratic a subtle wedding of the polar types. He behavior. RK Merton et al eds. Socology Today. New York. Basic Books reflected an easy, unquestioning trust in his Glaser Barney, Anselm Strauss 1967 The Discovery sources, which he quoted wholesale. Two of Grounded Theory: Strategies for Qualitative alternative conclusions are possible. Research. Chicago Aldine 1) Goffman has mixed clay and iron. Thus the Goffman Erving 1959 Presentation ofSelfin Every­ theoretical contributions, because of their day Life. New York. Anchor ___ 1963 Stigma: Notes on the Management mixed data and unorthodox methohdology, ofa spoiled identity. Englewood Cliffs. Prentice are of weak and tenuous validity. Hall. . ,2) Goffman has combined two metals in a new Larson Calvin 1973 Major Themes in SociologIcal and priceless alloy. The blend of content and Theory. New York. McKay . methodology draws strength from both of Simon Julian 1969 Basic Research Methods In Social Science. New York. Random House FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 100

CHANGES IN RUNNERS' VOCABULARIES OF MOTIVE: PHYSICAL FITNESS AS RELIGION Charles Edgley, Betty Edgley, Oklahoma State University Ronny E Turner, Colorado State University Reason is essentially a servant of the passions - it is the faculty of devising ways and means to secure what one desires. --Thomas Hobbes

VOCABULARIES OF MOTIVE asking them, "Why do you do this?" The con­ In an earlier study (Edgley et al 1982) we text of the question was usually startling described how the physical fitness movement, because we asked it with something of an as embodied in running and jogging, has edge, implying that what they were doing taken on many trappings of religion. The might be more problematic than thought. movement draws on the same symbolic foun­ Despite the fact that the environment was that dations as religion, such as conversion, generated by fellow runners, the question evangelism, testimonials, disputes over usually created discomfort. We recorded our dogma, and sacred texts. It also must con­ observations about the changes in the nature struct a vocabulary of motives to justify its acti­ and types of vocabularies of motive used by vities to members, skeptics, and detractors. runners, and compared and classified them, Mills' (1940) concept of situatedactions and excluding those where we disagreed among vocabularies ofmotive was formulated in the ourselves. Scott and Lyman definition of accounts: An account is a linguistic device employed RUNNERS AND MOTIVES whenever an action is subjected to valuative We initially thought that at running events, inquiry. Such devices are a crucial element in the questions of motive would rarely arise. We social order since they prevent conflict eruption presumed that there existed a well-defined by verbally bridging the gap between action and substratum of agreement about why people expectation. (Brissett, Edgley, 1975 171) run. This proved not to be the case. Runners found the question. "Why?" very problematic. HOW THIS STUDY WAS DONE We suspect that this is due to two major cir­ Since we were interested in changes in cumstances which runners encounter as they vocabularies over time, we extracted that por­ engage in running: tion of an earlier study (Edgley et al 1982), but 1) There is pressure from others to explain it together with the Nash (1976) study which why they do what they do. Regardless of the dealt with motives, and compared those fact that running has become enormously accounts with those which we have observed popular, there remains a non-running majority and elicited in the last year. During 1983 we who do not fully understand why people run. attended the New York Marathon, a gather­ This includes spouses who may not appreci­ ing of over 17,000 runners, and the largest ate the time demands that running and train­ single running event in the world, the Dallas ing place on the serious runner, as well as White Rock Marathon, where more than 8,000 supervisors who are also skeptical, and non­ were officially entered, and the Tulsa Run, the runners who may be positively threatened by second largest 15 kilometer race in the world, the alleged new competition in the arenas of attracting some 7,000 entrants. We attended appearance, energy, and sex appeal said to events, participated in the scene and got a feel be posed by the converted runner. 2) There for each of them. In each case we attended is lack of agreement among runners accompanying seminars which brought themselves about why they run. We were together runners, prominent writers, gurus, amazed to discover this in seminars held in nutritionists, cultural heroes,and leaders of conjunction with every major running event in the running movement to share observations the United States. with those in attendance. The seminars, usually held the day before In the course of watching and listening to the race, consist of nationally prominent runners talk, we often observed motive figures in the running movement who give exchanges. And we challenged runners by testimonials, inspirational speeches about FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. 101 running, and reminisce on past glories. Rather high-density cholesterol plus the mechanisms than take for granted the vocabularies of for achieving such results, are all to be found motive which rationalize running activities, in the rhetoric of runners and are implied in these speakers lace their talks with reference the use of the healthy body motive. to why they run. The seminar phenomenon Runners almost never legitimize their run­ suggested an important feature of the sym­ ning by this motive without reference to its bolic interactionist-dramaturgical view of opposite. Atrocity stories regularly encounter­ motives. Most people think of motives as ed cite ·non-runners who had heart attacks, antecedents to action. "People first have strokes, lung disease, and other cardiovas­ motives, and their motives impelthem to act:' cular and pulmonary problems are almost as But in fact, motives enable people to act by couplets in statements about the health giving them and others a sense of why they advantages of running. Not surprisingly, do what they do. People act, by taking up run­ stories about runners who had heart attacks ning. Then in their relations with other runners are played down. An interesting exception they discover why they run. Obviously, the occurred in one seminar we attended in which initial motives for doing something are only a one speaker was the radical diet impressario, starting point. People take up an act for one Nathan Pritikin. He was there to promote his reason, keep it up for· another, and abandon new book, The Pritikin Promise, and delivered it for still another. Motives, then, are basic acts to a packed ballroom a strident warning that of communication, and are in a continuous if runners did not adopt his low fat diet they process of developing the rationales which were courting heart attacks and strokes. He support an activity. They are usually not stable ennumerated ten cases of dedicated runners over time, for they change as shared situations who died while running. change, and as the others change, toward 2) Longer Life. Some runners motivate their whom motives are directed. Runners are per­ running as life-saving rather than merely life­ sons on the move in terms of self-understand­ enhancing. Citing the many examples of ing, and so running, perhaps more than other tragedy in the cardiac society, these people activities, involves a transformation in every assert that they are literally running for their component of the self, including its justifying lives. Some have previous coronary problems, motives. but many simply feel that by running they are engaging in the preventive medicine which will A LEXICON OF MOTIVES·FOR RUNNING lengthen their lives. They use the same What are the common motives used by run­ examples as those who run to preserve their nersto justifiy their activity to audiences with bodies, but explicitly claim that running will which they communicate? Through both also make them live longer. studies we gathered material on the most fre­ 3) Transcendental Motives. This set of quent motives given the question: "Why run?" motives, sometimes associated with religious We found important and insightful changes in values, but often meant in a purely secular the kinds of motives given 5-10 years earlier sense, pertains to the "spiritual" rather than and the kind most likely to be given now. First simply to the "physical" side of running. Run­ we list the more common motives given for ning is said to increase the quality of mental running. They are not in any particular order. life, make a person "in touch" with him/her­ 1) Healthy Bodies. Most adherents believe self, give the runner a natural high, and running to be "good for me:' Most have an spiritually to "fulfill" the participant. The almost fanatical devotion to the body, and philosopher-guru of the movement, George largely through self-study, have become rather Sheehan, in his best-selling existentialist tract, expert about the body as a physio-chemical Running and Being (1979 119) says: machine. The use of this motive is coupled to Every mile I run is my first. Every hour on the road an explicit denunciation of its opposite. Fat is a new beginning. Every day I put on my running bad - thin is good. High pulse rate is bad ­ clothes, I am born again. Seeing things as if for low pulse rate is good. A preoccupation with the first time, seeing the familiar as unfamiliar, circulation, strong hearts, healthy lungs, low the common as uncommon. cholesterol counts, and a high percentage of This is heady stuff for an activity that often FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. 102 involves blisters, strained muscles, fallen 5) Appeals to the Self. It has been observed arches, and an assortment of orthopedic prob­ that society in the United States went through lems, but such rationales are often found a fundamental change in the primary organiz­ throughout the literature on fitness, and at ing activity of life, and that this change reach­ meetings among runners one frequently hears ed its apex during the decade of the 1960's. references to new consciousnes, new Instead of work being the prime organizer, awareness, and spiritual rebirth. consumption and preoccupation with issues 4) Weight Control and Personal of the self became more significant. This Appearance. culture of narcissism, as Christopher Lasch "Running is a way to lose weight and to look called it, is characterized by a depth of con­ nice:' this motive was articulated often by both cern with issues of the self which at other women and men, and it went without saying times would have been found wholly that the transformation is positive and bene­ unreasonable. Suddenly, appeals to the self ficial. While some runners actually gain weight were the pre-eminent motive for justifying acts from running, most are convinced that running in question, and they could be found is the most efficient way to control body everywhere. Scott and Lyman note that what weight. Since lean muscle weighs more than has more recently filtered to the middle fat, a decrease in body fat without dieting can classes was first seen among drug users and actually cause the weight to increase. It is im­ homosexuals (Brissett, Edgley 1975 177): portant to note, however, that weight is merely Drug user: The whole point in takimg the stuff is one element in a more ambitious program of self development. Acid expands consciousness. improved appearance: Mine eyes have seen the glory - can you say After I got in shape my heart beat went down to that? I never knew what capactities I had until 57 beats a minute, and that really excited my hus­ I went on acid. band, but let me tell you the thing that excited Lesbian: Everyone has the right to happiness and me, because I am female through and through, love. I was married once. It was hell. But now I was that I had dropped two dress sizes. I'd always feel I have fulfilled myself as a person and as a been an eight at the top, but a 12 at the bottom. woman. For the first time in my life, I could wear the same What was good enough for acid heads and size dress all the way down. lesbians was surely good enough for the Other testimonials from those in the move­ middle class runner being harrangued about ment speak of the revulsion they felt from herlhis obsession. Running may be an addic­ being fat, the fear of rejection by others tion, but suddenly it became a positive rather because of their weight, or as Ha'rry Stack than a negative one. Self-fulfillment was its Sullivan might have said, the reflected own motive and needed no other support. If appraisals of others would be just too the audience did not understand that, then too devastating to bear. bad! But audiences did understand it, for the In addition to these external appearances, culture of narcissism was making the point on there is also implied in much of the motive talk other fronts simultaneously. of runners a concern with certain "internal" appearances. In short, there appears to have CHANGE IN VOCABULARIES OF MOTIVE emerged in the running movement a kind of Between our first and second studies we hierarchy that has to do with appearances that observed what we regard as significant are apparent only to those who understand the changes in both the substance and style of rhetoric of running itself. For example, various motives used by runners to justify their activity tests have emerged among runners which let before questioning audiences. While appeals other runners know the condition of their to the body, to health, and to appearance, and insides. Low heart rates are particularly good to spiritual values can still be heard, appeals evidence that one's insides look good, and to the self now seem to be the predominant there are numerous wrist-worn high techno­ motive of the running community. It is impor­ logy instruments which give an instant readout tant to remember that motives are not of this all-important information expressing a psychological constructs, but rather social runner's inner appearance. constructs designed to communicate to FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. 103 audiences a sense of why a person acts in a embraced aggressively a hedonism which, particular way. Thus, the shift of appeals from although a delight to merchandizers and externals to appeals to internals is significant, media which cater to it, is the despair of others for it means that society, in the form of who feel that there is much that can and ought validating audiences for the self has chang­ to be done about the problems which beset ed considerably in its views of self as a us (Schneider 1983 33). motivating force in life, acceptable now almost From this point of view, running is the sui generis. ultimate luxury: a socially approved What seems to be a part of this change in vocabulary of motives for pouring energy and the vocabularies of rationale which give mean­ money into an activity that has as its sole ing and substance to daily life is an emphasis purpose, the gratification to the self. The on the consciousness of choice among the traditional motives for engaging in sport are middle classes in the United States. Many suddenly subordinated. Few runners hope to Americans now have come to take for granted win major or minor races because as that they have virtually a constitutional right amateurs, they can hardly expect to compete to choose their own style of living, even though with the quasi professionals that even small the gymnastics necessary to pull off these races now attract. Glory? With fields of several choices can be formidable, given modern con­ thousand, that purpose makes little sense. tingencies. There is a curious kind of The love of the sport of track and field? Almost individualism stemming from this con­ all of the participants have come into running sciousness of choice. Many Americans, only recently, after it became fashionable. recognizing the arbitrary nature of a society Schneider captures this duplicity in his that is concerned more with style than with attempt to anser the question, "Why has the substance, have come to search for "reality" marathon become so popular?" within their own personal lives, and almost in Because it is the ideal narcissistic sport for our opposition to society, rather than in coopera­ time. It is striking that virtually all of the runners tion with it. What has resulted is the preoc­ assert that their only goal is to "finish the race:' cupation with self that characterizes the Of course, sporting their designer running out­ motives of runners we observed. Tom Wolfe fits, cossetted by friends and crowds of calls this preoccupation the alchemicaldream bystanders, and scrutinized by television of American society: cameras, they have every reason to prolong their The old alchemical dream was changing base moment in the sun by finishing the race. metals into gold. The new alchemical dream is The New York Marathon, the world's most changing one's personality ... remaking, remodel­ popular, winds its way through some of the ing, elevating and polishing one's very self ... and most depressed and crime-ridden areas of the observing, studying and doting on it. city. We asked several runners at that race, This self-refurbishing project, which we about what they thought of those areas. Their observed in many of the runners in our study, responses were best summarized by profes­ means that society is merely a resource with sional skier Jean-Claude Kiley, who entered which to tap the hidden reservoirs of the self. the race "... to see if I can do it:' Appeals to the self may be satisfying, but the "I'll probably take $10 with me on Sunday for a implications for society have not gone cab if I need it:' he said, hoping to finistl the 26.2 unnoticed. For some observers, running has mile race. become the perfect symbol for the social and "The subways are free for anyone with a number:' political malaise that besets society today. The interjected race director,Eliot Lebow. premise for this rather negative view of run­ "I'll never use the subways in New York:' Kiley ning is grounded in the fact that during the last said. "You can get killed down there:' (New York decade, many younger Americans have turn­ Times 1983 84) ed their backs on politics and social concerns. When athletes run through neighborhoods This new apolitical majority, troubled by that are afflicted with a wide ranage of prob­ events of the past two decades, and cynical lems, they s.eem to be successful in screen­ about the changes of producing lasting ing out almost everything except their own changes through the political system, have image. FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume '12 No 1. 104

CONCLUSION REFERENCES Through the two studies we have con­ Brissett Dennis, Charles Edgley eds. Life as structed about modern running and fitness, it Theater: A Dramaturgical Sourcebook. has become clear that while the movement Chicago. Aldine has taken on many characteristics of religion, Edgley Charles, Betty Edgley, R Turner 1982 it is a religion based on an indvidual rather The rhetoric of aerobics: Physical fitness as than a social ethic. First motivated for health religion. Free Inq Creative Socio/10 187-191 reasons, then spiritualism and then personal Mills C Wright 1940 Situated actions and appearance, running has culminated in the vocabularies of motive. Amer Sociol Rev 5 abandonment of most motives except a simple 904-913 appeal to the self. Apolitical, uninvolved, non­ Nash Jeffrey E 1976 The short and the long participants in the usual concerns of social life, of it: Legitimizing motives for running. runners have found a vocabulary of motives 161-181 Nash, Spradley eds. Sociology: A that allows self-indulgence without guilt. While Descriptive Approach. Chicago. Rand some observers complain that American McNally society has become too much a spectator New York Times 1983 A diverse field is society engaged in the pursuit of vicarious attracted to the entry line. October 20 pleasures, and involvement without commit­ Scott Marvin, Stanford Lyman 1968 Accounts. ment, running seems to offer involvement and Amer Sociol Rev 33 46-62· participation with real commitment. On closer Schneider Howard 1983 Maraton hedonism. examinaiton, however, it would seem that New York Times October 23 while the participation is real, and the com­ Sheehan George 1978 Running and Being: mitment is also real, it is a commitment to the The Total Experience. New York. Simon self alone and to nothing else. Schuster FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. 105

FEATURED SECTION: Four Articles on CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY

Clinical Sociology Editor: H Hugh Floyd, University of New Orleans, Lousiana

INTRODUCTION The clinical application of typology. Although in no way practicing sociology has been part of sociologists' medicine, clinical sociologists are placed activities for many decades (Wirth 1937). Yet directly into the role of change agent in ser­ it was not until 1978 that an effort was made vice to clients seeking help. Thus, sociologists to transform what had been a personal career take a position among the helping professions. practice of individual sociologists into a col­ In this role, practitioner sociologists focus on lective professional organization. At that time, specific cases or clients who seek resolution a group of. 50 sociologists established a net­ of specific problems. Such clients may be work of interested professionals which evolv­ individuals, families, organizations or com­ ed into the Clinical Sociology Association munities seeking competent professional help. (CSA). CSA now has a membership of 500 The goal of clinical process is to facilitate or and supports the journal, Clinical Sociology engender change in the client that will result Review. The first meeting was held at the 1978 in resolution of the problem, and growth for annual meeting of the American Sociological the client (Freeman 1982). Association. It remains the intent of the This feature section of four articles is offered membership to maintain professional identi­ to clarify and identify clinical sociology as a ty as sociologists, and to base their theoretical part of the sociological process. 1) The authors and clinical practice in the discipline of offer examples of how the sociological sociology. imagination might serve as a conceptual Three decades ago Straus (1957) in efforts framework for specifying clinical goals. to establish a link between sociology as a 2) The authors point out how the application behavioral science and medicine as a health of clinical sociology is relevant for different service profession proposed that one might content areas of human experience. refer to: 1) sociology of medicine and 3) The authors illustrate various levels of 2) sociology in medicine. Sociology of analysis used by clinical sociologists. medicine is concerned with investigation of I anticipate a continuation of this feature on medicine, focusing on sociological theory clinical sociology in the November issue of testing conducted by professional sociologists FICS. outside formal medical settings. Sociology in medicine was conducted by sociologists REFERENCES cooperating with other professionals within a Freeman J A 1982 Clinical Sociology: What it is and medical setting. Its goal is to use sociological what it isn't: a perspective. Clinical Sociol Rev' theory and research in the medical setting to 1 34-49 produce more effective service delivery by Straus R 1957 Nature and status of clinical sociology. Arner Sociol Rev 22 200-204 health practitioners. Wirth L 1931 Clinical sociology. Arner J Socio/34 Clinical sociology is an addition to this 49-66 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. 106

A SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY OF CRISIS INTERVENTION Louis Levy, Southeastern Louisiana University INTRODUCTION social in character, and many stem directly The word crisis has become part of the ter­ from larger social institutions and cultural minology of psychiatry, psychology, social arrangements. work, and sociology, and it is found in stan­ dard dictionaries in these fields (Dushkin 1974 DEFINITION OF CRISIS 64). The concept of crisis usually refers to cer­ Behavioral science definitions of crisis tain events or conditions which have clear include the following elements: a CrlSIS­ negative consequences for an individual or for producing stimulus; a disruption of normal society. Such events and conditions are psychological functioning; and a set of endemic to modern post-industrial societies. negative or ineffective behavioral responses They can also be viewed as part of the resulting from them. Figure 1 depicts these biography which is outside the normal world, elements and some common examples. Not and hence can be considered time-limited. all societies provide as many crisis-producing These events and conditions may require stimuli as post-industrial societies, and some counseling, the development of new norms, individuals are more able than others to cope or initiation of special social policies to cope with crisis. Those more able to cope have with the dysfunctional consequences learned coping techniques from previous associated with crisis. There is a clear prac­ experience with crisis events, or they may be tical need for better understanding of crisis in a more favorable position in the social situations and treatments, but the literature in system relative to coping ideation. At the same sociology affords little more than definitions. time, the behavioral response is a function of Theoretical explanations of crisis have come several components, including role placement mainly from psychology and psychiatry, as and various sociocultural factors. There is a have the clinical counseling methods. chance of crisis resolution even with a severe Some of the more worldly professions and stimulus and poor coping. However, the occupations have developed a clear under­ general assumptions of the model are that one standing of the need to deal with concept of can learn coping techniques or one can crisis, both in academic and applied aspects. benefit from crisis counseling. This learning But these agencies have turned to the micro or counseling may greatly enhance a person's approach to crisis intervention offered by behavioral response. psychology and psychiatry. In recognizing the While this model seems straightforward, the practical importance of preparing for crisis crisis model literature is not uniformly clear situations, communities and organizations regarding the definition of the term crisis, from small cities to police departments and which, as a single phenomenon, and separate political bureaucracies have developed from other considerations, seems to evade strategies to cope with crisis. These strategies most theoretical schemes (Burgess, Baldwin include crisis management teams, and 1981 25). Perhaps the confusion results from telephone crisis centers. the way the term is used, because at times Most of the literature and practice concern­ it is used as a substitute for the more general ing crisis intervention has a particular set of crisis model designation. As Figure 1 assumptions which disregard a substantial indicates, the crisis model contains three part of collective human behavior. Analysis of stages, whereas the crisis concept in many of the definitions of crisis and crisis 'psychology identifies the specific point within intervention yields both psychological and the model where psychological functioning is social dimensions, but clinical methods have impaired. There is usually a time frame generally avoided any meaningful component specified in most crisis models. The stimulus from the sociological perspective. The lack of may precede the actual crisis by as much as sociological imagination becomes increasingly three weeks, and the behavioral response problematic when major forms of crisis are may follow as much as two months later (Dix­ identified, because they are to some degree on 1979). And the crisis itself has several FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. 107

FIGURE 1: A CRISIS MODEL BY STAGES, WITH EXAMPLES Stage: Pre-crisis Crisis Post-crisis

Crisis stimulus Psychological Behavioral problem disequilibrium

Precipitating Cognitive dysfunction Response problem factor

Example 1 Divorce Fear Isolation Example 2 Combat Anxiety Shock Example 3 Failure Depression Suicide

(Adapted from Dixon, 1979.) psychological symptoms which include anx­ particularly age-specific, the crisis is diminish­ iety and depression. However, these symp­ ed because the culture has a more positive toms should not be viewed in isolation from view of death (Charmaz 1980 87). Each step the other components of the crisis model. in the crisis model can be seen as dependent Another point of confusion stems from the on the nature of the society in which crisis consequences of crisis. The outcomes are occurs. multidimensional. A crisis can result simultaneously in danger and opportunity MAJOR FORMS OF CRISIS (Aguilera, Messick 1978 1). A crisis can also The forms of crisis are classified by typical converge with other life events and yield precipitation events. A quantitative evaluation anything from personal devastation to self­ oJ the intensity of certain stressful events has realization. These consequences depend in been used to create the Social Readjustment part on how the individual copes with the Rating Scale (Holmes, Rahe 1967). There is stimulus and the opportunities for self­ some evidence that this scale may be used realization. on a cross-cultural basis, but these forms The crisis model involves a linear progres­ should be taken as most relevant for people sion from stimulus to crisis, and finally, to in the United States, since they comprised the behavioral response. The crisis is " ... a func­ population in which the scale was tested tionally debilitating mental state resulting from (Arthur 1971 87). It is a rank-ordered scale of the individual's reaction to some event life events ranging from death of a spouse to perceived as to be so dangerous or prob­ minor law violations. lematic that it leaves him/her feeling helpless Many of these events are part of the roles and unable to cope effectively by usual within social institutions. Of the 43 events, 26 methods:' (Dixon 1979 10) The psychological are related to social institutions; 7 are disequilibrium is highly individualized in the biological in nature; and 10 of the events are person in crisis. While the crisis definition is not readily classified. Many events have social a subjective process, there are events which aspects, and some relate to personal factors. typically cause crises. In the United States, The next step in the model suggests that the death, loss of status, divorce, and marriage events will increase the chances of a crisis can cause crises. But the psychological tools response. for coping are socially bestowed and culturally transmitted. The crisis associated with death THE CRISIS is more severe in our society than in most It follows that the CriSIS itself is a others. We deny death, and usually hide it psychological response to events which often from children in real life, though not in the have institutional ties. However, the unrealistic dramatized versions in the media. psychology of crisis has yet to be discussed In preindustrial societies, where death is a nor­ in a sociological frame of reference. There are mal part of the life process, and is not macro and micro level determinants of FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. 108

FIGURE 2: A CRISIS MODEL WITH SOCIAL FACTORS

Event

Macro situation

Micro situation CRISIS

Social position

Interaction type

anxiety, depression, and general psycho­ failure to relieve the crisis can lead to serious logical functioning. Factors related to rates of psychological distress. The model also mental illness and to mental well-being include assumes a substantial amount of self­ social class level, micro environment, status determinism or voluntarism. The aim of crisis accumulation, and positions of relative intervention is to restore the individual to prior powerlessness (Hollingshead,Redlich 1982; levels of functioning. Kessler 1982; Kadushin 1983; Thoits 1983; The methodology in the crisis model usual.­ Morowsky, Ross 1983). Situation correlates of Iy stresses the importance of expressive feel­ psychological distress are also noted, such as ings. Some models also try to improve situations which are highly repetitive or which cognitive functioning by assessment of the involve sensory deprivation and produce problem and its development. Other models psychlogical dysfunctions (Sheff 1966 42). are more oriented to the present, and suggest Such findings come both from traditional that behavioral change is the most salient studies in sociology, but also from contem­ aspect of crisis treatment. Finally, some porary journals, and these findings have been models involve some combination of the replicated by sociologists of different genera­ previous models, such as the convergence tions and diverse schools of thought. model to offer the best therapeutic tactics Social factors influence the events leading (Burgess, Baldwin 1981). to a crisis and to the crisis itself. The behavior In most models, the practical and clinical which is seen to be a result of the event and aspects are well-stated, while the theory is psychological response is clearly influenced either not given or poorly stated. Most of the by these social forces, which indicates that the models give lip .service to the sociocultural model in Figure 1 is inadequate. Figure 2 factors which influence crisis situations, but represents the crisis model more adequate­ the clinical method remains almost exclusively Iy, and clarifies the social forces that affect psychological (Aguilera, Messick 1978 46; both the psychology of the person in crisis as Dixon 1979 55). Therapeutic models which well as the person's behavioral and social take a macro view by suggesting that most responses in that.crisis. We can now offer a psychological problems result from institutions sociological perspective relative to crisis are regarded as radical (Agel 1971). While it intervention. is true that clinical sociology is radical in the sense that such a perspective differs from the CRISIS INTERVENTION psychological and the psychiatric approach, Crisis intervention involves a set of assump­ there is nothing in the sociological approach tions as well as a treatment or clinical which demands any other radical element methodology. The methodologies and frOm practitioners. assumptions differ by model (Burgess, The sociological approach to intervention Baldwin 1981 8). The assumptions generally would involve the clinician in locating prob­ involve the idea that early intervention in lems within a larger context. Client's goals the form of counseling will not only relieve should be analyzed with respect to the the crisis, but will also reduce the chance of sociocultural system in which the client exists. subsequent, and more serious pathology. And The crisis should be viewed in terms of these FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. 109 goals as well as in terms of the larger context. sociological cast. Poverty, hunger, poor The client's feelings, cognitive functioning and medical care, lack of adequate infrastructure, particular behavior may concern the clinician, and other conditions are more clearly the but the main focus is on the systematic roots target of sociological observation and action. of personal crisis. While all therapy involves But we must begin the critical and creative change, sociological intervention seeks either process of relating personal unemployment to to change the social forces linked to the crisis the economic institution, mental illness to or to change the client's relation to these institutionally created problems in living, and forces. The social nature of the problems other problems to their sociocultural referents. should be identified, and treatment should be This is just the kind of activity that is central centered at the group or institutional level. to the sociological perspective, but peripheral Unemployment exemplifies a critical to psychology, social work, and psychiatry. problem. If a client cannot find or keep a job, There are several reasons why the more family problems and other personal problems micro oriented disciplines have dominated are intensified. Instead of talking about the clinical work. American culture tends to be client's feelings, psychological functioning, or individualist. The individual is seen as respon­ behaviors in this situation, sociological sible for his/her own fate. Thus, the individual intervention might seek to relate the must be both the cause and the solution to the individual's unemployment to larger forces in problem. The person is expected to overcome society, such as changes in technology, cor­ any sociocultural obstacle. The micro perspec­ porate mission, and organizational structure. tives often fit neatly into the individualist frame The client's feelings about work would be of reference. A more macro level of analysis viewed in the larger cultural context of the has a greater potential for social change, as work ethic and family values. opposed to individualist adjustment to the Behaviors can be viewed in the role and social system. group context. Cognitive functioning could be The other disciplines have a rich tradition of viewed in the existential context and the applied research and practice. This tradition sociocultural forces which penetrate the , is coupled with licensing and certification pro­ client's life. Again, the focus is on the institu­ cedures, and this legitimizes these fields and tions and groups in the client's frame of enhances social acceptance of clientele for reference. Changes in these larger forces or these professions. Sociology, in contrast, in the client's relation to them, is the aim of never has had much regard for applied prac­ intervention. Job placement in another setting, tice or even applied research. By this token, vocational training, migration, and transforma­ licensing and certification efforts have been tion of the former job setting are examples of resisted. Finally, a code of ethics has evolv­ possible tactics for the clinical sociologist. The ed only after years of study. sociologist realizes that social and cultural If sociology is serious about developing a forces will always place restraints on real clinical practice based on its theories and alternatives for interventionists. assumptions, it must become acceptable to The crisis of divorce in modern families deep­ a wide variety of clients. Such acceptance ly involves private feelings and behaviors. The usually comes after selling the discipline to sociological approach places these individual service agencies and to other professions. We factors in a larger setting. The terminated must show that sociology can add something marital relation occurs in a particular environ­ distinctive to solving human problems in socie­ ment. Divorced persons can often help each ty. Sociology should not become an under­ other by joining singles groups, and by peer study for another profession, such as counseling. The interventionist can point out medicine. Rather, our perspective should add the consequences of a change in family roles a unique dimension to clinical work. for the individual's other roles. And the This dimension will evolve naturally from a interventionist can help to combat the client's direct application of sociological theory to the social isolation by involvement in community crisis model and to other clinical models. This activities. application will differ substantially from the Many problems have a much more macro micro perspectives, just as sociological theory FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. 110

differs from psychological and psychiatric Charmaz Kathy 1980 The Social Reality of Death. theory. Professions such as business Reading Mass. Addison Wesley administration, management, public Dixon Samuel L 1979 Working with People in Crisis: Theory and Practice. St Louis. Mosby administration, and the behavioral sciences Dushkin Publishing Group 1974 Encyclopedia of have used sociology to enrich their practice. Sociology. Guilford Dushkin Some of these professions have performed Hollinghead August B, Fredrick C Redlich 1958 admirably well given their sophistication level Social Class and Mental Illness. New York. Wiley Holmes T, RH Rahe 1967 Social Adjustment Rating vis-a-vis sociological theory. We need to Scale. J Psychosorn Res 11 213-218 merge our theory with a rigorous clinical train­ Kadushin Charles 1983 Mental health and the ing. Only then will we add something new to interpersonal environment. Arner Sociol Rev 49 the existing clinical practices. 188-198 Kessler Ronald C 1982 Disaggregration of the REFERENCES relationship between socioeconomic status and psychological distress. Arner Sociol Rev 47 Agel Jerome 1971 Radical Therapist. New York. 752-764 Ballantine Merowsky John, Catherine E Ross 1983 Paranoia Aguilera Donna C, Janice M Messick 1978 Crisis and structure of powerlessness. Arner Sociol Rev Intervention: Theory and Practice. 3rd ed. St 48 228-239 Louis. Mosby Sheff Thomas J 1977 Being Mentally III: A Arthur Ransom J 1971 An Introduction to Social Sociological Theory. New York. Atherton Psychiatry. Baltimore Md. Penquin Thoits Peggy A 1983 Multiple identities and Burgess Ann W, Bruce A Baldwin 1981 Crisis psychological well-being. Arner Sociol Rev 48 Intervention: Theory andPractice. A Clinical Hand­ 174-187 book. Englewood Cliff, NJ. Prentice Hall FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 111

DRIFT IN, CONVERT OUT: CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY TO TREAT COLLEGE ALCOHOLICS Craig J Forsyth and Nancy M Schulte, Lousiana State University, Baton Rouge INTRODUCTION percent of cases of academic failure may be The clinical sociologist is a change agent related to student drinking problems, and 70 who uses a sociological perspective as a base percent of colleges now offer some form of for intervention (Fritz 1979). The clinical alcohol education program (Roberts 1981) sociologist, as change agent rather than Alcohol Problems in Residence Halls. researcher or evaluator, has a therapeutic aim Increased use of alcohol in university which includes not merely the study of the residence halls all over the country is well case, but the formulation of a program of documented (Thomas et al 1977). The adjustment and treatment (Wirth 1931). increase is magnified in states with a young Clinical sociology is the kind of applied sociology drinking age and a culture putting alcohol in or sociological practice which involves intimate, a central position. Alcohol is the drug of choice sharply realistic investigations linked with efforts at most social gatherings of college students. to diagnose problems and to suggest strategies Because social mores support alcohol use, for coping with these problems (Lee 1979). students give little heed to any type of alcohol As clinicians counseling in a university education. These interacting factors result in residence in life program, we try to foster a drastic increase in alcohol related problems change in student attitudes and behaviors in residence halls at our University. Lack of through intervention. Our task is to help knowledge concerning the effects of alcohol students cope with their situation and guide can cause irresponsible use of the drug, and them to self determinism, human value and the result can be destructive to the student human dignity (Strauss 1979). Intervention and to the university environment. should end with the self-initiated action of the Social processes involved in alcohol and client. Helping the individual or group, the other chemical dependencies must be clinician using a sociological perspective must recognized as important contributing factors have positive regard for people and a belief in both the development and the treatment of that the client can change, and be the direc- addiction. The attitude of social groups and tor of that change (Freedman 1982). The persons closest to the pre-alcoholic can authors have developed and are applying a hasten or retard the downward spiral to sociological model of the stages involved in addiction. The role of the community and getting into and getting out of alcoholism. others in the life of the person developing alcoholism is subtle and unconsciously self­ THE ALCOHOL PROBLEM defeating (Bacon, Straus 1953; Jellinek 1952). University officers are increasingly concern­ The role that others play can be further broken ed about alcohol abuse among students down into stages in the drift into and conver­ (Roberts 1983). From 76 to 92 percent of all sion out of alcoholism. college students drink alcohol. Like other An identity change does not occur in a Americans, they make alcohol the drug of their "social lacuna:' Stable personal identities are choice. Today, alcohol is more heavily used concomitant with stable social structures. than aspirin. Nearly a third of all college Conversely, rapid social change and poorly students will experience some difficulty integrated social systems are characterized by resulting from drinking alcohol during the higher incidence of poorly integrated identities academic year (Jessor, Jessor 1975). (Durkheim 1951; Sorokin 1941). Some social One out of three students will fail an exam, structural conditions become associated with destroy a friendship, commit some infraction of serious symbolic disturbances in self-identities college policy, or violate the law as a direct result resulting from some members constructing of drinking behavior. More serious criminal acts alternative identities and commitments which take the form of assault, damage to ... property, are radical departures from their previous driving while intoxicated, or attempted suicide. identity (Parsons 1951 520; Thronton 1981) (Blimling, Miltenberger 1981 136) But not all members are " ... equally potential Some universities contend that up to 60 for this identity change, even if exposed to FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 112 similar influences. The self is not mechanical:' recognizes these as two distinct processes: (Bankston et al 1981 280) 1) drift, and 2) radical conversion. This model The college years mark the end of a period is based on research done on radical conver­ of rapid change in terms of intellectual growth sion from which a "conceptual typology for of the individual and in terms of society's forms of identity change" was developed expectations. The major task in this period of (Bankston et al 1981). human development is that of establishing a Drift and radical conversion may be differen­ personal identity (Erikson 1963). Students are tiated on the basis of one dimension: time. The defining who they are, where they are going, degree of the change in self identity is the and how they are going to get there. Conflicts same in both cases. Each involves a dramatic and stress develop as the student confronts change in master status and a reorganization this task. Today's students are facing increas­ of the self about a new core identity trait ing competition and are facing a world of work (Hughes 1945). Conversion, though precipi­ with fewer options (Roberts 1983). The many tated by biograpical history, involves a relative­ conflicts imposed on adolescents in our cul­ ly sudden identity change. Drift involves the ture can also enhance the apparent value of same extensive identity change, but is drinking, since action of alcohol on the body acquired gradually rather than suddenly. provides temporary relief from anxiety, and Socialization into a college subculture with helps ease inhibitions (Bacon, Straus 1953). drinking as one of its focal points involves drift For professional counselors in college into its characteristic behavior (Matza 1964). residence halls, the most crucial element in Historically, conversion is less likely than meeting the needs of students is to recognize drift. Our approach is to understand these pro­ their development, since the counselor con­ cesses as a sequence of stages. In the case tributes to this development in a 24-hour of drift, each step decreases the potential for environment. College presents a unique set a return, but in conversion, each stage of demands during a period in which the stu- increases the potential for a sudden and ,dent is struggling with the transition to extensive change in identity. adulthood. Alcohol has a central position in Drift: Getting into Alcoholism. There are four this transition. Because of the problems with stages in drifing into alcoholism: increased irresponsible use of alcohol, college 1) Occasional user. Infrequent use starts with administrators must rely more on the resi­ friends during free time. Client may be defy­ dence hall staff members who have direct con­ ing authority figures, or wanting to feel adult. tact with students. These staff members can The prospective alcoholic soon experiences see the problem as it develops and can help rewarding relief in the drinking situation, but students realize that their use of alcohol is a attributes it to the situation rather than to drink­ problem (Sautter 1981). Some incidents have ing. Others notice a change in the client's per­ made the problem so acute that residence life sonality and this is usually perceived as staffs have begun hiring full-time alcohol unpleasant and irritating. Others gradually counselors to assist students to understand start to associate this behavior with the client's the effects of alcohol so they will be able to drinking. Gradually, others begin to avoid the make responsible decisions concerning it. Be­ client when s/he drinks. cause the student's environment has an effect 2) Regular user. Use spreads from drinking on development, and the residence hall staff during free time to creating free time in order has such direct influence on that environment, to drink, unknown to others. Classes are skip­ any symbolic disturbance in a student's ped, and grades fall. Client may take pride in development becomes the responsibility of the amount of consumption. Plans for activity staff. Alcohol abuse is a potential disturbance. center around getting drunk. Parents may react with penalties at this point. Client may THE MODEL lie to get money for alcohol. In this stage, Older models of the social processes of friends begin to change. Becoming a drinker, alcohol addiction treat the road to alcoholism the client is labeled drunkard. Significant and the recovery process merely as mutual others do not want the client in their groups inverses (Jellinek 1952). Our model now. FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 113

3) Problem drinker. Alcohol is seen as the Radical Conversion ofSell The model for con­ answer to the client's problems, as no alter­ version is adapted from a critical review of natives are recognized. Being high becomes Lofland's Doomsday Cult (1966). While normal. Use of alcohol becomes part of every Lofland's model was religion-specific, the activity. The client stays convinced that slhe revised model was generalized to all radical can quit at any time by keeping a well devis­ conversions, regardless of specific content. ed alibi system. Trouble starts at school, and There are ,six stages (Bankson et al 1981): with other authorities. The client, aU of whose 1) Tension is a necessary element in the friends are now drinkers, eventually begins to conversion experience, and is axiomatic in drink alone. When the client does try to quit, any conscious identity change. significant others, such as parents, are very 2) Failure of current action to establish an skeptical, and have little confidence in the acceptable self-identity. The alcoholic looks client's ability. A self-fulfilling prophecy to alternatives to the problem solving orienta­ emerges as the client perceives a low level of tion, and is dissatisfied with the current life­ ability. The client can no longer control the style. There is a tension between the current amount of alcohol intake, nor when nor where status of sickperson and what the client would drinking resumes. like to be. The discrepancy causes deep 4) Alcohol dependency. The client is con­ anxiety. The client may feel that slhe can no stantly high, starts to look like a drunk; longer be an alcoholic, but significant others physical condition worsens; loss of memory; have not changed their definition of the client. loses track of time. School work is dropped 3) Seekership. The client does not want this entirely. Others label the client sick, and one identity, and seeks a new one in a non­ to be avoided. Significant others give up on alcoholic environment. The client feels that the client, whose condition gradually worsens. taking this new role will facilitate redefinition There is loss of alcohol tolerance, indefinable of self-identity. Redefining self becomes the fears, and tremors. Drinking becomes individual's chief problem-solving experience. obsessive. Intervention at this point may The seekership may take several alternatives, require protective institutionalization away such as religious rebirth, or psychiatric treat­ from the college residence hall. ment. Straus (1976 254) calls this a process When significant others have dismissed the of creative bumbling in which the individual alcoholic from emotional or mental considera­ searches for an orientation. tion and turn the case over to an institution, 4) Turning Point. The client decides on a the alcoholic becomes truly concerned about legitimate way to redefine self-identity, and the problem and may go through brief periods must be given the opportunity to use this way. without drinking. After trying to quit, and fail­ Others play a significant part here, as the ing several times, the alcoholic's self percep­ individual must accept this new identity tion becomes congruent with that of society attempt as legitimate. The client begins to - a hopeless, crazy, unperson. appreciate the characteristics of this new At this stage, the alcoholic hopefully starts legitimate identity, seeing the fallacies and to deal with alcoholism and begins the difficult true status of the former lifestyle. The client path to recovery. S/he no longer rejects the gears a new lifestyle toward attainment of this world, but confronts it by finding new asso­ new status. At this point there is no more use ciates and by taking on new hopes, ideals, and of alcohol. aspirations (Jellinek 1952). The return from 5) Low stakes in maintaining current iden­ alcoholism is the reverse of the drift into it, and tity. The alcoholic now breaks all ties with the the client must change the labels acquired on alcoholic social world. These ties are no longer the downward track. In effect, the client functional. But the client is extremely creates a favorable self-label, and then con­ vulnerable at this point because slhe feels no vinces others that the label is indeed deserv­ kinship with either world. If the client fails in ed. The converting process involves acquiring the attempt to join the straight world, the a support system of significant others who will stakes become higher to retain the former enable the client to attain a new identity. alcoholic identity. If the client can find new friends accepting this new identity, the stakes FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 114 favor continuation on the path to recovery him positive means of social integration. As (Becker 1960). This is a crucial stage. the client attended more parties and consum­ The conventional world has great difficulty ed more alcohol, it seemed to reduce his in sensibly understanding relapse. For conver­ anxiety associated with the conflict over drink­ sion to occur the client must define the iden­ ing and non-drinking. tity stakes in the old line of action as low in The client's comic behavior became a focal comparison to the benefits of self­ point at parties, and despite his increased reorganization. The client is on a fence, and alcohol tolerance, his drinking was not con­ can fall on either side. Significant others are spicuous either to his peers or to himself. most important here, as they will ultimately be Several warning signs began to appear which the ones to increase the stakes for identity the client did not want to recognize. His change. If the relative stakes in conversion are academic and athletic performance in school high, the potential convert will likely move to declined sharply. He complained of fatigue the stage of intensive interaction with this and headaches, while his peers taunted him "new agent" for identity change (Lofland 1966 about his behavior of prevous nights. He 57). began to worry when he could not recall 6) Intensive Interaction. The client becomes events which his peers related. He felt that his intensely involved in this new lifestyle, interact­ peers were turning against him, and became ing with others with whom identity is sought. defensive toward them. Although he con­ The client has few, if any "old" friends. tinued to attend social events with peers, he Conversion. The client no longer considers began drinking alone in his room. He felt this her/himself a part of the alcoholic world. The drinking in the afternoons/ would help in possibility of sliding back is no longer part of preparation for the evening's social activities. the individual's thinking, nor more important, He feared that if it were known that he drank is it part of any problem-solving perspective. more than others he would be misjudged. He The client no longer feels anxious when rationalized that a mockery of his behavior by discussing this former status. In fact, the client his peers could not occur. But his peers began may find status in being an· ex-alcoholic, a to notice his aggressive behavior, and scorn­ charismatic deviant (Warren 1980). ed such behavior, increasing his hostility toward his environment. He dropped many of CASE STUDIES. his friends and his classes. He was now con­ Case 1. The client first entered treatment the cerned about how· activities might interfere day after his dormitory sponsored an alcohol with his drinking rather than how drinking education program. The freshman talked with might affect his activities. a counselor about his uncontrollable drinking. The precipitant to the client's realization that He appeared thin, pale, and lethargic. He said alcohol may be the root of his problems he was from a small rural town in northern occurred one night after his parents had Louisiana, had a good family relation, and had withdrawn financial support for his college never tried alcohol. At college he soon expenses. Feeling much resentment and self­ became involved in a daily routine of social pity, he needed alcohol "to steady his nerves~' activities. His premise regarding the fact that Having exhausted his own supply of alcohol, he was dropped from the tennis team and that he stole a bottle of gin from a bar, was caught, his grades had declined significantly was that and faced with criminal charges. his roommates pressured him into the drink­ The client was seen twice a week during the ing habit. He admitted that he admired the semester, as he had much remorse for the popularity of one room mate. As a new stu­ behaviors exhibited under the influence of dent at the large university, he soon alcohol. There was anxiety that the client discovered that attending parties and consum­ could regress to his previous alcoholic state. ing beer was an essential response to the ex­ Though his initial contact for treatment was pectations of his peer group. motivated by fear of legal action, he realized Initially, the client felt guilty about drinking that he could not afford to gamble what he alcohol, but soon found that drinking with his valued in life. He made the difficult choice to friends decreased his inhibitions and allowed abstain from alcohol. He sought support of his FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 115 family and the peers he had first met in of alcohol. She simply lacked insight in failing college. He focused his energy on strenuous to understand how alcohol controlled her games of tennis and long hours of studying. behavior. He continued to have some problems with low It was difficult for residence hall staff to con­ self-esteem, but the value he placed on humili­ tinue allowing this student to be so disruptive ty was constant encouragement to a greater simply because she could not come to terms objectivity regarding himself. with her own alcohol management. The staff The client in this case exemplifies the rare attempted intervention through education and result of a student having insight into his discipline. However the client continued to problem" and with support of friends, family, disregard efforts to help, as she was not and staff, being able to,turn to a new way of dissatisfied with her disruptive college life life. The client eventually felt comfortable style, although she had no particular goals discussing his experiences with alcohol to established. The client was found un­ freshman students. conscious one evening in a campus park. The Case 2. This case identifies a more typical next day she could only recall the fact that she client, with whom a favorable learning milieu went out with a friend for a few drinks. Friends, could not be established, and the counselor relatives, and teachers revealed no remorse fell short of providing intervention conducive or concern on the client's behalf. The mother's to recovery. The client was a young out-of­ only recourse was to commit her to the local state freshman in her first semester. Family chemical dependency unit and hope that she relations were strained; her parents were could set a course for herself in the right separated; and she had a previous problem direction. with alcohol. She was referred to the residence hall counselor several times during DISCUSSION the semester due to disruptive behavior in the Our job as clinicians is that of a helping dormitory. When she drank any type of agent, to guide the clients through their alcohol, she did not necessarily consume alcohol related problems so that they may suc­ much, but did become very aggressive and cessfully reorganize their identity around a caused damage. Once, after consuming two viable social role. Intervention can only be a beers, the client put her fist through a positive, productive experience if the students dormitory window, and was sent to the are aware of how alcohol affects their lifestyle hospital. and are willing to work toward valuing alcohol This client experienced problems with in a responsible manner. Counselors should alcohol complicated by her inability to cope recognize that only the student can make the with the freedom and responsibility of college transition toward an alcohol-free environment. life. She was very resistant to treatment, and Educators should also realize that using although she admitted that things could be alcohol on campus is a pervasive cultural better with her college life, she was not open phenomenon; a phenomenon involving socie­ to any help. Her defensiveness blocked com­ ty's support of using alcohol for recreation munication, allowing her control of her without accepting the consequences of its environment, but keeping the reality of her use. alcohol problems at a distance. She would not A comprehensive approach is needed by to­ connect her dormitory vandalism and day's society to unravel the hypocrisy which aggressive behavior to the alcohol she con­ surrounds alcohol use. Education is needed sumed. The client remained so aloof that little at all levels to relate alcohol facts to the public. therapeutic progress was gained. She con­ Effective rehabilitation is needed, and enforce­ tinued the use of alcohol for symptom relief able legal action should be taken regarding with continued assaults on the environment. those who endanger the lives of others due She claimed that she could abstain from to alcohol intake. It is also time for society to alcohol any time, and since she was able to re-examine its own attitudes regarding alcohol perform this task by day, she earned a night consumption. of drinking. The client blamed her bad temper on problems encountered under the influence FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 116

REFERENCES Lofland J 1966 Doomsday Cult Englewood Cliffs Bacon S 0, AA Straus 1953 Drinking in College. NJ. Prentice Hall New Haven. Yale U Press Matza 0 1964 Delinquency and Drift. New York. Bankston W B, HH Floyd, CJ Forsyth 1981 Toward Wiley a general model of the process of radical conver­ Parsons T 1951 The SocialSystem. New York. Free sion: an interactionist perspective on the transfor­ Press mation of self identity. Qualit Sociol 4 279-297 Aoberts JL 1983 Campus binge. Wall Street J 71 Becker HS 1960 Notes on the concept of commit­ 1,19 ment. Amer J Sociol 66 32-40 Sautter JA 1981 Alcoholandyour Residents. West Blimling G S, LJ Miltenberger 1981 The Resident Lafayette Indiana. Sautter Assistant: Working with College Students in Sorokin PA 1941 The Crisis ofourAge. New York. Residence Halls. Dubuque Iowa. Kendall Hunt Dutton Durkheim E 1951 Suicide. New York. Free Press Straus AA 1976 Changing oneself: Seekers and Erikson E 1963 ChildhoodandSociety. New York. the creative transformation of life experience. Norton 252-272 J Lofland ed. Doing Social Life. New York. Freedman JA 1982 Clinical sociology: What it is Wiley and what it isn't: A perspective. Clinical Sociol Rev ___ 1979 The re-emergence of clinical 1 34-49 sociology. Amer Behavioral Scientist22 477-485 Fritz JM 1979 Practicing clinical sociology. Amer Thomas A B, SA Luber, JA Smith 1977 Survey Behavoral Scientist 22 577-588 of alcohol and drug use in medical students. Hughes EC 1945 Dilemmas and contradictions of Diseases of the Nervous System 38 41-43 status. Amer J Sociol 50 353-359 Thronton A 1981 Demographic antecedents of a Jellinek EM 1952 Phases of alcohol addiction. Qtrly revitalization movement. Amer Sociol Rev 46 J Studies on Alcohol 13 673-684 88-96 Jessor A, SL Jessor 1975 Adolescent development Warren CAB 1980 Destigmatization of identity: and the onset of drinking. Qtrly J of Studies in from deviant to charismatic. Qualit Socio/3 59-72 Alcohol 36 27-51 Wirth L 1931 Clinical sociology. Amer J Socio/37 Lee AM 1979 Services of clinical sociology. Amer 49-66 Behavioral Scientist 22 487-511 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 117

CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY AND THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE PROFESSIONS Clifford M Black, North Texas State University INTRODUCTION narrow focus. Clinical sociology is concerned 1) Attention is focused on the nature of clinical with both micro and macro sociological sociology and its possible use in the criminal phenomena. In its narrower focus, the justice profession. 2) Specific examples will therapeutic and counseling process is illustrate the work of clinical sociologists in the primary. At the macro level, counseling is area of criminal justice. 3)Specific considera­ simply one method among many others which tion is given to the current state of the criminal might be used in problem solving intervention justice professions with respect to manpower in practical reality. The distinction is not sharp and training, to determine whether there is a in clinical sociology. Counseling is done not genuine function for clinical sociologists in only with individuals, but also with groups, these professions. families, organizations, and communities. The narrow focus of individual counseling is done CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY DEFINED to underscore the legitimate role of the Wirth (1931), one of the first to use the con­ sociologist as counselor or therapist. It has cept of clinical sociology, defined it as applica­ been contended that the clinical sociologist tion of sociological knowledge and who specializes in counseling is unique in methodology to understanding and treating comparison with counselors and therapists in personality problems of those who come to the that they are committed and professionally clinic. Wirth felt that the clinic provides trained in developing sociological theories of sociologists an opportunity for carefully con­ counseling, and to using sociological models trolled observation. Although this use of the in counseling (Black, Enos 1980). term clinic seems rather narrow and specific, Clinical sociology is the utilization of he used it in a very broad sense to refer to the sociological knowledge for positive change various settings in which sociologists could (Glass 1982). It involves application of make observations. Wirth's use of the concept sociological perspectives, concepts and was much more inclusive than the medical methods in problem solving intervention. The concept of clinic. Argow (1941) also contend­ underlying assumption in the clinical and ed that the application of sociology to counseling process is that the more one therapeutic practice in the clinical setting was understands the means by which cultures, a valid expectation. Firsthand observation of societies, institutions, groups, roles, and group response to therapeutic efforts is the statuses are constructed, the greater the pro­ clinical study of society (Lee 1955). bability the individual, group, or organization Sociological practice as applied and clinical will be able to manipulate their behavior to sociology has been a significant component their own ends. Sociology provides unique of sociological training and of the role of the theories of intervention, models of interven­ professional sociologist from the inception of tion, and strategies of intervention. These the discipline. In fact, sociology emerged in include goals, objectives, and anticipated out­ the United States as clinical sociology, but it comes in macro and micro social settings. was not until the 1970's that clinical sociology was systematically developed as the logical EXAMPLES OF CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY outcome of all sociology and an important IN THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE FIELD source of its theory building. Since then, Examples of clinical sociology in criminal clinical sociology has emerged as a significant justice professions are limited. The present national and international force in the field of examples are neither exhaustive nor sociology. representative of the work being done in the The literature which has resulted from the field. Rather, they suggest something of the renewed interest in clinical sociology makes diverse current expressions, and show some it clear that the concept is not limited to the of the possibilities for clinical sociologists. medical model. There is also some indication Special consideration should be given the that the field includes both a broad and a role of the clinical sociologist as counselor or FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 118 therapist. Individual counseling is identified as corrections for a major religious denomination. one aspect of clinical sociology, and several In all of the training or continuing education specifically sociological models have been settings, the nature and importance of such posited for use by sociologists in counseling sociological variables as race and social class (Glassner, Freedman 1979; Straus 1979; Lee are emphasized. The nature and implications 1979; Glass 1979; Hurvitz 1979; Black, Enos of criminal justice components as complex 1982). This possibility for sociologists in the organizations are considered. These are just criminal justice professions takes on added a few of the issues which the clinical reality through efforts of the national Clinical sociologist can raise in education settings, and Sociology Association to certify its own with various professional and staff groups in members. and clinical programs, and to pro­ the criminal justice field. vide training and internships. An equally The examples which we have considered, important consideration is the licensure of and possible future applications can be several clinical sociologists by the State of dichotomized in two ways. 1) Clinical sociology Texas under the Licensed Professional can be used by professionally trained staff, or Counselor Act. it can be used in training some other staff in One clinical sociologist has reported her the criminal justice professions. 2) It can be work in the counselor role in the correctional used as the basis for counseling individual field with a chronic slasher (Powers 1979), and offenders, or it can be used in organizational a second clinical sociologist has reported on analysis. At whatever leve'l the clinical clinical work with prisoners (Black, Enos 1980, sociologist operates, there are some basic 1982). Other clinical socioligists are involved guidelines for this work. For the most part, this in such work in various ways, but none are work has been shaped by humanistic, holistic, practicing in a prison setting. and multidisciplinary approaches (Glass 1979; A variety of examples are available which are Black, Enos 1982). more indicative of the macro possibilities for With respect to the humanist orientation, clinical sociologists in the criminal justice field. Straus (1979 480) says that the clinical All except one are outside the criminal justice sociologist is " ... committed to helping people system, but suggest the capabilities of the cope with their sociocultural and historical clinical sociologist as a part of that system. situations and institutions ... The goal is to help 1) One clinical sociologist in the criminal them reconstruct and shape institutions and justice system is in the role of the Criminal situations in the direction of self­ Justice Coordinator for a Drug Abuse Preven­ determination, human values, and human tion Division. 2) Another clinical sociologist dignity." These authorities underscore the works with the legal community on jury selec­ significance of the holistic perspective in tion, client support, and rehabilitation plans. clinical sociology. There is anemphasis on the 3) A clinical sociologist develops workshops individual in relation to the larger social con­ for convicted offenders, including parenting text such as values, ideals, norms, socjal classes for incarcerated mothers. 4) Clinical structures, and social processes. Finally, sociology is used in continuing education pro­ clinical sociology, as it emphasizes the unique grams for prison staff. 5) The clinical sociology contributions of sociology in intervention perspective is used in understanding the role strategies, is committed to multidisciplinary of the prison guard and developing training perspectives and practices. programs for guards. 6) The clinical sociology perspective is used in continuing education FUTURE OF CLINICAL SOCIOLOGY programs for police. 7) The clinical sociology One of the recently cited manpower pro­ perspective is applied in continuing education blems is a critical shortage of specialized pro­ programs for probation and parole officers and fessional personnel (Kratcoski 1981). Clinical workers with juvenile delinquents in sociology is one possible source for alleviating wilderness camps, and detention centers. such manpower problems. Although the NELS 8) One clinical sociologist taught in the formal Bulletin does not list openings for clinical education program for prisoners. 9) A clinical sociologists, there are listings of positions sociologist has served as consultant on available to persons with sociological training. FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 119

Clinical sociologists do have a more legitimate as well as with training in the specific job-related claim to such positions than the graduate with procedures, is currently considered superior to the traditional sociology degree. We should either a pure 'training' program or a totally anticipate that as clinical sociologists academic preparation with no close tie-in with the demonstrate their capabilities in criminal field. justice internships and full-time career posi­ In fact, the clinical sociology programs with tions, the demand for them will expand. an academic base in sociology and supervis­ In a discussion on correctional management, ed internships in criminal justice professions Kratcoski (1981 91) raises an issue which provide this type of 'superior' training prepara­ should receive serious attention in any discus­ tion. A degree in sociology is one of the com­ sion of clinical sociology in criminal justice pro­ mon degrees held by treatment and adminis­ fessions. He notes that" ... the history of cor­ trative personnel working in corrections. It is rectional management is dotted with treatment also noted that those working in corrections fads and cults ... " In needs to be clarified that have been educated in a 'helping' profession clinical sociology is not just another fad in the rather than being prepared directly for a criminal justice field. Nor is it an attempt to career in corrections (Krakcoski 1981 88). suggest that sociology is the single answer. Whether preparing for a helping profession in Rather, it is an attempt to bring sociological general or a criminal justice career in par­ theory, methods, and techniques to bear in a ticular, clinical sociologists definitely consider new way in approaches to the individual and themselves as one of the 'helping professions: crime, and to social forces and crime. It is There should be a realistic prospect of clinical thought that both psychology and sociology sociologists assuming an accepted role in the have dominated the field of corrections at one criminal justice professions. time or another. It is the perspective of the One issue to be discussed in regard to the clinical sociologist that sociology in fact has clinical sociology in the criminal justice pro­ been the missing discipline in intervention fessions is that of the level of academic degree strategies. It is the intent of the clinical to be attained. In the area of counseling in the sociologist to change that situation. criminal justice field, most work will almost cer­ It should be stressed that clinical sociologists tainly require either a masters degree or a doc­ are committed to multidisciplinary ap­ toral degree, or their equivalent. It is apparent proaches, and that they consider clinical even now, however, that a sociology graduate sociology as one among several intervention who holds the baccalaureate degree may well strategies. As Kratcoski (1981 92) describes be doing some counseling with an individual the multifaceded nature of the field: on probation or parole, or as an officer of the There are dehumanizing prisons, overcrowded' juvenile court. In clinical sociology in general, jails, expensive and excessively staffed reception most tasks which ar done by a clinical and diagnostic centers, halfway houses, youth sociologist with a doctoral degree can also be industrial schools, experiemental community treat­ done by an appropriately supervised clinical ment programs, and field services such as pro- sociologist with a baccalaureate or masters bation and parole. degree (Black, Enos 1982). These stipulations He contends that each of these settings are probably applicable to the clinical requires several types of personnel and a sociologist in the specific practice area of variety of ways have been used to prepare criminal justice. These issues will be resolv­ staff. Training in clinical sociology is one of ed in the course of time. the legitimate ways to prepare staff, and clinical sociologists can be a valuable con­ CONCLUSION tribution to the various other types of person­ We have considered how realistic it would nel in the criminal justice field. Diversity of be for a clinical sociologist to anticipate a role opinion as to the most appropriate method of in the criminal justice professions. Three com­ training or preparation for a corrections career ments are appropriate. 1) The clinical is noted by Kratcoski (1981 87): sociologist has a legitimate and valid role to ... the 'professional program' which provides the play in criminal justice professions. 2) Con­ student with a foundation in the social sciences crete examples of clinical sociologists FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 120

practicing in criminal justice professions are Blair R B, CM Black, J H Long 1982 The state cor­ currently very limited. 3) Analysis of manpower rection officer as keeper and counselor: an empirical needs in the criminal justice professions, and investigation of a role. J Sociol &Social Welfare 8 875-898 the training for these professions indicate that Glass J F 1979 Clinical sociology: renewing an old it is indeed a very realistic possibility that profession. Amer Behavioral Scientist 22 513-529 clinical sociologists can expect to assume a legitimate role in the criminal justice field. What is clinical sociology? Clinical Sociol Nwsltr 5 50 Glassner B, J A Freedman 1979 Clinical Sociology. REFERENCES New York. Longman Argow WW 1941 Practical application of sociology. Hurvitz N 1979 The sociologist as marital and family Amer Sociol Rev 6 37-44 therapist. Amer Behav Scient 22 557-576 Black C M, R Enos 1980 Sociological precedents Kratcoski PC 1981 Correctional Counseling and and contributions to the understanding and Treatment. Monterey California. Duxbury facilitation of individual behavioral change: the Lee AM 1955 The clinical study of society. Amer case for counseling sociology. J Sociol & Social Sociol Rev 20 648-653 Welfl 648-664 Powers S 1979 Clinical sociological treatment of a _ 1982 A cultural relativity model in chronic slasher. Case Analysis 1 169-179 clinical sociology: a theory and case studies. Straus RA 1979 Introduction: the re-emergence of Humanity & Society 6 58-73 clinical sociology. Amer Behav Scient 22477-485 Black C M, SEve 1982 Teaching sociological prac­ Wirth LA 1947 Cultorological vs. psychological tice: current programs, curricula, and future direc­ interpretaiton of human behavior. AmerSociol Rev tions. Paper. Amer Sociol Assn mtg 12 686-698 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 121

SOCIOLOGICALLY ORIENTED THERAPY FOR THE HEART ATTACK VICTIM Jay Meddin,Southern Illinois University THERAPEUTIC INTERVENTION should become overstressed, leading to This is an account of sociologically oriented another heart attack. He desired to alter what therapeutic intervention with an individual who were perceived as injurious patterns of had suffered a heart attack, and with his interaction and anxiety, and to resolve doubt family. It describes assessment, intervention, about how to make these changes. As the and outcome of the treatment process, and session progressed, the wife expressed feel- touches on the issue of the establishment of ings of being overextended, anxious, angry, clinical sociology. and guilty. The three children, two daughters Coronary heart disease is the number one aged 12 and 15, and a son aged 19 attended chronic illness in the United States. Myocar- later sessions, and also acknowledged feel- dial infarction, or "heart attack" is a frequent ings of anxiety, anger, and guilt. outcome of coronary heart disease. For the accelerating number of patients who survive INTERVENTION TARGETS a heart attack, hospital care is usually quite Intervention was targeted on three levels: adequate. However, the illness necessitates 1) the individual; 2) dyad relations; and 3) the a long recovery period at home, as well. Dur­ family. While major focus was on the heart ing this period professional assistance tends attack victim. individual intervention was not to be minimal. exclusively limited to him. Similarly, the major During the convalescence period, social and dyad focus was on the marital pair, but not emotional problems frequently arise for both exclusively so. For heuristic purposes there the ex-patient and for other family members three levels are presented here as if they were (Adsett, Bruhn 1968; Bilodeau, Hackett 1971) treated as discrete categories. In practice, the Although families usually deal with these pro­ three were intermingled considerably. blems without professional intervention, they can have serious implications. For example, INDIVIDUALS a significant number of heart attack patients The heart attack patient's behavior fit the never return to full time employment, although classical Type A pattern (Friedman, Rosen­ they are judged by physicians to be physically man 1974). He tended to have a sense of time capable of returning to work (Wishnie, urgency about his activities, desiring to do Hackett, Cassem 1971). more and more, in less and less time, and displayed frustration when not able to work at INTERVENTION PROCESS a suitably fast pace. In this case the individual has suffered a His strongest asset was judged to be a new­ heart attack in late March, and entered into ly acquired, rather general understanding of sociological therapy in October of the same the relation between his day-to day behavior year. The initial session was with both hus­ and his heart attack, and his desire to change band and wife. Some later sessions also that behavior. This motivation was capitaliz­ included three of their children who lived at ed in three ways: home. Two children had matured, and were 1) I tried to help him sharpen his insights into living independently. the linkages between specific behaviors and the heart attack. 2) A combined form of ASSESSMENT cognitive therapy and symbolic interaction The presenting problems centered around was used to enable him to alter cognitive, and the husband-patient. He was depressed, ultimately, affective states (Meddin 1982). anxious, and concerned about the future. He 3) New coping strategies were devised with had recently returned to his job as a high participation of his family, which enabled him school teacher, and was trying to decide to modify both family and work roles. whether to continue, or to seek permanent In the case of his wife, emphasis was plac­ disability. Further probing revealed his fear of ed on gaining insight and modifying cognition. involvement with significant others, lest he Feelings of anxiety, anger, guilt, and FREE INQUIRY IN CREA TIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 122 overextension were labeled as normal reac­ Noticeable changes took place in regard to tions. According to the literature, they are individuals and relations. The heart attack typical. Her specific situation was thereby victim reported increased feeling of well-being, placed in a larger context. Efforts wre made as reflected in diminished ,depression and to help her explore the objective bases for her anxiety, and in enhanced self-esteem. feelings, and to modify those that were jUdged Cognitive and behavioral changes were dysfunctional. noticeable as were corresponding role redefinitions. Of special importance was the DYADS commitment on the father's part to continue On the dyad level, emphasis was placed on his daily work roles so as to remain at work, communication patterns, both in terms of con­ and not to seek medical disability. tent and frequency. Frequency of husband­ His spouse also reported a rise in self­ wife interaction was increased, and style was esteem and in reduction in feeling angry and altered. For example, the husband/father overextended. Communication was improved habitually imparted both information and both between the marital pair and between anger in the form of put-downs in the same father and son. In fact, the father and son communication constellation. When made resumed joint recreational activities such as aware of his behavior, he modified it in fishing together. relation to his wife and to his son. Family members reported less sense of The father-son dyad required particular strain in interaction with each other, especially attention. The father was angry at the son in relation to the husband/father. Communica­ because he was still living at home, but was tion was more open, and feelings were more not attending school, and was not working. directly expressed. Roles with corresponding There was a history of conflict between the duties and rights were better articulated within two, and the father was avoiding direct con­ the family. In general, the family stress level frontation because of his health problems. was reduced. However the atmosphere between the two was considerably strained. A "safe" area for SOCIOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS them to discuss their differences was set up Although infrequently applied historically, by by using a therapy session just for that pur­ sociologists, the use of sociological concepts pose. The father and son were then able to by counselors and psychotherapists from non­ discuss their differences in a relatively produc­ sociological backgrounds has a long history. tive manner. Most forms of family therapy place heavy emphasis on social system, communication, THE FAMILY and role concepts (Minuchin 1974; Satir 1967). Sessions that involved all five family Group therapy draws heavily on group members focused primarily on: 1) expression dynamics, and practitioners working with of feelings of each person; 2) improvement of individual clients draw on sociological con­ communication patterns; and 3) articulation cepts \ialom 1975; Lazarus 1977). and redefinition of roles of family members. The applications of sociological thinking in Of particul,ar interest was the feeling express­ this case study are manifold, and start at the ed by the wife and the children of "walking beginning of the assessment process. The on egg shells" around the husband/father. need to go beyond the initial presenting prob­ This sense of strain was discussed and dealt lem, and to probe beneath the surface is a with. Other issues were also dealt with, such prerequisite for all good assessment. The as the husband/father's tendency to withdraw sociological perspective enables one to do just from family interaction, and from problems that, and to analyze reality on more than a involving sibling relations thathad been over­ single level (Merton 1957). shadowed by the father's illness. Work with both the family and dyads was heavily integrated with social system and other OUTCOME interactional models. Concepts such as social The outcome was considered positive by the system, subsystem, equilibrium, communica­ therapist and by the family members. tion exchange, role expectation, and FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 123 performance provided the framework with training for aspirant sociologically oriented which to perceive, interpret, and where practitioners; 3) provision of qualified clinical appropriate, help change behavior, and even­ supervision. Obviously, concepts are not tually, thought and feeling. In working with enough. Proper clinical intervention demands dyads, exchange theory also offered a useful practical experience and supervision. application. The clinical branches of other professions On the individual and intrapsychic level, have long established themselves in terms of sociological contributions are less apparent. applied training. If sociologists can also pro­ However, even here, sociology has a contribu­ vide this applied training, then the discipline tion to make. Sociologists do have a well can make clinical use of its own primary con­ established theory of the origin and cepts - concepts that non-sociologists bor­ maintenance of the social self and the row and apply. This case history shows that dynamics of inner dialogue. And the theory of sociology can be clinically applied in a power­ symbolic interactionism is highly compatible ful, broad and systematic fashion. with cognitive therapy. It also has the virtue of linking cognition with interactional phenomena (Meddin 1982). A treatment REFERENCES strategy derived from both cognitive therapy Adsett C A, J Bruhn 1968 Short-term and symbolic interactionism was applied with psychoatherapy for post-myocardial infarction patient$ and their wives. Canadian Medical Assn success in helping the husband/father change J 99 577-584 his cognitions, behavior, and ultimately, his Bilodeau C, T Hackett 1971 Issues raised in a group feelings. setting by patients recovering from myocardial in­ farction. Amer J Psychiatry 128 73-78 Friedman M, RH Rosenman 1974 Type ofBehavior SOCIOLOGY: A LEGITIMATE A and Your Heart. New York. Knopf CLINICAL DISCIPLINE Lazarus AA 1977 Toward an agoless state of being. Sociology provides a powerful conceptual 113-118 A Ellis, R Griegrer eds.Handbook of base for clinical intervention. In many ways, Rational-Emotive Therapy. New York. Springer the sociological perspective is far more com­ Meddin J 1982 Cognitive therapy and symbolic interactionism. Expanding clinical potential. prehensive than the intrapsychic perspectives Cognitive Therapy & Research 6 151-166 so ubiquitous in the clinical professions today. Merton R 1957 Social Theory and Social Structure. The obvious shortcoming of sociology as an (Revised, enlarged ed) New York. Free Press intervention medium is that until relatively Minuchin kS 1974 Families and Family Therapy. Harvard U Press recently, sociologists themselves have paid Satir V 1~67 Conjoint Family Therapy. (Revised) little attention to the clinical applications of Palo Alto California. Science & Behavior Books their discipline. Wishnie H T, Hackett, N Cassum 1971 If sociology is to be successful as a clinical Psychological hazards of convalescence follow­ enterprise, it must expand considerably in ing myocartial infarction. J Amer Medic Assn 215 1292-1296 three areas: 1) development of sociologically Yalom I 1975 The Theory and Practice of Group informed and clinically relevant models of Psychotherapy. New York. Basic Books intrapsychic processes; 2) provision of clinical FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 124 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 12 No 1. May 1984 125

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