KELEFA SAANE His Career Recounted by Two Mandinka Bards
Edited and translated by GORDON INNES
Reader in West African Languages in the University of London
SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL AND AFRICAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF LONDON Malet Street, London WCI E 7HP 1978
SCHOOL OF ORIENT AL AND AFRICAN STUDIES
KELEF A SAANE
His Career Recounted by Two Mandinka Bards
KELEFA SAANE His Career Recounted by Two Mandinka Bards
Edited and translated by GORDON INNES
Reader in West African Langu,ages in the University of London
SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL AND AFRICAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF LONDON Malet Street, London WCI E 7HP 1978 © Gordon Innes, 1978
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Suso, Bamba Kelefa Saane, his career recounted by two Mandinka bards. I. Kelefa Saane, in fiction, drama, poetry, etc. 2. Epic poetry, Mandingo I. Title II. Innes, Gordon III. University of London. School of Oriental and African Studies 896'.34 PL8591.7 ISBN 0-7286-0052-8
Printed in Great Britain at the Alden Press Oxford London and Northampton ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
It is with much pleasure that I record here the ready and generous response which I received from all those whose help I sought in the preparation of this book. The greatest contribution of all is of course that of the two bards, Bamba Suso and Shirif Jebate, who agreed to record their versions of Kelefa Saane. I am grateful to the then Director of Broadcasting Services for allowing me access, in 1969, to the tape library of Radio Gambia, for agreeing to my making a copy of Shirif Jebate's Kelefa Saane, and for making available to me tape-copying facilities and technical assistance. My debt to Mr Bakari Sidibe, who is now in charge of the Cultural Archives in Banjul, is immense. It was through him that I came to know Bamba Suso and other leading Mandinka bards and something of their art. Mr Sidibe transcribed the tapes, guided me through the translations and provided much of the information in the Notes. He generously allowed me to draw upon his wide knowledge of griot traditions, which he has built up over many years of active interest and investigation. On several occasions during the editing of these texts I sought advice on the musical accompaniment from my colleague Anthony King, and I deeply appreciate the unfailing good humour and patience with which he responded to the calls upon his time and his knowledge of Mandinka music. The musical accompaniment is an essential component of every bard's performance and as it is clearly desirable that even in a brief Introduction some account be given of the musical aspect, and as I have myself no competence in this field, it is with especial gratitude and pleasure that I acknowledge the section on music by Lucy Duran at the end of the Introduction. An important, though indirect, contribution to the publication of these texts is that made by my wife, who accompanied me on my visit to The Gambia. By assuming responsibility for all domestic arrange ments, she enabled me to make far better use of my time there than would otherwise have been possible, and for this I am deeply grateful. Finally I wish to record my thanks to the School for its continuing support of my work on Mandinka oral literature and in particular for making funds available, at a time of great financial stringency, to meet the total cost of publication of this book.
CONTENTS
Introduction The Music 16
Bamba Suso: Kelefa Saane 28 Translation 31 Notes 68
Shirif Jebate: Kelefa Saane 79 Translation 83 Notes 112
References 116
Discography 118
Maps 2-3
INTRODUCTION
The Kelefa Saane of the title of this book is a mid-nineteenth century figure, a member of the warrior aristocracy of Kaabu, which was a confederation ofMandinka states whose influence extended from the River Gambia southwards as far as the Rio Corubal, but whose heart land was the state of Kaabu itself, which was located in the north-east of what is now Guinea-Bissau. Unlike several other nineteenth century figures who are remembered in bardic tradition, Kelefa Saane has been ignored by historians, and understandably so, for Kelefa had no influence on events in which he was involved and in no way affected the course of history. Yet, in The Gambia, the story ofKelefa's career is one of the best known and best loved items in the bards' repertoires. Some reasons for the popularity of the Kelefa story among Mandinka audiences are suggested later in this Introduction. It is hoped that the texts in this book will be of interest to readers not only as specimens of Mandinka heroic literature but in particular for the light which they throw on the very distinctive ethos of the Mandinka warrior aristocracy in the nineteenth century. The system of values shared by Kelefa and his fellow aristocrats suffuses both texts; though these were the values of a privileged sector of Mandinka society which believed that warfare was the only occupation worthy of a man, they are important for an understanding of the Mandinka's view of their own history, and they have relevance even today to the way in which an honourable man is expected to comport himself. The two texts which are presented here are transcriptions of two performances of the Kelefa story by two highly respected elderly Gambian bards, Bamba Suso and Shirif Jebate. It is hoped that the juxtaposition of these two versions of the same story, differing both in form and in content, will be of interest not only to students of Mandinka oral literature but also more widely to all those with an interest in techniques of oral composition and transmission. There is of course no question of one version's being more authentic than the other. For the Mandinka listeners, both versions are equally valid statements of Kelefa's career; they are different, but equal. Both versions are the work of respected bards of high professional competence, and one version is as acceptable as the other. N CASAMANCE
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CASAMANCE It must be remembered that the texts printed here reflect only one aspect of the complex artistic creation which is a bard's performance. They merely record the words which were uttered, but not of course the manner of their utterance. Words on a printed page are dull and lifeless things compared with the living words upon the lips of a bard. A bard's performance has a musical as well as a vocal component, but in print the musical component is ignored, though it is essential for performance. In the training of a bard, it is the musical aspect of his professional training which takes precedence. He is trained in musician ship from an early age, usually by an older member of the family, and this training is often rigorous and intensive. By contrast, he is expected to pick up a knowledge of the vocal side of his art without formal training, but simply by listening to older bards performing. There is no voice training, for it is believed that one is born with a good voice, or one is not, and there is nothing that can be done about it. The main musical instrument of the Mandinka bards in The Gambia is the kora, a twenty-one-stringed harp-lute; much less common are the kontingo, a three-stringed plucked lute, and the xylophone. A discussion of the Mandinka bards and their place in society will be found in Innes, 1974: 2-7, and also in Knight, 1973, and need not be repeated here. Suffice it to say that Mandinka society consists of 'noble' families and of three castes, the metalworkers, the leather workers, and the bards, or griots as they are usually called. Tradition ally each 'noble' family had its associated bardic family, and it was one of the duties of the bards to entertain their patrons from time to time with accounts of the careers of famous ancestors. Nowadays the patron families are no longer able to support their associated bardic families, and the bards have had to become freelance artists, making a somewhat precarious living by performing at social events such as weddings and child-naming ceremonies. The repertoire of historical narratives of the Mandinka griots falls into two main parts. 1 The first of these is the Sunjata epic, which recounts the career of Sunjata Keita, culminating in his defeat of his great adversary, Sumanguru, about the year 1235, and his establishment as ruler ofManding (or Mali), which expanded under his successors to become the greatest of all the mediaeval Sudanic empires. The second part of the bards' repertoire comprises accounts of the careers of various outstanding figures of the second half of the nineteenth century who were active in the Gambia valley and in the area stretching south from there into Guinea-Bissau. The two parts of the bards' repertoire
For examples of items from both these parts, see Innes, 1974, and 1976. The Introductions to both these books should be read in conjunction with the present Introduction, since they contain information on such topics as the Mandinka bards and their art, the language, imagery, formulae, spelling, translation, the vocal modes and their musical characteristics, which is relevant to the texts presented here.
4 differ markedly not only in the historical periods to which they refer but also in geographical distribution. The Sunjata epic is known by bards over a very wide area of West Africa, stretching from the Republic of Mali in the east to the Atlantic Ocean in the west. It is the common property of many different groups, such as the Bambara, the Dyula, the Mandinka, all of whom regard Sunjata 's empire of Man ding or Mali as their ancestral homeland. These various groups are now generally known collectively by scholars as the Mantling people. The accounts of nineteenth century warriors, by contrast, are of much more restricted distribution; the careers of warriors who carved out kingdoms for themselves along the Gambia valley would be largely unknown to bards in, say, Mali. The Sunjata epic is known, at least to some extent, by all bards, and although Sunjata Keita has a special significance for the Keita lineage, he is at the same time regarded as a hero of the whole Mantling people and all take pride in his achievements. The career of a nineteenth century warrior, on the other hand, tends to be known and related by those bards associated with his lineage. For these recent warriors, the bards rely mostly on first-hand knowledge or on what they have been told by their fathers or grandfathers, who were them selves witnesses to the incidents which they relate. Thus Bamba Susa, for example, is well versed in the career of Musa Malo, the last mansa (king) in the Gambia valley, whom Bamba himself and his father both served. Kelefa Saane, however, is exceptional in that his career seems to be widely known among Gambian bards and to be recounted by bards who have themselves no family connection with Kelefa. The Kelefa Saane story is extremely popular among the Gambian Mandinka, regardless of family, and it is therefore surprising that the bards refer to Kelefa not as a Mandinka, but as a Jola. Shirif Jebate, for example, refers to him as a Jola in line 6, and in the well-known song in honour of Kelefa (not included in the two texts here), he is called Badora Jola 'the Jola of Badora'. The Jola are a small ethnic group who live mainly in the Foni Districts of The Gambia, just south of the Bin tang Creek, and in the adjoining Fogny area of Casamance. According to Mandinka tradition, the Jola were in occupation in the Gambia/Casamance area when Mandinka immigrants arrived there from further east, but the Mandinka drove the Jola from parts of this area (for example, from the Kombos) and settled there themselves. The Jola are linguistically and culturally quite distinct from the Mandinka. In sharp contrast with the Mandinka, the Jola have resisted Islamization. The bards' practice of referring to Kelefa as a Jola is made even more puzzling by the fact that Kelefa's family name is Saane, the name of one of the lines of warrior aristocrats of the Mandinka state of Kaabu. Saane and Maane are the names of the two most important princely (nyancho) lines in Kaabu, a state, or more accurately a confederation of states, which was of great importance in the history of the western Mandinka. Bamba Suso tells us (line 24) that Kelefa Saane's father was
5 Simbiring Saane, so in Bamba's view, Kelefa was a Saane by birth, not by adoption. Lopy (1956), however, states that Kelefa was the son of a supernatural being (Jils de fee) and that he was brought up by a prince of the Saane family, who gave him the name Saane. The Saanes are regarded as Mandinka, and they are not merely Mandinka, but one of the princely lines of the Mandinka ofKaabu. However, the names Saane and Maane do not appear to be Mantling family names, that is, names which had been brought from the Mantling heartland. They seem rather more likely to be names which were borne by the leading lineages of the peoples, including the Jola, who were living in the Kaabu area before the Mandinka immigration. The bardic traditions concerning the coming of the Mandinka to this area are confused and contradictory; as far as those relating to the Saanes are concerned, they seem to seek to establish a connection on the one hand with Tiramang, Sunjata's greatest general, to whom the establishment of Kaabu is commonly attributed, and on the other hand with the pre-Mandinka autochthonous population. There was most probably some intermixing of the Mandinka immigrants and the earlier inhabitants. The Saanes may have been Jola who became completely assimilated to the Mandinka, though the bards still refer to Kelefa Saane as a Jola, perhaps in the same way that they refer for example to Bakari Sidibe as a Fula. Mr Sidibe is to all intents and purposes a Mandinka, but his father's family is of Fula origin. Such ethnic labels lose much of their meaning in a generation or two in a situation where immigration and intermarriage have been taking place. Among the nineteenth century leaders whose deeds are today recounted by the bards of The Gambia, Kelefa Saane is something of an anomaly. All the others are men who had a considerable impact on events in their area. They commanded large military forces and made their presence felt over a considerable area. Musa Malo, for example, imposed his authority over a wide tract, not only in Casamance but also in The Gambia, in the area now known as Fulladu. Kelefa, on the other hand, had a minimal impact on events in the Gambia area. Whereas the history books have many references to men like Fode Kaba and Musa Molo, they are silent on Kelefa Saane. Lopy's four-page article (1956) is merely a brief resume of the bardic tradition. Kelefa's military career can be briefly told, at any rate that part of it which relates to events in the Gambia valley. When war appeared inevitable between Niumi and Jokadu, on the north bank of the River Gambia, King Demba Sonko of Niumi, who was a member of one of the three lineages which held the kingship ofNiumi in rotation - the others were the Saanes and the Maanes - sent a request for help to Badora, one of the states in the Kaabu confederation. Kelefa Saane, himself a member of one of the princely lines of Kaabu and a man who had achieved considerable military distinction, but who craved further military glory, responded to the call and set off on the long march from
6 Badora to Niumi. His arrival in Niumi seems to have been something of an embarrassment to the king, who had been forewarned by his Muslim diviners that he would be ill advised to have Kelefa by his side when he joined battle with Jokadu. King Demba Sonko therefore sent Kelefa off across the river on a pretext while the Niumi forces launched their attack. When Kelefa returned and caught up with his allies who had gone off without him, he was not of great assistance. He certainly did not help the Niumi forces to victory, for the war was a disaster for both sides. In the fighting, Kelefa was rather ingloriously shot by a deformed leper ( or albino) who lay in wait for him up a tree in the shade of which Kelefa rested from time to time. Clearly Kelefa's intervention in the war between Niumi and Jokadu made no difference to the outcome. He was not able to give any effective help to the king of Niumi, and in terms of its practical results, Kelefa's expedition was a fiasco. Why then is Kelefa remembered by the bards? They are not ones to celebrate failure. Bards are always anxious for their patrons to perform great and stirring deeds which they can recount to the glory of their patrons. Not only is Kelefa still remembered by the bards, the Kelefa story is one of the most popular in the bards' repertoire. How, then, are we to account for the popularity of the Kelefa story? It undoubtedly arouses a strong emotional response in a Mandinka audience, and one would be interested to know just what elements of the story it is that an audience responds to so strongly and why. The definitive answer to this question can probably only be given by Mandinka scholars themselves, but a very tentative and partial answer may be suggested here. In any consideration of this question, a key term is the Mandinka word nyancho, which may be said roughly to denote a member of the warrior aristocracy of Kaabu, an aristocracy comprised of three clans tracing their descent from a mysterious ancestress, Balaba (see below), the two most important of which were the closely associated Saanes and Maanes. The usual translation ofnyancho is 'prince/princess', and although this is not entirely satisfactory, it is adopted here faute de mieux. Bards use the term nyancho in two slightly different senses: (I) to denote any member of the three princely clans of Kaabu, and (2) to denote the emperor of Kaabu. In this book these two uses are distinguished typographically, thus (I) nyancho 'a/the prince', (2) Nyancho 'the Prince', i.e. the emperor ofKaabu. For the western Mandinka, Kaabu is the focus of considerable pride, for its existence bears witness to Mandinka prowess in arms as well as organizational capacity. The Mantling (or Mali) empire ofSunjata is of course regarded as their ancestral homeland by the western Mandinka and the ancient glories ofManding are a source of immense pride to the Mandinka, and there is something of the same attitude toward Kaabu, another Mandinka empire, though on a smaller scale. To some extent Kaabu seems to be viewed as a smaller version of the Mantling empire.
7 Bardic tradition stresses the close association which Kaabu had with Mantling. According to the bards, it was Tiramang, Sunjata's second in command, who founded Kaabu, and every emperor of Kaabu, on succeeding to office, had to be confirmed in that office by the emperor of Mantling himself. When the emperor of Mantling set his seal of approval on each successive emperor of Kaabu, he was also setting his seal of approval on Kaabu, investing it with some of the mystique of Mantling itself, and for the Mandinka this must have meant that Kaabu was the focus of some of the same sort of emotion as was directed toward Mantling. And of course the attitude toward Kaabu of present day Mandinka is intensified by the fact that Kaabu is close both in time and in space. It is just over a hundred years ago that the Kaabu empire was destroyed, and most of the Mandinka are today living in areas which were under the authority of Kaabu. Very many, if not most, Mandinka have a feeling of personal involvement in the history of Kaabu and of personal identification with its glories and achievements. In the establishment and maintenance of Kaabu, the princes played a crucial part both militarily and administratively. Not only did they maintain the territorial integrity of Kaabu against foreign enemies, they also filled the key posts in the Kaabu administration. It was of course from among the princes that the emperor himself was chosen, for only a prince was eligible to become emperor. They also occupied other important posts such as governorships of the various provinces of Kaabu. The princes of Kaabu claim descent on the male side from Tiramang, Sunjata's greatest general and reputed founder of Kaabu. On the female side, descent is claimed from a rather mysterious female called Balaba. According to a strong bardic tradition, reported by Sidibe (1972), Balaba was discovered living in a hole in the ground, was captured and brought to Medina in Wuropena, where she bore four daughters to a grandson of Tiramang. These four daughters were the founders of the four princely lines, three of which became the princes of the Mandinka state of Kaabu, and the fourth of which became the rulers of the Wolof state of Saloum in Senegal. Balaba presumably represents the indigenous women whom the Mandinka immigrants married when they moved into the Kaabu area. It is to be noticed that the founders of the princely lineages are said to be women. This is consonant with the fact that in these lineages succession was in the female line, unlike the rest of the Mandinka (and Mantling) area, where succession is in the male line. A man was a prince if his mother were a princess, regardless of his father's status (though princely women would normally bear children only to princely men); the son of a princely father and a non-princely mother was not a prince. The princes ofKaabu had a special ethos of their own. They were jealous of their honour and strove to behave in an honourable and dignified manner. They lived by war and appear to have constituted a
8 kind of warrior aristocracy within Kaabu society, with emphasis on such military virtues as loyalty and courage. A prince would die in battle rather than seek safety - and everlasting shame - in flight. A prince did not wage war for material gain, but if Kaabu had to be defended, a prince would be willing to give his life in its defence. Such at any rate is the rather idealized view of the princely code of conduct which many Mandinka seem to hold today, especially when they are listening to a performance of Kelefa Saane. There is good evidence from the bards themselves, however, that the princes were not always seen by the common people of Kaabu in such a favourable light. It appears that when they had no external enemy upon whom to practise their military skills, the princes would often turn to the common people of Kaabu, especially those of Fula stock, for some rough sport. Bards recount how princes would ride through growing crops just for the fun of it, would confiscate grain and livestock, and would even put to death, and in a particularly cruel manner, anyone who happened to incur their displeasure. It was the arbitrary and brutal behaviour of the princes toward their Fula subjects which caused the revolt which led ultimately to the overthrow of Kaabu in the 1860s. Kelefa himself obviously made life extremely difficult for the rest of the community, who sought to be rid of him so that they could have some peace (Bamba Suso, lines 145- 4 7). Kelefa declared that he lived by war alone, that he would not demean himself by farming, and if there were no wars to wage, he would seek his livelihood by selling some of his fellow citizens into slavery (Bamba Suso, lines 233--42). The princes were very useful in time of war, but were hard to live with in time of peace. Whatever the reality may have been, the princely ideal still has a powerful emotional appeal for the Mandinka. Kelefa seems to be the embodiment of the highest princely ideals, and in this lies much of his popularity with the Mandinka audiences. Kelefa displays unselfishness of the highest order; he responded to the king of Niumi's call for help because the king was in trouble and it therefore behoved a prince to respond, regardless of his own circumstances. Kelefa clearly did not go to Niumi for personal gain; on the contrary, he repeatedly rejected the offer of generous gifts by the various rulers through whose territory he passed if he would abandon his intention of going to fight in Jokadu. These same rulers reminded him that war brings sudden death to many, but Kelefa remained resolute in his resolve to go and do battle on behalf of the king of Niumi, rejecting all offers of wealth. It would have been a betrayal of the princely ideal if he had chosen wealth rather than battle. Bamba Suso uses the literary device of repetition to emphasise the fact that Kelefa chose battle instead of personal gain. The scene is described in almost identical terms no fewer than seven times in which Kelefa presents himself to a local ruler and announces that he is on his way to fight in Niumi in support of King Demba Sonko. The local ruler urges him to desist from war, usually mentioning the horrors of
9 war. The ruler then assures Kelefa that if it is wealth that he seeks in war, he can have great wealth immediately, ifhe will only abandon his plans for fighting in Niumi. Kelefa refuses the offered wealth, in every case with the words, 'If I accept, may a spear strike me dead.' For a prince of Kaabu, wealth was simply irrelevant, and of no interest to him; what he sought was a glorious reputation won in battle. This seeking after reputation was not of course something peculiar to the princes, but was part of the long Mandinka heroic tradition. By his great deeds a man could achieve reputation which would not only make him known far and wide, but which, perhaps even more important, would make his memory live after he was dead. In several passages in historical narratives which I have recorded, a bard urges his master to bold action by asking him what deeds he has performed in his lifetime which are worthy of commemoration after his death. See for example Kelefa's bard addressing Kelefa in these terms in Bamba Suso, lines 94-6. An outstanding incident in a hero's life might be commemorated in a praise-name or in a song, which would keep the memory of the hero and his achievements alive. The hero's praise-names and songs were to some extent the oral equivalent of the epitaphs on headstones in a literate society. The story of how Kelefa resisted all the offers of wealth and instead pressed forward to the hazards of battle to assist a friend in need must make a powerful impact on a Mandinka listener. Here are displayed loyalty to a friend, courage and unselfishness of the highest order. Kelefa may well himself have had doubts about his surviving the impending battle, for a diviner had declared that he saw Kelefa's going forth, but not his return home. All the nobler, then, for Kelefa to have insisted on going to war when he knew that he would probably not survive it. Again, this is part of the princely ideal - the hero destined to die young, but boldly accepting this fact and not trying to avoid his fate. And he faces death, not for his own gain, but to help a friend. 'Someone who has died because of his love for another has not died in vain', as Kelefa says (Bamba Suso, line 636). The popularity of the Kelefa story with Mandinka audiences must surely be due in large measure to the fact that Kelefa embodies in their highest form not only the ideals of the princes, but also ideals of everyday life like unselfishness, loyalty to a friend, courage. Kelefa's career, as described by the bards, falls into two parts. The first consists of the period up to the time when he left Badora in response to a call for help from the king of Niumi, and the second consists of an account of his expedition to Niumi, ending with his death in the war against Jokadu. In the Gambian bards' narrations, the first part of Kelefa's career takes up much less space than does the second. The bards' concentration on the second part of Kelefa's life is no doubt well motivated, for it is this part which has the greater emotional appeal to a Mandinka audience. The first part has an obvious
10 similarity to the life of Sunjata. The core of the Sunjata legend, it will be recalled, is that Sunjata was driven from home, spent some time in exile, then returned and established himself as king after defeating his enemy, Sumanguru. As I have pointed out elsewhere (Innes, 1974), this pattern is strikingly similar to that of the hero's life in other oral literatures, as described by Raglan (1936), de Vries (1963) and others. Kelefa's early life follows a similar pattern: his life was threatened, he was taken away and sold into slavery, he returned and established himself as a free and independent prince. The Expulsion and Return Formula, noted in European literature as early as 1876 by von Hahn (Dundes, 1965: 142), is obvious in Kelefa's early life, but with the variation that Kelefa did not become king on his return. An interesting question that suggests itself here is the extent to which the model of Sunjata's life has influenced the bards in their account of Kelefa's life. Unfortunately the only evidence for Kelefa's career is that of the bards themselves, so it is impossible to know how far their accounts have been adapted to conform to the pattern set by the Sunjata epic. One suspects that in the case of an otherwise obscure hero like Kelefa the process of literary reworking of the facts of his career could have proceeded rather faster than in the case of heroes like Musa Mola and Fode Kaba, the facts of whose life must have been widely known outside the bardic tradition. I recorded an account of Musa Molo's career, for example, from an Islamic scholar. One aspect in which the Sunjata story differs from the Kelefa story is in the realm of the supernatural. As one might expect, the supernatural is much more prominent in the Sunjata epic. In Bamba Suso's account of Kelefa's career there is no supernatural element at all, if one leaves aside the activities of Muslim diviners, which are part of everyday life. But in Shirif Jebate's version, it is to be noticed that Hamadada Seeka Ndemba had been spirited away by a female jinn when he was a baby and was brought up by jinns.
Bamba Susa and Shirl[ Jebate The late Bamba Susa was considered by many Gambians to be their country's leading bard. This estimation of Bamba as a bard is itself interesting and leads one to try to discover the criteria which are employed by listeners in ranking bards. In discussions of this question with several Mandinka it became clear that a bard is judged on a range of different factors such as his musicianship, historical knowledge, clarity of diction, use of language, fluency and coherence of narration. On some of these criteria Bamba would obviously have scored very low; in his latter years he did not play the kora ( or at any rate, very rarely), and he had a poor singing voice and often confined himself to the speech mode even for passages where the song mode or the recitation mode might have been expected. Bamba was no showman, and he
11 spoke quietly and without flourish. One of Bamba's great strengths was his knowledge of his subject; he was master of all the relevant facts. His pronouncements were regarded as authoritative. In the case of the figures of the latter part of the nineteenth century such as Kelefa Saane, whose careers fonn a large part of a bard's repertoire, Bamba was in a particularly good position to know the truth, for his father and his two grandfathers were closely associated with many of them. Bamba claimed that his maternal grandfather attended upon Kelefa in his last hours (lines 720-28). Bamba was also closely associated through his father and grandfathers with Fode Kaba and Alfa Molo, and he claimed that he himself had played the kora at Musa Molo's funeral in 193 l. Bamba himself had known many of the leading Mandinka figures in Gambian public life during the last forty years or so, and thus he came to have an unrivalled knowledge of the history of the leading Gambian families. In his 70s at the time when he recorded this version of Kelefa Saane, Bamba had the authority of profound knowledge built up over a lifetime spent close to the leading political figures of his day. And his knowledge was not confined to local history, but extended also to the Sunjata epic, on which he was regarded as being exceptionally well informed, as well as to the history of Kaabu. Bamba's other great strength was his mastery of the Mandinka language. Connoisseurs of the language (and this means virtually every adult Mandinka) savoured Bamba's handling of the language. Bamba did not strive for effect or strain after unusual collocations or constructions, but his steady flow of well-fonned sentences was much appreciated. The clarity of Bamba's diction was also appreciated. Where some bards slur over certain lines at great speed so that the words are unintelligible, Bamba spoke clearly so that the words could be heard, even if not always understood. This again is related to Bamba's superior knowledge of his subject, for where other bards appear deliberately to run words together because they are uncertain of the words - this applies to praises and other fonnulaic passages - Bamba knew the words and spoke them clearly. Bamba recorded his version of Kelefa Saane at the beginning of 1969 in Brikama School, by courtesy of the then Headmaster, Mr Bakari Sidibe. Bamba was living at that time at the home of an old friend of his in Brikama, and the school was chosen as a convenient venue, since Bamba could be assured of a big audience, and the pupils of the school could be given the opportunity of hearing a perfonnance by one of their country's finest bards. The audience consisted of senior pupils of the school, together with several teachers and a few men from nearby houses who came over to listen when they heard the kora. Bamba was accompanied on the kora by his regular accompanist, Amadu Jebate, one of The Gambia's best kora players. The bards sat side by side cross-legged on a mat on the floor. A microphone was placed on the floor in front of them, and Bamba was invited to begin. He performed for about forty-five minutes, without interruption,
12 except for one or two questions from Amadu. Amadu's questions were not asked for his own enlightenment (for he knew the answers), but to prod Bamba to expand on a few points which Amadu thought would not be clear to me. It is usual for a bard to perform without interruption or even comment from the audience. The audience listens respectfully while the bard performs, and from time to time a member of the audience may step forward with a gift for the bard. Shirif Jebate's version was recorded for Radio Gambia, but there is no record of the circumstances in which the recording was made. The absence of background noise suggests that the recording was made in the Radio Gambia recording studio, where a great amount of material was recorded from bards. Shirif Jebate pauses from time to time in his narration to allow for translation into Wolof, or, more accurately, for a Wolofparaphrase of what he has said. I have not met Shirif Jebate and I do not know much about him. Though generally regarded as a competent bard, he is not as well known or as highly regarded as Bamba Suso.
Comparison of versions The two versions are in substantial agreement in their account of Kelefa's response to the king of Niumi's call for aid, and of events in Niumi, ending with Kelefa's death in the fighting at Baria. There are, however, several differences both of form and of content between them, and it is to some of the more interesting of these differences that attention is directed here. The most striking formal distinction between the two texts lies in the differential use made by the two bards of the three vocal modes (speech, recitation, song) available to them. 1 Apart from the prelude, Bamba Suso makes no use of the song mode, whereas Shirif Jebate makes frequent use of this mode. As already mentioned, Bamba Suso had a poor singing voice and this may be one reason for his avoiding the song mode. Again excluding the preludes, we find that each bard has only two passages in the recitation mode, and it may appear at first sight that there is no difference between them in their use of this mode. On closer examination, however, it becomes clear that they differ markedly in this respect. The recitation mode is the one which is generally used for praise passages, and Shirif Jebate has three praise passages, two of them in the recitation mode and one in the song mode. Bamba Suso, on the other hand, has no fewer than fifteen praise passages, of which only two are in the recitation mode and all the rest in the speech mode. It is certainly unusual for a bard to use the speech mode for praise passages
For a description of the musical features of the three modes of vocalization, see Anthony King, 'Music: the perfonnance modes' in Innes, 1974, pages 17-20.
13 to this extent, and it may be due in this case to the fact that Bamba Suso was an old man when he made this recording and used the speech mode even where the recitation mode might have been expected because the speech mode is physically less demanding. It may be noticed that Shirifs three praise passages are all short and mostly of a general nature, not the specific praises of particular heroes; lines 300- Ol, for example, can be addressed to any successful warrior. By contrast, Bamba not only makes greater use of praises, he also knows the specific praises of the main characters in the Kelefa story. Bamba's use of praises clearly demonstrates his much deeper knowledge of his subject, and it also gives his narration the heroic resonances which distinguish the master bard's performance and which give it a heightened emotional impact on the Mandinka listener. In this respect, Bamba's account is sharply distinguished from Shirifs more pedestrian account of events. As already mentioned, Shirif paused from time to time in his narration to allow a paraphrase in Wolof to be made, and it is worth noticing that when he resumes, it is with a few lines of song that he takes up his narration. Just as he does not plunge straight into his account ofKelefa's career at the outset of his performance, but instead has a fourteen-line prelude, so too it seems that he does not wish to plunge straight back in after a break, but has a kind of mini-prelude before the resumption of his narration. Bamba's version covers the whole ofKelefa's career, from childhood to death, but Shirifs version covers only the latter part of Kelefa's career. (He had covered the period up to the arrival of Kelefa in Niumi in an earlier broadcast.) Both versions cover the period from Kelefa's arrival in Niumi till his death, and a comparison of the two versions shows that they agree rather closely on the main outline of events in that period, though there are differences in the details. In both versions the opposing sides in the coming war, Jokadu and Niumi, had both sought the aid of the same marabout. Jokadu consulted him first, and he gave them a number of protective charms which they were to bury at specified points round the heartland of Jokadu. He was later persuaded by the men of Niumi to work for them too. This was obviously a difficult position for the marabout to find himself in, for he could hardly give Niumi help to overcome Jokadu, for which he had a short time previously provided protective charms. The marabout solved the problem by giving to Niumi a charm, in the form of a writing-board, which would cause the Jokadu forces to inflict heavy losses upon themselves. The details of how the Jokadu men came to suffer these self-inflicted losses differ somewhat in the two versions. According to Bamba, a man in one Jokadu canoe fired upon and sank another Jokadu canoe, which he had mistaken for a Niumi canoe. According to Shirif, many men of Jokadu rushed off in their canoes to meet Niumi canoes, which they thought were coming and their canoes capsized, drowning the occupants. 14 Both versions agree that when Kelefa arrived in Niumi, the king did not in fact wish Kelefa to accompany him on his attack on Jokadu and sent him off to collect tax in Banjul. The reason that the king had for getting Kelefa out of the way while the attack en Jokadu was launched is somewhat different in the two versions. In Bamba's version, the king of Niumi did not wish Kelefa to accompany the Niumi forces because a marabout had declared that he saw Kelefa's going forth to war, but not his return. Though Bamba does not say so, we may infer that the king of Niumi did not want such an ill-omened man to accompany his army, which might itself share Kelefa's fate. Shirif, on the other hand, states quite specifically that the king of Niumi did not wish Kelefa to participate in the attack on Jokadu because of a marabout's prophecy that Kelefa, but not the king, would achieve fame in the forthcoming battle. Both versions agree that Kelefa could not be killed by ordinary bullets, but they differ in the particular weapon which had the power to kill him and in the manner in which this secret was revealed to Jokadu. According to Bamba, an albino diviner with only one finger revealed to the Jokadu men that Kelefa could be killed only by gold and silver bullets, fired by an albino. An albino was sent up a tree, and he killed Kelefa. According to Shirif, a female jinn revealed to the Jokadu side that Kelefa could be killed only by the spur of a one-year old cock soaked in poison, but first they must shoot him with a Fula's bead. The Fula's bead proved ineffective against Kelefa, but he was later shot with a cock's spur fired by a man without fingers who had been concealed up a tree. In both versions Kelefa insisted on being buried under a tree of a particular species, in Bamba's version ajala tree, in Shirifs a sinjang tree. Both trees have a bitter taste, with connotations of tough masculinity. Both versions agree that Kelefa's spear is to this day at Jufureh. Though both versions tell a very similar story, each contains a few details not found in the other. These are mostly all motifs which are common in oral literature and which look suspiciously like embellishments added to the account of Kelefa's career by bards familiar with these motifs in other literary contexts. Shirif Jebate, for example, mentions a small valley near Kuntair which had been worn down by the feet of the Niumi army; the hoofprints of the horses can be seen in the rocks where they crossed the creek. The little horn which Kelefa's mother had given him fell to the ground when Kelefa was fatally wounded and made its way back to Badora with the news of his death. Kelefa predicted that no grass would grow on his grave. Bamba adds the detail that vultures and hyenas did not eat Kelefa's corpse, because he had kept them well supplied with meat in the past.
15 THE MUSIC
by Lucy Duran
The accompaniment The story of Kelefa Saane has two accompaniments, both original kora compositions: Kuruntu Kele[a (Following Kelefa), said to have been composed during his lifetime, and Ke/e[a Saane or Ke/e[a Baa (the Great Kelefa), said to have been composed on his death by his personal bard, Maadi Wuleng. A third accompaniment, Kuruntu Kele[a Taki Sabo, composed for Kelefa on mounting for war, has fallen into disuse and is remembered by very few jalolu (griots, bards). 1 Kuruntu Kelefa and Kele[a Saane are often played as a pair, where the musician will alternate between the two according to whether the narrative refers to Kelefa's lifetime or to his death. Equally frequently, as in the case of the two performances described here, he may adhere to one accompaniment throughout. There appears to be a considerable degree of variation in the way the two Kele[a accompaniments are played by different musicians. Examples 1-5 show the basic pattern as performed by the two kora players with whom we are concerned here, Shirif Jebate and Amadu Jebate, and for purposes of comparison, by two other prominent kora jalo/u, Nyama Suso and Alhaji Bai Konte. (The transcription method is the same as that used by King (1974), with the lowest left-hand string transposed to C. The distribution of pitches between left and right hands is shown in ex. 6.) In spite of the apparent differences between these performances of Kele[a, they have several features in common: (i) An ostinato pattern consisting of two phrases (in the notation, each phrase corresponds to one bar), which are repeated with small variations (some of the more constant of these are shown underneath the predominant pattern). The second phrase of each pattern is itself a variation of the first; frequently it differs from the first phrase by only one note (e.g. ex. la). (ii) The underlying motif C G C Gg, played with the right and left hand thumbs and shown in the bass clef of each example. This motif
This and much of the other information on the kora repertory and musicians was supplied by Dr Anthony King, to whom I am also grateful for giving me unlimited access to his recordings of kora music made in The Gambia in 1969.
16 arises naturally out of the tuning and structure of the kara and occurs in much of the western Gambian kara repertory, in particular in pieces that are original to the kara. (iii) A melodic skeleton consisting of a descending tetrachord, FED C (e.g. as in the treble clef of ex. 1). (iv) A rhythmic structure, often shown by a rhythmic tap played on the back of the kara gourd by another musician. In examples 4 and Sa the tap is indicated with an x. (v) A moderately fast tempo. (vi) Tamara Baa tuning. (Roughly speaking, Tamara Baa may be compared to a C major scale with pitches D and A slightly sharp and pitches E and B slightly flat. For exact intervallic measures of this and other kara tunings, see King, 1972.) It is not always possible to distinguish between Kuruntu Kelefa and Kelefa Saane unless the musician himself has identified them as such, in which case it may be observed that performances by different musicians of Kuruntu Kelefa tend to vary more than those of Kelefa Saane, which is more stable; also, Kuruntu Kelefa has a more angular melodic line, revolving around G rather than C ( compare examples 4 and 5). In the western Gambian kara repertory, Kelefa occupies an important place. Just as Kelefa himself embodies the princely ideal, the two Kelefa accompaniments embody many of the features present in other Tamara Baa pieces. Tamara Baa, the original kora tuning, is the main tuning for the kara in western Gambia; since there is some evidence from oral tradition that Kelefa was the first piece composed for the kora, it is possible that much of the Tamara Baa repertory is derived from Kelefa. Further, Kelefa is the first item a beginner on the kora in western Gambia learns (in the eastern region it is Lambanga ), as it is said to include most of the basic techniques required on the kara. Since a relatively large number of kora players have fairly limited repertories, Kelefa thus inevitably has a higher statistical incidence than other kara pieces in this area. In view of this, it is hard to say whether the story lent its popularity to the accompaniment, or vice versa.
Shirif Jebate (ex. I) Example 1 shows the basic patterns played by Shirif Jebate while accompanying his performance of the Kelefa text transcribed. He sticks to these patterns throughout, with almost no variation, except for three occasions when he plays a short birimintinga (ornamental passage) after lines 150, 210 and 298. No specific identification of the accompaniment was given, and no other recordings of Shirif Jebate playing Kelefa were available. Of the other examples given here it is perhaps closest to Nyama Suso's and Bai Konte's version of Kelefa Saane, as can be seen by comparing the first bar of ex. 4a with that of ex. 1. Since Shirif Jebate uses this same pattern to accompany his song
17 lamenting the fate of the nobles in war ( ex. 8; the song is described in more detail below}, the accompaniment may well be Kele[a Saane.
Amadu Jebate (examples 2 and 3) Example 2 shows Amadu Jebate's accompaniment to Bamba Suso's Kele[a. He begins with an extended birimintingo and then goes into an introductory accompaniment (ex. 2a} to lines 1-21. After the narrative proper begins (line 22}, he switches to a second pattern (ex. 2b} which is then maintained, with some ornamental and rhythmic variation, throughout. His style is more flamboyant than that of Shirif Jebate. While the latter plays only three ornamental passages, Amadu plays nineteen; the birimintingo shown in ex. 2c is played at lines 63, 84, 115, 166, 224, 261, 392, 435, 542, 608, 733, 740, 776 and at the end. More extended birimintingolu are played at the beginning, and at lines 18, 28, 247 and 484. The greater use of ornamentation in Amadu's performance may also be because he is not singing and is therefore free to concentrate on the kora. As with Shirif Jebate, no specific identification of this accompaniment was given, but in another recording made by Anthony King in 1969 of the same two musicians, Amadu Jebate and Bamba Suso, performing Kelefa, the accompaniment, identified as Kelefa Saane, is significantly different (ex. 3). It is, however, very close to Nyama Suso's and Bai Konte's Kelefa Saane (ex. 4b}. Example 2, on the other hand, has some of the angular quality of Nyama Suso's Kuruntu Kele[a, revolving around G, and thus it may be a version of Kuruntu Ke/e[a.
Nyama Suso and Alhaji Bai Konte ( examples 4 and 5) More information is available on Kelefa as played by the two prominent musicians Nyama Suso and Alhaji Bai Konte, both of whom have issued commercial recordings of Kele[a. Examples 4a and b show two basic ostinato patterns for Kele[a Saane. These two patterns are freely alternated in any one performance, though it is usually pattern a which accompanies the singing and recitation in performance by these two musicians. This pattern is characterized by its rising melodic line F GB C (although it still contains the descending tetrachord FED C}, not present in the examples quoted of Shirif Jebate or Amadu Jebate, but found in several other kora players' versions of Kelefa Saane. It is also quoted by Knight (1971}. Example 5 shows two patterns for Kuruntu Kele[a as played by Nyama Suso, contrasted rhythmically (pattern a is in compound rhythm, while pattern b switches to simple}.
18 Ex. I KELEFA: accompaniment (Shirif Jebate)
). = c. 206 ~.~·~!rn 3Pf1 e1~ j ;rr:1
Variations 3 (t)I~!:: ~: ~:r~ 1J~j: ~: ~::11
(ii) I!:: : : r Il 'j 'f r:1
3 (w) I! j j Jf' J ~ :1
actual pitch ' ... = w
19 Ex. 2 KELEFA: accompaniment (Amadu Jebate)
actual pitch ' .. = •
Accompaniment to lines 22
Birmintingo ,, ~!f 11rP If Pjj1;r1r~P' 1 !1!!€) jau ~~ :1~
Ex. 3 KELEFA SAANE: accompaniment Amadu Jebate (rec. A. King)
20 Ex. 4a KELEFA SAANE: accompaniment (Nyama Suso and Bai Konte)
main ostinato pattern A
}. = 140-180 ~! r1f 1f' U0, 'f1 I~ J71f 1f!l
·:"'"'11!: : : 11:: : 1f : I : : : : :1
(n) !I! : : : Ii : rt I: r :: :1
(ill) i1! : : : 1: : : : :1 ~ i: nJ ·A 11 =percussive tap.
21 Ex. 4b (KELEFA SAANE, continued)
main ostinato pattern B !l!rrr trr:r If t]ffJ Variations 11~!:~: :~1]~ 1 rarf•1r~::~: J
!I!: : : 1:Prer1e: : : J
1 ~! : : : 1:J r f PI r: :: 1 Ex. 5 KURUNTU KELEFA: accompaniment (Nyama Suso)
A ~! Jf ) l j : 1 11:l j j j J j i 1 :I ~-- Ex. 6 Distribution of pitches on the Kora
:e: Left Hand Right Hand
Ex. 7 Bamba Suso: song, lines 15-18 (rhythmic values approximate)
£ Parlando (Rhythmic values approximate) VOICE ~ t J a rJ J J (_1 n. .J - Ye ke - lo ku - ma foo - la le_ si - a - ta
! J J J J • J J J n J J J J Ke- le bun-na mang si - a ' Man - sa ke - le ku - ma foo ' 1111111 la le ka sia ke - le bun - na mang si - a
23 Ex. 8. Shirif Jebate: song, lines 70-2 . Voice " tJ Jo - la ke le fa Ba
~ - " - ": tJ ... i ... Korn l : ~-
" tJ ·~·· do - ra Jo la ye ____ ke-lc ra .. - ~ - l·. ... 7-•
" ., tJ -~ *__.,.... •...___-.I' baa la lam bo he Ba ri ya ~ - " : - : tJ . l i - I i - 7-• .. tl_f-- " - oJ ·- l i - etc.
24 Ex. 9. Nyama Suso: song. Jola Kelefa (Kelefa Saane) .. Voice --..r Aa· ..
--..r -i --.- 'I I .... , ...
'.i ..
ai- • 4-...f- .. mar ol' ban ta --..r i -- ... l 1-t i ...
..
.J--:jJC• ---.. ---., ~ ---.---.. . i,..-. ~ =J.y: .. ~- ke - lo ye mar ol' bang ne Dam- . v ., --.-1 l I-ii i ...
..
oJ ~ ...... (11)1'" ma __ --~· -· .. ke-lo ye mar - ol' bang ne ,. . oJ , 4-1 I .. , ... etc.
Transcribed by A. King
25 The song Both Kuruntu Kelefa and Kelefa Saane have a number of associated songs, that is, relatively fixed melodies usually associated with a particular text. The song texts of Kuruntu Kelefa describe events in Kelefa's life or praise him as a warrior, while in Kelefa Saane the song texts refer to his death and the death of the nobles in war. Performances will often begin with a song, as in the case of both Bamba Suso and Shirif Jebate. Bamba Suso, as has already been stated, is generally considered to have a poor singing voice, as is Amadu Jebate also. His mode of performing lines l -4 and lines 15-18 ( ex. 7) is clearly song by intention, in that the same melody and text are repeated, but the manner of delivery is closer to recitation, particularly with regard to rhythm. Shirif Jebate, on the other hand, is a good singer, with a clear, high pitched voice. Example 8 shows the song with which he begins his performance and which he sings almost invariably after each interruption from the translations into Wolof. Although the example is a transcription of lines 70-72, there is a high degree of consistency, both musical and textual, in the way Shirif Jebate performs this same song at the following points in the text: lines l-3, 70-2, and after lines 107, 150 and 182 (omitted from the text here), lines 201-4, and after lines 210, 254 and 423 (omitted from the text); at lines 208-10 the same melody occurs with different words. Musically, most variation takes place in the second line of the song. The opening melodic lines is in unison with the kora; the Bb in the second line, and a tendency to sing an Eb, are characteristic features of the recitation mode as well. One of the most frequently heard of the Kelefa Saane songs, describing Kelefa as 'Badora Jola Kelefa', continuing with 'Kelefa's spear is at Bariya', is not, however, included in either Shirif Jebate's or Bamba Suso's performance. Example 9 is transcribed from a recording ofNyama Suso.
List of music examples l. Kelefa: accompaniment (Shirif Jebate) 2. Kelefa: accompaniment (Amadu Jebate) 3. Kelefa Saane: accompaniment (Amadu Jebate) 4a and 4b. Kelefa Saane: accompaniment (Nyama Suso and Bai Konte) 5. Kuruntu Kelefa: accompaniment (Nyama Suso) 6. Distribution of pitches on the kora between left and right hands 7. Bamba Suso: song, lines 15-8 8. Shirif Jebate: song, lines 70-2 9. Nyama Suso: song, Jo/a Kelefa (Kelefa Saane)
26
BAMBA SUSO: KELEFA SAANE
It may be helpful to the reader for each text to be preceded by a resume of the narrative, as this will help to make clear the narrative structure and will also facilitate a comparison of the narrative content of the two versions.
Resume Kelefa's father was Simbiring Saane, his mother was Sankang Nanki. The ruler arrested Kelefa's motter and Kelefa himself because his mother had given food to a stranger who subsequently died. Kelefa and his mother were put in the care of the ruler's favourite wife, Mariaama Nanki. When Kelefa grew up, still in the care of the ruler's wife, he told his griot that he would distinguish himself. He shot the head pads off the he:ids of a whole line of princely women who were returning from the well with calabashes of water on their heads. The ruler ordered Kelefa to be seized and sold into slavery. Kelefa was sold as a slave to Malamba of Geba. Kelefa asked Malamba for a chance to ransom himself, and Malamba lent him a horse, gun, etc. Kelefa soon returned with a hundred head of cattle and ransomed himself. Kelefa went back to the ruler who had sold him into slavery, and the ruler agreed that Kelefa was now a free man. Kelefa declared that he would live by war, he would not live by farming. Some of his fellow townsmen tried to get rid of Kelefa and they consulted a marabout for this purpose. At that time, Niumi and Jokadu came into conflict. A messenger arrived from king Demba Sonko of Niumi asking for assistance. (In reply to a question, Bamba explains why Niumi and Jokadu came into conflict.) Kelefa took leave of the princes; they offered him a hundred slaves if
28 he would abandon the idea of going to war, but Kelefa refused the offer. Kelefa went to Kapirong, and the same offer was made to him there. Kelefa went to Kankelefa, and the same offer was made. Kelefa went to Kantora Sonkunda, and the same offer was made. Kelefa went to the king ofWuli, and the same offer was made. Kelefa went to the king ofNiani, and the same offer was made. Kelefa went to Niamina; story of Jeenung and Dambele, sons of Mankoto Kamara, king of Niani. Both sons were thrown in the river, one weighted down with stones (Jeenung); Jeenung sank and then proceeded under water to Kuntaur, where he emerged. He was named Saabali. The descendants of Dambele are the Kamaras, the descendants of Jeenung are the Saabalis. Kelefa went to Jarra, where he fell ill; on recovering, he had the offer of a hundred slaves. Kelefa went to Kunnong; the ruler, Sankule, asked him to stay for a while. The ruler consulted a marabout who said that he saw Kelefa's going, but not his return. When the Jokadu people heard that the Niumi people had summoned Kelefa to fight against them, they consulted a marabout, who gave them protective charms. The Niumi people consulted the same marabout; he said that he would set the Jokadu people against each other. A man in a Jokadu canoe fired on and sank another Jokadu canoe by mistake - he mistook it for a Niumi canoe. King Demba Sonko of Niumi explained to the people in the towns of Niumi why Kelefa had come. King Demba Sonko sent Kelefa to collect tax in Banjul. When Kelefa returned to Barra, he found that Demba Sonko had gone to fight at Baria. Kelefa set off after Demba Sonko and the Niumi men, and he accused Demba of making a fool of him and of making him appear a coward. When the fighting had gone badly for the Jokadu men, they consulted an albino diviner who told them that Kelefa could be killed only by an albino with gold and silver bullets. Kelefa used to rest during the fighting in the shade of a certain tree. The Jokadu people sent an albino up that tree and he shot Kelefa. Kelefa insisted on being buried under a jala tree; a jala tree is a man's tree; it is always bitter. Vultures and hyenas did not eat Kelefa's corpse because he had fed them well in the past. Kelefa is buried at Baria; his spear is at Jufureh. Koriyang Musa, the griot who played to Kelefa as he lay dying, was Bamba's mother's father.
29 Kelo kuma foola le siata, 1 Kele bunna mang sia. Mansa kelo kuma foola le siata, Kele bunna mang sia.
5 Nying dula be nyancholu le kili la. Dala Nyaaling ding nyancho be laaring Baariya Koto, Mariaama Nanki ding nyancho be laaring Baariya Koto, Soona Saalung ding nyancho be laaring Baariya Koto. Bonje sumaa, 10 Tumanna sumaa. Bale ning Nua Tamba wolu be Chaanya. Kang Chuma, Kang Mansa Ngaaleng, Bere koi kolongo ning Nyampanjai. Nyancho ka faa bari a te bori la muume muume muume. 15 Yee, kelo kuma fool a le sia ta, Kele bunna mang sia. Mansa kelo kuma foola le ka sia, Kele bunna mang sia.
Kuntinka Sira Bula Jeenung!
20 M be Kelefa la kumo le saata la jang, Nte Bamba Suso aning Aamadu Jeebaate. Biring Kelefa dindimma la, Faadingolu sobita Kelefa ma le. Kelefa faama le mu Simbiring Saane ti, 25 A baama le mu Sankang Nanki ti. Bari a baama mu musu keeba le ti, A kono diata baake, Luntang-o-luntang naata, a si a fo, 'Naa nga kino dii i la, baa, konko le be i la.' A kari wo le ke, 30 A naata kino dii doo la, Wo kono ye a The following typographic conventions have been adopted to show the vocal mode used in performance: indentation (as lines 5-14) indicates the recitation mode, further indentation (as lines 1-4, and 15-18) indicates the song mode, absence of indentation (as lines 19 ff.) indicates the speech mode. Extra space between lines indicates a break in the vocal performance. At such breaks, the musical accompaniment usually becomes much louder and more prominent, so providing a short musical interlude. 30 Many are those who recount the deeds of war, 1 But few are those who take part. Many are those who recount the deeds of kingly war, But few are those who take part. This song is calling upon the princes. 5 Dala Nyaaling's son the prince lies at Baria Kato, Mariaama Nanki's son the prince lies at Baria Kato, Soona Saalung's son the prince lies at Baria Kato. Ruler of Bonje, Ruler of Tumanna. 10 Bale and Nua Tamba are at Chaanya. Kang Chuma, Kang Mansa Ngaaleng, White stone well and Nyampenjai. A prince may die, but never, never will he run away. Many are those who recount the deeds of war, 15 But few are those who take part. Many are those who recount the deeds of kingly war, But few are those who take part. Kuntinka Sira Bula Jeenung! I am going to recount the story of Kelefa, 20 I, Bamba Susa, along with Amadu Jebate. Right from Kelefa's childhood, His brothers were suspicious of him. Kelefa's father was Simbiring Saane, And his mother was Sankang Nanki. 25 His mother was a woma.1 of mature years, And of great kindness; To any stranger who arrived, she would say, 'Come and let me give you some food, my child, for you are hungry'. It was her custom to do this, Till one day she gave food to a man 30 Who suffered stomach pains, And died. Some people went and reported this to the Prince, Saying, 'Sankang Nanki has murdered a man'. The Prince told them, 'I have been keeping my eye on her. 35 31 Ali taa a ning a dingo muta nang.' Wo le ye a tinna jalolu kara a fo Saane kundankolu ye Saane Balaamang, Maane Jong Kelefa. 40 Wo 'Jong Kelefaya', a saabuta wo le la. Biring a ye a muta, A ye a nyininka, Adung nyancholu buka faniya fo, Ako a ye, 'Nga kino le dii a la de, 45 Kaliya ye a boindi a faata. Bari dung moo meng nga kino dii i la, a mang lafi ye faa de.' A ko a ye, 'Wo to nga i muta le. Nga i dingo fanang muta le.' Wo tumo Kelefa kambaani ndingo le mu. 50 A ye i dung a la kanu muso bulu; Wo fanang mu nyancho le ti, I kara a fo a ye Mariaama Nanki. Wo le ye a tinna ningjalolu be Kelefajamung na, I kara a fo Sankang Nanki la Kelefa, 5 5 Mariaama Nanki la Kelefa. A baama le mu Sankang Nanki ti; Biring ye a ning a baama muta, Ye a dii Nyancho la kanu muso la, Mariaama Nanki. 60 Bari hiring wo tumo, A ning a la jalo le mu de. Biring i bee kambaani ndimma, Bulu-kang-kodo be i bulo la. Nyancho ye i miira 65 Fo a si Kelefa faa le bang, Fo a si a tu jee le bang? Bari Kelefa keta moo nyimma baa ti, A keta moo darajama baa ti. Ye a dii muso meng na, Mariaama Nanki, 70 Wo mang lafi Nyancho ye a faa. A be jee le, a be jee le, Fo a nyaa fanuta, A ko, 'Muna m faama la kido te jee bang?' I ko a be jee le, 75 Ako, 'Bari dingo le nyanta a faa kee taa la de.' I ko, 'Haa'. A ko, 'Wo to ali m faa la kido dii n na.' Ye a faa la kido dii a la. Silang a menta de, 80 Bari a be muto le kono. 32 Go and apprehend her and her son.' That is why the griots call The members of the Saane family 'Saane Balaamang, Maane Jong Kelefa'. The 'Jong Kelefa' part originated with that incident. 40 When he had apprehended her, The Prince questioned her, And as members of the princely line never lie, She said, 'I did indeed give him food, And he collapsed with stomach pains and died, 45 But surely, a person who has given you food does not want you to die'. The Prince told her, 'You are now under arrest, And so too is your son'. At that time Kelefa was a young boy. The ruler put them in the custody of his favourite wife; 50 She too was of princely stock. She was called Mariaama Nanki. That is why, when griots are reciting Kelefa's praises, They say, 'Sankang Nanki's Kelefa, Mariaama Nanki's Kelefa'. 55 His mother was Sankang Nanki; When he and his mother were apprehended, They were handed over to the Prince's favourite wife, Mariaama Nanki. At that time, 60 Kelefa had his griot with him. From the time when they were both young boys, Each of them had worn a bracelet on his arm. The Prince pondered the question Whether he should kill Kelefa 65 Or spare him. Kelefa was very handsome, And also very popular. The woman into whose keeping he had been given, Mariaama Nanki, Did not want the Prince to kill him. 70 Kelefa lived there Till he grew to maturity. He asked, 'My father had a gun, didn't he?', And when he was told that that was indeed the case, He declared, 'A son should inherit from his father', 75 And with this there was general agreement. He said, 'Then give me my father's gun', And his father's gun was handed over to him. Now he was grown up, But he was still in captivity. 80 33 Ning a be siiring daa-o-daa, A la jalo be siiring a daala, A be kora kosi la. Kolongo le be Badora, 85 I kara a fo wo le ye Nyampenjai. Papiyalu le ye a muru, Aning bantang forolu. Nyancha musolu le kara a jio bii, Dooba musu te a jio bii la de. 90 Lung kiling lansaro la, A taamang-taamanta a ning a la jalo, I be siiring wo kolongo daala, J alo be kora kosi la, Ako a ye, 'Nyancho, ning ite faata dung, 95 Nte be mune fo la i kooma, Kaatu i mang kuu ke?' Jalo too mu Jali Maadi Wuleng ne ti. Ako, 'Jali Maadi Wuleng, Bii m be kuu le ke la i nyaa la. l 00 Sii dorong. Nyancha musolu te nying kolongo bii la bii. Ning meng nga a bii, I ning a jio te taa la.' Biring a naata a be siiring, 105 Nyancha musolu naata, i ko i be jio bii la, Kelefa ko, 'Ali a tu! Ali kana nying jio bii bii!' Meng be keering wolu mang a long, I ko a ye, 'lte le buka malu, lte mang a long ite mu jongo le ti?' I mang a dankung i taata ye jio bi:, 110 I bulata nyo nooma. Nyancha musolu dung ning i be taa, Meng mu keeba ti, wo le ka tambi, Meng be a kang, wo be wo nooma, I be nyo nooma, 115 Fo i bee bota kolongo to i be tato waling na. Jali Maadi Wuleng be siiring de, Kelefa ye a la lonko chika, Ako a ye, 'Jali Maadi, munya nga nyinnu silandi bang. Musolu le mu i ti, i mang a long meng be keering.' I be tembering nyo nooma. A ye lonko fai tumo meng, 120 Musu-o-musu a ye i la finyinko bo i kungo to, A mang mirango maa, a mang i kungo maa. 34 Wherever he sat, His griot sat by his side, Playing his kora. There was a well in Badora Called Nyampenjai. 85 It was surrounded by papaw trees And by smooth-barked cotton trees. The women of the princely line used to draw water from it; No poor woman drew water from it. One day in the early evening, 90 Kelefa had gone for a walk with his griot And they were sitting near that well; The griot was playing the kora, Then he said, 'Prince, if you were to die, What would I relate after you had gone, 95 Since you have not done anything memorable?' The griot's name was Griot Maadi Wuleng. Kelefa said, 'Griot Maadi Wuleng, Today I will do something memorable before your very eyes. Just sit down. 100 The women of the princely line will not draw water from this well today. Whoever draws water from it Will not take that water back home'. While he was sitting there, The women arrived, intending to draw water, but Kelefa ordered, 105 'Leave it alone! Don't draw water here today!' The women did not know what was going on, And they said, 'Have you no shame? Don't you know that you are a slave?' They took no notice of him, and went ahead and drew water, Then fell into line one behind the other. 110 When women of the princely line were going anywhere, The oldest used to go in front, With the next oldest behind her; They were one behind the other, Till they had all left the well and were approaching the town. 115 Griot Maadi Wuleng was sitting; Kelefa picked up his long-barrelled gun, And said to him, 'Griot Maadi, wait till I give these a fright. They are women, and they don't know what is going on'. They were in line one behind the other, And when he fired, He knocked every woman's headpad off her head, 120 Without touching either the calabash or her head. 35 Kuntinka Sira Bula, Sondombure ning Nyaaling Jeenung, Balango ning konko faa, Kati-o-kati Mamba Saane, 125 Bula-o-bula Mamba Saane. Wolu bee kidita nyo la i dunta tato kono, I be wuri la i ko, 'Kelefa ye m bung! Kelefa ye m bung!' Kuntiolu benta, Tabulo kumata, 130 Nyancholu benta, I ko ye Kelefa kili. Biring ye Kelefa kili, Aning Jali Maadi Wuleng naata. Kelefa be siiring, 135 I be a nyininka la kuo ke-nyaa la, yaara ye julu kutuntango wereng. Doo ning wo be looring a kooma, Ate mang a long. A be a long na tumo meng, I ye julo hula a kango la ye a saba. 140 Ye julu kutuntango doo hula a kango la janna ye a saba. Adung ning moo nio faata, I sembo ka bang ne. Ye Kelefa muta. Jali Maadi be kora kosi la de. 145 Ye Kelefa tambindi i ko, 'Ali taa a sang. Ning ali ye a sang, M bee si daha.' I taata Bajeba ye a sang Bajeba Malamba ma. Wo Bajeba Malamba, 150 Wo le bota Nyoomi Buunyaadu jang ne. Wolu mama le mu Jaali Kaasa ti, Wo le ye Jaali Kambi wulu, Wo ye Jumu wulu, Wo ye Nyunka wulu, 155 Wo ye Koli Manka Jambu Jiite wulu. Wo Koli Manka, wo le ye Banjunu sang Tubaabolu ma - Purtukesi Mamudu. Biring ye a sang wo to, Ye a bee sang dolo kuneolu le la. 36 Kuntinka1 Sira Bula, Sondombure and Nyaaling Jeenung, Master of the earth wall between rice farms and of the hill, Wherever there is breaking [ of bones] - Mamba Saane; Wherever there is plunging [ into danger] - Mamba Saane. 125 The women all fled into the town, Shouting, 'Kelefa has shot us! Kelefa has shot us!' The elders of the town assembled, The drum sounded to announce a public gathering, The princes assembled, 130 And they ordered Kelefa to be summoned. When he had been summoned, He came with Griot Maadi Wuleng. Kelefa was seated, And while he was being questioned about the incident, a running 135 noose was tied. A man stood behind him holding it But Kelefa was unaware of this. He was to become aware of it When the noose was placed round his neck and drawn tight. They put another noose round his neck and pulled it. 140 When a man cannot breathe, He loses his strength. They seized Kelefa. Griot Maadi was playing the kora. They pushed Kelefa forward, and said, 'Go and sell him. 145 When you have sold him, We will all have some peace'. He was taken to Geba and sold to Malamba of Geba. Malamba ofGeba Came from Niumi Buniadu. 150 The ancestor of these people was Jaali Kasa, Who was the father of Jaali Kambi, Who was the father of Jumu, Who was the father of Nyunka, Who was the father ofKoli Manka Jambu Jiite. 155 It was Koli Manka who sold Banjul to the white men - to Portuguese Mamudu. When they had sold Kelefa there, They spent all the proceeds on cases of spirits. Italic is used for lines which comprise praises, usually of towns. Griots generally mark off praises, which are formulaic and often obscure in meaning, by uttering them in the recitation mode, which is shown in this book by indentation. Bamba Suso, however, in this performance, confines himself almost entirely to the speech mode, even for praise passages, and such passages, often seemingly tangential to the thread of the narrative, might prove disconcerting to readers unless their status as praises were indicated in some way. 37 Jini kuneolu, kambaanolu ye i duni ye i samba, 160 Ye doolu laa falolu kang ye i samba. Ate be sitiring a be siiring. Biring wolu taata, a ko Bajeba Malamba ye ko, 'I lafita ye bono i la naafulo to bang, Fo i lafita nga i la naafulo joo, 165 Nga m fang foroya?' Wo ko a ye, 'N lafita n na naafulo nga a soto.' Ako a ye, 'Wo to kido dii n na, I si suo dii n na, I si kidi munko dii n na, l 70 I si keso dii n na.' Wo taata dung bungo kono, A ye kalero tee. Biring a ye kalero tee, A ye kidi munko dii a la, 175 A ye lonko jindi, wo tumo kido ka waafi le. Daramo be a bulu, a ye a dii a la. Ako a ye, 'M be taa.' Wo ko a ye, 'Fo i be naa la le bang?' A ko a ye, 'Foroya be nengo le bala, a te daa-o-daa fo nengo to.' 180 A taata. Soomanda, salifana be sii la, A ning ninsi keme le naata, Ako a ye ko, 'N na kumakarango fele.' Wo fanang ko a ye, 'Nga i so suo la 185 Aning kido Aning kidi munko I si i taa.' Bonje sumaa, Tumanna sumaa, 190 Jimara sumaa, Sumang Kajoori, Balaba Kajoori, Balaba Tinkida Kajoori, Bere ning Nyani, 195 Wulu Falaba ning Kaaje, Nyancho naata. Jali Maadi fanang be a nyining na ate be wulo kono, A ko a ye, 'Mariaama Nanki ding Kelefa Saane Balaamang, Sankang Nanki ding Kelefa Saane Balaamang, 200 lte le mama bota Siisi to, Siisi ye Taamana wulu, Taamana ye Kembu wulu, Kembu ye Kembu Ding Teleng Wulu, Wo le Tarokoto Bulai Tarawale wulu, 38 The young men headloaded cases of gin and took them away, And they loaded some on donkeys and took them away. 160 Kelefa was sitting, tied up, And when the young men had gone, he said to Malamba of Geba, 'Do you want to lose your money, Or do you want me to pay it back And purchase my freedom?' 165 Malamba said to him, 'I want to get my money back'. Kelefa replied, 'In that case, give me a gun, Give me a horse, Give me gunpowder And give me shot'. 170 Malamba went into the house And smashed an iron cooking pot to pieces [to make shot]. When he had done that, He gave Kelefa gunpowder; He took a long-barrelled gun - at that time guns were for sale; 175 He had a white stallion, which he gave him. Kelefa said to him, 'I'm off, And Malamba said, 'Will you be back?' Kelefa declared, 'Honour is on the tongue; it is nowhere else but on the tongue'. He set off. 180 Next day, in the early afternoon, He returned with a hundred head of cattle, And he said to Malamba, 'Here is my ransom'. Malamba said, 'I make you a present of the horse And the gun 185 And the gunpowder; You may go.' Ruler of Bonje, Ruler of Tu manna, Ruler ofJimara, 190 Sumang Kajoori, Balaba Kajoori, Balaba Tinkida Kajoori, Bere and Nyani, Wulu Falaba and Kaaje. 195 Kelefa returned. Griot Maadi was looking for him in the bush; He said to him, 'Mariaama Nanki's son Kelefa Saane Balaamang, Sankang Nanki's son Kelefa Saane Balaamang, Your ancestor came from Smoke, Smoke was the father of Fire, 200 Fire was the father of Charcoal, Charcoal was the father of Broken Pieces of Charcoal, The latter fathered Tarokoto Bulai Tarawale, 39 Kirikisa mansa dandang jong, Suu saare jong baa ning balambaa faa, 205 Ning baa faata i ko i mama ye, 'Baa koo mansa'. Ning baa jiita i ko, 'Tiramang tenda'. Wo le ye Kelemankoto Baa Saane wulu. Wo ye Saarafa Nyaaling Jeenung wulu, Wo ye Kuntinka Sira Bula Jeenung wulu, 210 A ye Saamanka Dala Jeenung wulu. Nyancho, M mang haanyi jamfa nyaa, Jamfa mang bete. Ning a diata moo meng na - mootiya; 215 Ning a kuyata moo meng na - moontangya. Nyancho, kana haanyi jam fa nyaa, Jamfa mang bete, Mariaama Nanki ding Saane Balaamang.' Nyancho naata, 220 A ye a tara i be dololu tala la, I be a fo la, 'Ali nying samba kaabila 40 The man who accompanied the Kirikisa king, Great man who buried many a horse and kills anyone who gainsays him; When the river was in spate, they called your ancestor "The king 205 across the river"; When the river subsided, they said "Tiramang's crossing place". He fathered Kelemankoto Baa Saane, Who fathered Saarafa Nyaaling Jeenung, And Kuntinka Sira Bula Jeenung, And Saamanka Dala Jeenung. 210 Prince, I am afraid of treachery, For treachery is not good; A person for whom things go well - many followers, A person for whom things go wrong - no followers. 215 Prince, do not treat treachery lightly, Treachery is not good, Mariaama Nanki's son, Saane Balaamang.' The prince returned And found that they were sharing out the drink; 220 They were saying, 'Take this to one section of town, Take this to another.' When they heard Griot Maadi Wuleng singing on the outskirts of the town, They said, 'Listen, there is the sound of voices; Someone is singing griots' songs just like Griot Maadi Wuleng.' 225 When they caught sight ofKelefa approaching upon a white stallion, The people sought cover. Kelefa came and said to the Prince, 'Am I your slave now, or am I your son?' The Prince replied, 'You are my son.' 230 Kelefa said to him, 'If you are not a bad father, I will not be a bad son. But there is one thing that I must warn you about; if you do not wage war, I will not do any farming; I will go and ravage one of your towns 235 And seize the inhabitants and sell them into slavery and live on the proceeds, Because I will not live by the land, And I must have some means of livelihood. And my hand - reins, A~, ~ And a horse, These my hand can hold, but never will it hold a hoe or grasp an axe.' Kuntinka Sira Bula Jeenung, Sondombure and Nyaaling Jeenung, mahogany tree that is master of the earth wall between rice fanns and of the hill. 41 245 Moolu janjanta. Keeba kiling be jee, Ako, 'Alinga te feere ke la bang Kelefa si bo jang? Ning Kelefa be jang, Heera te tinyang na, 250 Heera te i laa la.' I taata mooro kili. Ye mooro dundi kaliwa to, Tili tang naani. Biring mooro bota, 255 A ye safeo dadaa, A ye a siti hero bala, A ko, 'Nying safeo ning nying hero, Ali si a ke dampurango to, Ali si loo Bajeba baa kunto; 260 Meng be a fai la, ning wo ye a fai, Ning hero tambita, Kelefa te tu la siiring a be taa la le. Bari ning hero jolonta baa kono, Ali n na naafulo dii n na; ali la kuma be ali bulu, nte be taa. 265 Nga wo le noo, Bari nte mang a sio je de.' Ye wo le dadaa, Ye hero ning safeo siti nyo bala, Ye a ke dampurango to, 270 I loota Bajeba baa kunto, Ye a fai, hero tambita. Wo tumo, Nyoominkolu ning Jookaadunkolu bulata nyo la i be kele la. Adung mansolu ka kiila kii nyo ye le 275 Ning kelo ye i dewung, I si kiila kii mansa doo ye i si a fo a ye, 'I si m maakoi kelo la n ning faadingolu be nyo la.' Mansa Demba la kiila futata. (Question: Mune ye Nyoominkolu dammangolu hula nyo la?) Meng nga Nyoominkolu hula nyo la? 280 Sunkari Jabunai, Tamba Jabunai, Sunkutu fula dingolu le mu i ti. Tamba Jabunai la Fulo le bota jee, A taata hekko la 285 Jookaadu. Biring Tamba ye kiila kii Sunkari Jabunai ye, Ko a la Fulo ye naa, 42 The people dispersed. 245 There was an elder Who said, 'Can't we think of something to induce Kelefa to leave here? While Kelefa is here, There will be no peace by day, And there will be no peace by night.' 250 They summoned a marabout And put him into retreat For forty days. When the marabout came out of retreat, He made an amulet 255 And tied it to a stone. He said, 'This amulet and this stone You must put into a sling; You must stand upon the bank of the Geba river, And when the slinger has slung the stone, 260 If it carries across the river, Then Kelefa will not remain here, but will go away. But if the stone falls into the river, Then give me my money - you still have your problems, but I'm off. That is what I can do, 265 But I see no way of destroying him.' They did as instructed; They tied the amulet to a stone And they put them in a sling. They stood on the bank of the Geba river, 270 And they slung the stone, and it carried across the river. At that time, The people ofNiumi and Jokadu had come into conflict and were at war. Kings used to send messengers to each other When they were hard pressed by war. 275 One king would send a message to another, 'You must help me with the war; my brothers and I are in conflict.' King Demba's messenger arrived. (Question: What caused the people ofNiumi to fight each other?) What made the people of Niumi fight each other? Sunkari J abunai 280 And Tamba Jabunai Were the sons of two sisters. Tamba Jabunai's Fula left Tamba's area And went to summer grazing In Jokadu. 285 When Tamba sent a messenger to Sunkari Jabunai To ask for the return of his Fula, 43 A ko a te soto la. Moo be Jufureng 290 I kara a fo a ye Alaaji Daabo; I ye wo le kii Jookaadu. Biring a taata Jookaadu Baali, A ko Sunkari Jabunai ye ko, A ko a ye, 'Tarnba ko 295 I si a la Fulo dii a la. Ning i mang woke, A la kiila folo mu nte le ti, A la kiila labango mu nte le ti.' A ye kidi munko bondi, 300 A ye keso bondi, A ko, 'A la kiila fulanjango mu nying ne ti.' Biring a be naa, A dunta wulo kono, A kara i susa ngansingolu bala, ngansingolu be a la dondiko fara la, 305 Fo a futata Berending. A ko Tarnba ye ko, 'Domanding Sunkari be m faa la. N na dondiolu bee fele. M borita le n dunta wulo kono, ngansingolu ye n na dondikolu bee farang-farang n na. 310 M balo bee baramanta. Silang ning i be moo kii la de, Wo te ke la nte ti.' Wo tumo a be dimba mala la i teema. Wo le ye a tinna moo ye kuma doo moi, 315 Janning i be bula la a nooma, i si a korosi folo. Wo tumo le mu Nyoominkolu wulita. Naafo meng be Nyoomi wo tumo, Jamme be jee le, Sonko be jee, 320 Maane be jee, I ka naafo faling ne. Ye kiila kii Bakindik, Wolu le mu Jammolu le ti; Ye kiila kii Yeseu, wolu mu Sonkolu le ti; 325 Ye kiila kii Buunyaadu, wolu mu Maanelu le ti. I bee benta. Biring ye wo fai, Bero tarnbita. Nyancholu taata beng Saarna Taliko. 330 Biring nyancholu benta Saama Taliko, Kelefa naata, 44 Sunkari declared that he would not be returned. There was a man at Jufureh Called Hajji Darbo; 290 He it was who was sent to Jokadu. On his arrival at Jokadu Bali, He said to Sunkari Jabunai, 'Tamba says That you must give him back his Fula. 295 If you do not do so, I am his first messenger, And I am also his last messenger.' The messenger produced some gunpowder And shot, 300 And said, 'This is his second messenger.' When the messenger was on his way home, He went into the bush; He brushed against thorns and they tore his gown, Till at length he reached Berending, 305 Where he told Tamba, 'Sunkari very nearly killed me. Just look at my clothes. I ran away and went into the bush and thorns tore my clothing to pieces. I am scratched all over. 310 After that, if you send anyone, It won't be me.' At that time he made bad blood between Tamba and Sunkari. That is why, if you hear one side of a story, You must check it before accepting it. 315 It was at that time that the people of Niumi rose in arms. The kingly houses which were in Niumi at that time Were Jamme, Sonko And Maane. 320 They used to hold the kingship in rotation. A messenger was sent to Bakendik, Where the Jammes were; A messenger was sent to Essau, where the Sonkos were; And a messenger was sent to Buniadu, where the Maanes were. 325 They all met. When the stone was slung, It carried across the river, And the princes went and assembled at Saama Taliko. When they had assembled there, 330 Kelefa arrived, 45 Ako i ye, 'Ali la jang bengo diata n ye, Kaatu m be sara la ali la, M be taa mansa Demba dankung na.' 335 I ko a ye, 'I be taa mune la?' Ako, 'Keio'. I ko a ye, 'Fata kelo ma. Kelefa, fata kelo ma, Kaatu teeri fure jee le be kelo to. Fata kelo ma. 340 Ning naafulu kuo le be i la, ntelu si jong keme dii i la.' Ako i ye, 'Ning nga a muta, sakalango ye m faa; ali m buunyaa kelo la.' I ko a ye, 'Tambi n na banko to, kele ten ning moo tee.' A taata Kapirong. Biring a futata Kapirong, 345 Maalang Tumba ning Kusang Madina, Kulunkalang suto jalannalu, Wolu bee benta, I ko a ye, 'I be taa minto dung Kelefa?' A ko wolu ye, 'Fo ali mang a moi bang Fulo be keolu kili la Nyoomi Berending Taali Woyo? 350 M be taa kelo le la Baariya.' I ko a ye, 'Fata kelo ma, kele mang bete. Bibi saaya ning kaburu kuta, wo le be kelo to. Fata kelo ma. Ning naafulu kuo be i la, n si jong keme dii i la.' 355 Ako i ye, 'Ning nga a muta, sakalango ye m faa. Ali m buunyaa kelo la.' I ko, 'Tarn bin na banko to, kele ten ning moo tee.' A tambita. A taata Kankelefa Tamba Dibi. 360 Tamba Dibi nyancholu benta. Wolu ko, 'Nyancho, i dung be taa minto?' Ako i ye, 'M be taa la Taali Woyo. Fulo be keolu kili la Nyoomi Berending Taali Woyo. M be taa kelo le la Baariya Koto.' 365 I ko a ye, 'Nyancho, fata kelo ma. Ning kelo ye i bannaya, kelo le kari i yaa tee. Fata kelo ma. Ning naafulu kuo le be i bula la kelo la, Ntelu si jong keme dii i la.' A ko i ye, 'Ning nga wo muta, sakalango ye m faa. 370 Alim buunyaa kelo la. Fo ali mang a moi bang Fulo be keolu kili la Nyoomi Berending Taali Woyo?' Biring a bota jee, 46 And he told them, 'I am glad that you are assembled here, Because I am going to take my leave of you; I am going to answer king Demba's call.' They said to him, 'What are you going for?', and he said, 'War'. 335 They said to him, 'Have nothing to do with war, Kelefa, have nothing to do with war, For in war you see the death of your friends. Have nothing to do with war; If it is wealth that you seek, we will give you a hundred slaves.' 340 He said to them, 'If I accept, may a spear strike me dead. Give me an army.' They told him, 'Leave our country, for we are not at war with anyone.' He went to Kapirong. On his arrival at Kapirong - Malang Tumba and Kusang Madina, 345 Owners of an oracle in an area of dense kulankalang vines - The people all assembled, And they asked him, 'Where are you going, Kelefa?' He replied, 'Haven't you heard that the Fula is calling for men at Niumi Berending Taali Woyo? I am off to wage war at Baria.' 350 They told him, 'Have nothing to do with war; war is no good. Sudden death and a fresh grave - that is what there is in war. Have nothing to do with war. If it is wealth that you seek, we will give you a hundred slaves.' He replied, 'If I accept, may a spear strike me dead. 355 Give me an army.' They told him, 'Move out of our land, for we are not at war with anyone.' He moved on. He went to Kankelefa (Canquelifa) Tamba Dibi. The princes of Tamba Dibi assembled. 360 They asked him, 'Prince, where are you going?', and he told them, 'I am going to Taali Woyo. The Fula is calling for men at Niumi Berending Taali Woyo. I am off to fight At Baria Koto.' They urged him, 'Prince, have nothing to do with war. If war makes 365 you rich, war also destroys your home. Have nothing to do with war. If it is wealth which you seek in war, We will give you a hundred slaves.' He replied, 'If I accept, may a spear strike me dead. Give me an army. Haven't you heard 370 That the Fula is calling for men at Niumi Berending Taali Woyo?' When he left there, 47 A tambita, A naata Kantora Sonkunda, 375 Tamba sooto ning jalang konko, Ate le mamolu bota wo le to. Sankule ning Jata Jeenung, Sumaa Tamba Fing, Sumaa Tamba Koi, 380 Kanku Tamba ning Marang Tamba. Kooring te kunu fing ti, kunu koi te fo ning a tiita moo meng nyaala. Ning kooringo ko i ye, 'M be i so la le', kana laa a la, kana laabali a la, Bari ning a ko i ye, 'N ning i be kele la', i bori ye taa sansang daa tawung, Kaatu kooringolu mang nying moo la suuna fee to. 385 Keebalu si boi sala kenseng, musolu si boi tundu kenseng. Kooringolu taa to suunu ning sewo, i naa toning kore seesee.' Wolu ko a ye, 'Nyancho, i dung be taa ming?' A ko i ye, 'Fo ali mang a moi bang Fulo be keolu kili la Nyoomi Berending Taali Woyo? M be taa kelo le la Baariya Koto.' I ko a ye, 'Nyancho, kele mang bete. Ding bete jongya le ye kelo kuya 390 Aning lombaa faa. Ning naafulu kuo le be i la, N si i buunyaa jong keme la.' A ko, 'Ning nga a muta, sakalango ye m faa. Ali m buunyaa kelo la.' I ko a ye, 'Tambi n na banko to.' A tambita. 395 A naata futa Wuli mansa Jalaa Waali ma. Biring a futata Wuli mansa Jalaa Waali ma, Koi ning Jaata, Sambu ning Nyankhudu, Sanamango ning Nyanamang, 400 Mansa Njubu ning mansa Ndela, Nyaaling Kope ding fang dung faring, Habu Khaara ning Jumaa Khaara. (Question: Wolu mu Waaliolu le ti?) Wolu le mu Waaliolu ti. 405 Wuli Jalaa Waali ko a ye, 'Nyancho, i be taa minto?' A ko, 'Fo i mang a moi bang Fulo be keolu kili la Nyoomi Berending Taali Woyo? Wuli mansa Jalaa Waali, muna wuli, Nga taa kelo la.' Wo le ye a tinna i ko Wuli ye Wuli. Wo ko a ye, 'Muna ning naafulu kuo le be i samba la kelo la, nte be jong keme le buunyaa la i la. 48 He moved on And came to Kantora Sun Kunda - A sooto tree with a spear and an oracle on a hill; 375 His [Bakari Sidibe 's] ancestors came from there. Sankule and Jata Jeenung, Ruler Tamba Fing, Ruler Tamba Koi, Kanku Tamba and Marang Tamba. 380 A kooring is not a black bird and it is not a white bird until it flies up in front of someone. If a kooring says to you, 'I will give you something', don't believe him and don't disbelieve him, But if he says to you, 'You and I are going to fight', take to your heels and run and close the gate in your fence, For koorings are not a pretty sight in a man's millet field. Old men will fall down bare headed, women will fall down barefooted. 385 At a kooring's going there is sadness and happiness; they return slowly with their followers. The men of Sun Kunda asked him, 'Prince, where are you going?', and he replied, 'Haven't you heard that the Fula is calling for men at Niumi Berending Taali Woyo? I am off to fight at Baria Kato.' They said, 'Prince, war is not good. War is horrible, with the enslaving of free men And the killing of acquaintances. 390 If it is wealth that you seek, We will give you a hundred slaves.' He answered, 'If I accept, may a spear strike me dead. Give me an army', but they talc him, 'Move on out of our land.' He moved on. He came to Jalaa Waali, king of Wuli. 395 When he came to Jalaa Waali, king ofWuli - Koi and Jaata, Sambu and Nyankhudu, Sanamango and Nyanamang, King Njubu and king Ndela, 400 Nyaaling Kope's son, the selfappointed governor, Habu Khaara and Jumaa Khaara. (Question: Are these all members of the Waali family?) They are all Waalis. Jalaa Waali of Wuli said to Kelefa, 'Prince, where are you going?' 405 He replied, 'Haven't you heard that the Fula is calling for men at Niumi Berending Taali Woyo? Come now, Jalaa Waali, king ofWuli, rise up [wuli], And let us go and fight.' That is how Wuli got its name. The king said to him, 'If it is a desire for wealth which draws you to war, I will give you a hundred slaves. 49 410 Wo mu i la buunyaa le ti. Ning i be taa la tuma meng, n si silafando dii i la.' Ako a ye, 'Ning nga a muta, sakalango ye m faa.' Wo ko a ye, 'Nyancho, Kele ten ning moo tee de.' A tambita Nyaani mansa Mankoto Kamara kang. 415 Wo le ye mansa Ali wulu, A ye mansa Nyadu wulu, A ye mansa Ali wulu, A ye mansa Maalang wulu, Mansa Kimintang ye mansa Yoro Fa Jambu wulu, 420 Aning junjungolu borita, I taata sii Ndunggu Siini. A fanang ye ding-kee tang saba wulu, Wolu bee ye nyo faa, Moo mang mansaya 425 Fo mansa Silli. Wo le ye mansa Dama wulu, A ye mansa Maalang wulu, A ye Kimintang dindingo wulu, A ye mansa Ali wulu. 430 Surubande Makhang Kamara, Foobali Dumbe Kamara, Makhang Koto Kamara, Mantling Saare Jong. Wo ko a ye, 'Nyancho, i be taa minto?' A ko a ye, 'M be taa kelo le la Baariya. 435 Fo i mang a moi Fulo be keolu kili la Nyoomi Berending Taali Woyo?' A ko a ye, 'Nyancho, fata kelo ma. Nyancho, fata kelo ma, kele mang bete de. Keio taa to suunu ning sewo le mu. 440 Fata kelo ma. Teeri fure jee le be kelo to de.' Wo ko a ye, 'Muna naafulu kuo dorong ne be i samba la kelo la bang? N si naafulo dii la fo ye wasa.' A ko a ye, 'Ning nga a muta, sakalango ye m faa.' 445 A tambita, A naata tee Nyaamina, Kaatu Nyaani mansa Mankoto Kamara, Wo le ye Jeenung wulu, A ye Dambele wulu. 450 Dambele mamaringolu, I kara a fo wolu le ye Kamara. Jeenung mamaringolu, I kara a fo wolu ye Saabili. Dambele ning Saabali le wuluta 50 That is the gift you will receive as a visitor, and when you leave, I will 410 give you a gift for the journey.' Kelefa replied, 'If I accept, may a spear strike me dead.' The king said, 'Prince, We are not at war with anyone.' Kelefa moved on and came to Mankoto Kamara, king of Niani - He it was who was the father ofAli, 415 He was the father of king Nyadu, He was the father of king Ali, He was the father of king Malang; King Kimintang was the father of Yoro Fa Jambu, He fled with the royal drums 420 And went and settled in Ndungu Sine. He fathered thirty sons, Who killed each other; None of them became king, Except king Silli. 425 He was the father of king Dama, He was the father of king Malang, He was the father of Kimintang the younger, He was the father of king Ali. Surubande Makhang Kamara, 430 Foobali Dumbe Kamara, Makhang Koto Kamara, Manding Saare Jong. The king of Niani asked Kelefa, 'Prince, where are you going?' Kelefa answered, 'I am going to fight at Baria. Haven't you heard that the Fula is calling for men 435 At Niumi Berending Taali Woyo?' The king said, 'Prince, have nothing to do with war. Prince, have nothing to do with war, for war is no good. When an army sets out there is sadness and happiness. Give up war. 440 The sight of your friends lying dead - that is war.' He added, 'Is it just a desire for wealth that draws you to war? I will give you all the wealth you could want.' Kelefa replied, 'Ifl accept, may a spear strike me dead.' He moved on, 445 And crossed the river to Niamina. The king of Niani, Mankoto Kamara, Was the father of Jeenung, And ofDambele. The descendants of Dambele 450 Are called Kamara. The descendants of Jeenung Are called Saabali. Dambele and Saabali were born 51 455 Nyaani Maaru. Faa ko i ye ko, 'Ali taa i hula baa kono, meng tunenta, Wo te mansa ti; Meng mang tuneng, wo le mu manso ti.' 460 A ye fatara kurto dung Jeenung na, A ye bero ke a kono. A ye fatara dondio dung a la, A ye bero ke a kono. A taata aning Dambele fai baa kono; 465 Jeenung tunenta, Dambele yankata. A ko a ye, 'lte ye taa santo; lte le mu mansa ti.' Jeenung tunenta Nyaani Maaru, 4 70 A taata funti Kuntauru. I ko a ye, 'Jeenung, Ye ite fai baa kono Nyaani Maaru, I taata funti Kuntauru; I mang faa.' 475 I ko a ye 'Saabali'. Wo le ye Saabali kontongo saabu, Bari Kamara le mu kaatu aning Dambele bee baa kiling faa kiling. Dambele ning Jeenung, Kung ning kufa, Teng baruma be Kulanjang Jala. 480 Biring a funtita a taata Palang loo, A ye junjungolu kosi jee. A ye Kaataba loo, A ye junjungolu kosi jee. Ate le ye mansa Buraama wulu, 485 Wo le ye Ha Fode faa. Ate le ye Lameng Waali sindi Lameng Koto. Ha Fode le ye wo faa. Noori Kajaali ye Kaataba mansa faa. A taata Nyaamina. 490 Ning a futata Fula saateo ma, Ning a taata domanding, A si Mandinka saateo je, Aa, a ko, 'Nying mu banku nyaamiringo le ti.' Wo le ye a tinna i ko jee ye Nyaamina. 495 Biring a teeta, A taata Jaara. A futata Jaara, a kuuranta. A ye i jaara jee le. 52 At Niani Mam. 45 5 Their father ordered, 'Go and throw them in the river; the one who sinks Will not be king; The one who does not sink will be king.' He put trousers made oflocal cloth on Jeenung 460 And placed a stone inside them. He put a gown made oflocal cloth on him And placed a stone inside it. He went and threw him and Dambele into the river. Jeenung sank, 465 And Dambele floated. The king said to the latter, 'Climb up the bank; You are destined to be king.' Jeenung sank below the surface at Niani Mam, And emerged at Kuntaur. 4 70 They said to him, 'Jeenung, You were thrown into the water at Niani Mam, And you have emerged at Kuntaur; You didn't die.' They called him Saabali (Deathless). That was how the surname Saabali 475 originated, But his name was originally Kamara, because he and Dambele were full brothers. Dambele and Jeenung, Head and leather bag, A forked palm tree is at Kulanjang Ja/a. After he emerged from the water, he went and founded Pallan, 480 And he sounded the royal drums there. He built Kataba, And he sounded the royal drums there. It was he who was the father of king Burama, Who killed Ha Fode. 485 It was he who established Lameng Waali at Lamin Koto. It was Ha Fode who killed Lameng Waali. Noori Kajaali killed the king of Kataba. Kelefa went to Niamina. After coming to a Fula town, 490 He would go on a little way And then see a Mandinka town, And he exclaimed, 'This is a mixed (nyaamiringo) area.' That is how that area came to be called Niamina. After crossing the river, 495 He went to Jarra. On reaching Jarra, he fell ill. He received medical treatment (jaara) there; 53 Wo le ye a tinna i kara a fo Jaara. 500 Ako, 'Jang ne mu haaju jaara ti.' Moolu buka futa 'Haaju Jaara' to, i ka a fo 'Jaara'. Biring a kendeyata, Jaara mansa Jaase Banna ko a ye, 'Nyancho, i dung be taa minto?' Ako a ye, 'M be taa kelo la Nyoomi Berending Taali Woyo.' Wo fanang ko a ye, 'Fata kelo ma. 505 Ning naafulu kuo le be i la, n si i buunyaa jong keme la, Ning i be sai la, n si i silafanda.' A ko, 'Ning nga a muta, sakalango ye m faa. I si m buunyaa kelo la.' Wo ko a ye, 'Tambi n na banko to.' 510 A naata, A futata Kunnong mansa sansango to. A ye Sankule tara jee. Biring wo ye a je, Nyancho nyinyata le! 515 Wo ko a ye, 'I si i fonyo jang domanding. N si taa mooro yaa fanang, Kaatu kelo, Meng be a la i si i nyaato biita.' I taata mooro yaa. 520 Mooro ye i laa fano keta, A ko, 'Nte ye nyancho taa to je bari m mang a sai to je.' Kuntinka Sira Bula Jeenung, Sondombure ning Nyaaling Jeenung, Bira ning Nyaani Wufalama ning Kaache. 525 Ye wo fo a ye, a ye a la muso juube a kumbota, A ye a la jongo juube a kumbota, A ye a la jalo juube a kumbota. A la muso ko a ye, 'Ning i mang haanyi, Kele-naafo dii n na nga taa Fulo dankung Baariya, kaatu ning i faata nte te futu la nyancho ye.' 530 Jalo ko a ye, 'Ning i mang haanyi, I dung te kele tambo dii la n na bang nga taa Fulo dankung? Ning i faata nte te n na kora kosi la nyancho ye de.' Jongo ko a ye, 'Ning ye a long i mang haanyi, Kele dondio dii n na nga taa Fulo dankung Baariya, 535 Kaatu ning i faata nte te nyancho la suu daanyining na.' A jeleta, A ko, 'Kanu ye meng faa i mang jifa. 54 That is how Jarra got its name. He said, 'This is a place where business (haaju) always prospers 500 (jaara).' 'Haaju Jaara' is shortened to 'Jaara' (Jarra). When Kelefa had recovered, Jaase Banna, king of Jarra, said to him, 'Prince, where are you going?', and Kelefa replied, 'I am going to fight at Niumi Berending Taali Woyo.' The king said, 'Have nothing to do with war. If it is wealth which you seek, I will give you a hundred slaves, 505 And when you leave for home, I will give you a gift for the journey.' Kelefa replied, 'If I accept, may a spear strike me dead. Give me an army.' The king said to him, 'Move on out of our land.' Kelefa went on 510 Till he reached the king's stronghold at Kunnong, Where he met Sankule. When Sankule saw him, He thought, 'How handsome the prince is!', And he said to him, 'You must rest here for some time. 515 I will go to a marabout, For in war You must discover what lies before you.' A marabout was consulted; The marabout went to bed, and when dawn broke, 520 He declared, 'I have seen the prince's going forth, but I have not seen his coming back.' Kuntinka Sira Bula Jeenung, Sondombure and Nyaaling Jeenung, Bira and Nyaani, Wufalama and Kaache. When the marabout's words were conveyed to Kelefa, he looked at his 525 wife, and wept; He looked at his slave, and wept; He looked at his griot, and wept. His wife said to him, 'If your courage has failed, Give me the war bonnet and let me go and answer the Fula's call at Baria, for if you die, I will never marry any other prince.' The griot said to him, 'If your courage has failed, 530 Why don't you give me the war spear so that I can go and answer the Fula's call? If you die, I will never play my kora for any other prince.' The slave said to him, 'If you feel that your courage has failed, Give me the war shirt so that I can go and answer the Fula's call at Baria, For if you die, I will never feed any other prince's horses.' 535 Kelefa laughed, And said, 'A man who has died because of his love for another has not died in vain. 55 Nga m miira alitelu le la. M be faa la le, Alitelu si naa ke moo la batula ti. 540 Doo si a fo n na muso ye laarango to, 'Nyori!' Doo si a fo n na jalo ye, "Kora kosi!" Adung i te a so la feng na.' Biring wo keta, Jookaadunkolu ko, 545 'Nying banko de, Banku nding ne mu adung nga a moi I taata Kelefa kili n kamma nang. Alinga mooro nyining nu ko, moori beto.' Doolu ko, 'Alinga taa Birang Kumba Malaado yaa Jiise', SSO Doolu ko, 'Alinga taa Mammadu Maraamu yaa Suunokunda.' Biring i taata Mammadu Maraamu yaa Suunokunda, A ye dadaro ke i ye fo a lakurata, Ako i ye, 'Duniya to, kele te Jookaadu tee la.' A ye tawungolu dii i la. SSS Suu kungo be Meeme, Fali kungo be Tambana, Sama kungo be Bakhang, Jawale walaa be kankurang tabajimbango la Baida Sunkurung Biri, Fula foro be Jookaadu Baali Tomborong Kolong. 560 Nyoominkolu fanang ye a moi, I taata Birang Kumba Malaado yaa. A ko i ye, 'Ali taa Mammadu Maraamu yaa.' Biring i taata jee, Wo ko i ye, 'Nga m bulu bang wolu ye le.' 565 Muso meng na laa singo be jee, wo ko a ye, 'Nte la laa singo te jang ye dookuo ke; Fengo meng sotota, N siinama le ye a taa, Nte taa siita i ko i te a ke la. 570 Bari nyilu la dookuo ning n na futuo.' Mooro ko i ye, 'Ali bisimilla, m be a ke la le.' Biring a ye a ke, A lakurata, Ako i ye, 'M mang a fo 575 Ali be banko tee la, Bari n si Jookaadunkolu dammango bula nyo la.' Jamaajamaa dung wo tumo i ka kele baa le kono. Kulung doo funtita, Kulung doo funtita. 580 Hamadaado Seka Demba be kulungo meng kono, A la karandingo ye i haina, 56 It is of you three that I am thinking. I will die, And you will all become some man's servants. Someone will say to my wife in bed, "Move over!", 540 Someone will say to my griot, "Play the kora !", And he won't give him anything.' When this had taken place, The people of Jokadu said, 'This country 545 Is a small one, and we have heard That Kelefa has been summoned against us here. Let us go and find a marabout - a good marabout.' Some said, 'Let's go to Birang Kumba Malaado at Jissa', Others said, 'Let's go to Mammadu Maraamu at Sunokunda.' 550 When they went to Mammadu Maraamu at Sunokunda, He made various channs for them; He told them, 'In this world, war will never destroy Jokadu.' He gave them protective channs: There was a horse's head at Memmeh, 555 A donkey's head at Tambana, An elephant's head at Bakang, A brass writing-board in the shade of the taba tree in which the masquerade dancer perfonns at Baida Sunkurung Biri, And a light-skinned Fula at Jokadu Bali Tomborong Kolong. The people ofNiumi had word of this, 560 And they went to Birang Kumba Malaado, But he told them, 'Go to Mammadu Maraamu.' When they went there, He told them, 'I have exhausted all my powers on behalf of the people of Jokadu.' The wife whose turn it was to sleep with him said to him, 565 'When it was not my turn to sleep with you, you accepted some work, And the payment for it Was taken by my co-wife, But now that it is my turn, you say that you won't accept the work. But it's either work for these people, or our marriage is finished!' 570 The marabout said, 'All right then, I'll do it.' When he had done his work, And was ready, He said to them, 'I do not say That you will destroy the country, 575 But I shall set the Jokadu people against each other.' Very often in those days they waged war by river. One canoe appeared, Then another; The canoe with Hamadaado Seka Demba aboard 580 Was spotted at a distance by an apprentice of his, 57 A mang i korosi, A ko Nyoominkolu naata dorong, A ye lonko fai, 585 A taata kulungo fara teema. Wo kara kilingo bee tuta baa to. Hamadaado ye a kungo jimi teng a ko i ye : 58 Who did not observe it closely, But just assumed that the Niumi men had come. He fired a long-barrelled gun, And rent the canoe asunder. 585 Half the occupants were drowned. Hamadaado hung his head and said to his comrades, 'That was Suleman's gun.' 'Return the fire!', they shouted to him, But he said, 'If I do that, Jokadu will be finished.' 590 Kelefa arrived. When he reached Niumi Berending Taali Woyo, They summoned the men, They summoned the men of Bakendik, The men of Sittanunku, 595 The men of Buniadu, The men of Essau, And they explained the reason for the stranger's arrival. King Demba said, 'Before battle is joined, The stranger's position should be investigated. 600 We should consult a marabout on this.' When they consulted a marabout, He told Demba, 'I see the going forth of your prince, but I do not see his coming back.' At that time it was king Demba who used to take the tax raised in Banjul. He said to Kelefa, 'You must go and collect tax for me in Banjul.' 605 In those days they used to fill a winnowing-basket with silver - That was the Banjul tax. When Kelefa had collected the tax, The ferrymen put him aboard and soon he had arrived back in Barra. He had bought several barrels of tobacco, 610 And one little woman came up and stood beside him and said, 'Kelefa, Give me some tobacco And I will give you some news.' He said, 'Will you?', and she said, 'Yes'. He took a few heads of tobacco and gave them to her, 615 And she told him, 'The men of Niumi have deceived you; they have gone to fight At Baria.' Kuntinka Sira Bula, Sondombure and Nyaaling Jeenung, Suma Kajoori, Balaba Kajoori, Balaba Tinkida Kajoori, Balaba Kansuma Kajoori, Bira and Nyaani, Wufalama and Kaaje. (These are women of the princely line.) 620 Kelefa mounted his horse. When he had mounted, 59 A mangjii Fo a loota kankurang taba jimbango koto. 625 Ako, 'Nyoominkolu, Janning a n ning Jooka be kele la, N ning ali folo si kele, Kaatu ali ye n wulindi fo Badora, Ali ye naa nte neenee, 630 Ali ye nte ke muso ti. M faadingolu ye a moi ko nte silanta.' Mansa Demba ko a ye ko, 'M mang i jam fa. Nga kuma le moi a mang dia n ye.' 635 Ako a ye, 'Ye a moi le ko ye nte taa to je bari i mang n sai to je. Fo i mang a long kanu ye meng faa i mang jifa?' Jookadunkolu fanang, J abalaala be i bulu; Biring Kelefa la kelo diminta, 640 Ako Ate te dooba bung na kido la, Wo mu jooteentung fengo le ti. A ka fango le buusi, A si i bai 645 Fo a ye futa i ma, A ye i see, A ye taba daa-jio tupi i kang. A si loo jee, A ye moo meng boindi fo a la moolu be naa 650 Yelema la a kamma. Biring nying kele-nyaa jauyata Jookaadunkolu fee, Moo be jee, wo mu fuunee le ti, A ka jaba laa a bulu-kono-nding kilingo le la. 655 A bulu-kono-ndingolu bee kuntuta fo bulu-kono-nding kiling. I taata a kang i ko a ye, 'Mansa Demba ning moo naata, a be Jookaa bang na ko.' Biring a ye jaba laa, A ko, 'Nga a sio je le de. 660 A la saaya be meng bulu, Nte nyong fuuneo, Ali be wo le nyining na, Meng mang dung kuyango to. Ali si sano tunkang 60 He did not dismount Till he stood in the shade of the taba tree in which the masquerader dances. He said, 'Men of Niumi, 625 Before I join battle with the people of Jokadu, You and I must fight first, For it was at your instigation that I left Badora, And you have made a fool of me, You have made a woman of me. 630 My brothers have heard that I was afraid.' King Demba said to him, 'I have not deceived you. I did not like what I had heard.' Kelefa said, 'You heard that my going forth had been seen but not my 635 returning home. Don't you know that someone who has died because of his love for another has not died in vain?' The people of Jokadu Had their own diviner; When Kelefa's war became serious [i.e. when Jokadu suffered heavy losses] , Kelefa declared 640 That he would not shoot a commoner with a gun - That was a coward's weapon. He unsheathed his sword, And he pursued enemy soldiers Till he caught up with them, 645 Then he slashed them And spat tobacco juice on them. He would stand there, In case the comrades of anyone whom he had laid low Might turn and attack him. 650 When the fighting had gone badly, For the men of Jokadu, There was a man, an albino, Who used to perform divination with his one finger - All his fingers were missing except one - 655 And the Jokadu men went to him and said, 'King Demba has come with someone who will finish Jokadu.' When he had performed his divination, He said, 'Ah, I see his [Kelefa's] life. The man who will be responsible for Kelefa's death 660 Is an albino like myself; He is the man you are looking for, A man who has never been circumcised. You must fashion gold 61 665 Keso ti, Ali ye kodo tunkang keso ti. Wo le be a bung na, wo le be a faa la.' Kidikisa mansa dandang jong, Suu saare jong nganaa ning balambaa faa. 670 A mama ning kalabaa wuli kiling ning kalabaa keme naani ning kalabaa tang naani ning kalabaa naani ye i dankung Sunjata Konnate ma le. Ako kelo mang sii. Ning a ye wo ke a si naa loo kankurang taba jimbango koto a ye yiri bulo muta. Suo be a koto, suo be tulung na a koto. Ye kee kiling selendi santo, 675 Moo-o-moo bota kelo kono, keso si bula i kungo to. I taata a fo Kelefa ye, Ako mansa Demba ye, 'Muna n te a faa la, M be a kendo le naati la i kang.' Biring a ye suo tulundi, 680 Kankurang tabajimbango koto, A ye a kidindi a loota a koto, Ako a ye, 'Jii!' Wo la kido jolonta a bulu. Wo jiita, 685 Ako a ye, 'Tambi fo mansa Demba yaa, A ye taa i nyininka.' A yelemata nang wo yiro koto koteng, a be looring jee. A la saabu jau be wo yiro le bala. I taata fuuneo selendi wo le santo aning kido. 690 Wo le ye nyancho bung. Biring kesolu ye nyancho muta, A meeta suo kang, ye a je a maalaata a be boi la. Wo lung Koriyang Musa le be jee. Wo le mu jalo ti. 695 Biring nyancho boita, Suo be looring. Koriyang Musa naata, A be a fo la, 'Jumaa le si sango dante nyancholu ye Nyampenjai? 700 Bijini Fenda Saane be a fo la a te futu juru la dooba ye. Nyancho la Soona Saalung kalemo be a fo la, "Serung faani, nyinang kurti, wo ten najimbo je la". 62 Into a bullet, 665 You must fashion silver into a bullet. That is what will shoot him, that is what will kill him.' The man who escorts the Kidikisa king, Mighty warrior who has buried many a horse and slays anyone who gainsays him. His ancestor answered the call of Sunjata Konnate with 1,444 armed 670 men; Sunjata said that the time for fighting had not yet come. When Kelefa had killed an enemy, he would come and stand in the shade of the taba tree in which the masquerader dances and he would take hold of a branch. He had a horse under him, and it was frisking about. The Jokadu men had sent a man up a tree, And a bullet would strike in the head anyone who left the fighting. 675 Kelefa was informed of this, And he told king Demba, 'I won't kill him; I will bring him to you alive.' When he had made the horse rear In the shade of the taba tree in which the masquerader danced, 680 He sent it dashing out and then he stood beneath the tree where the sniper was And shouted to him, 'Come down!' The sniper's gun fell from his hands. He came down, And Kelefa ordered him, 'Go to king Demba 685 So that he can interrogate you.' Kelefa returned under that tree and stood there - His ill fortune was bound up with that tree. The Jokadu people had sent an albino up that tree with a gun, And it was he who shot the prince. 690 When the bullets had struck the prince, He remained on his horse for some time, then he was seen to lean over to one side and almost fall off. That day Koriyang Musa was present; He was a griot. When the prince fell to the ground, 695 The horse was still standing. Koriyang Musa came to him, And he was saying, 'Who will give news of the death to the princes at Nyampenjai? Fenda Saane of Bijini says that she will never pound millet for a poor 700 man. The Prince's elegant Soona Saalung says, "Last year's wrapper, this year's trousers; he will never see my plait". 63 Jumaa le si sango dante nyancholu ye? Siibo ning Niimang benta Laamu Koli faro to, nyulu ning sambango falinta. Banna Mansaali Maane, 705 Kapentu Farang Baa Tamba, Purada Farang, Maama Kumba la Mammadu Maane be laaring Payunku. Nanding dimma Ngansu be laaring Pachaana. Jumaa le si sango dante nyancholu ye? 710 Dala Nyaaling ding nyancho fele laaring ko. Yaara nyong saabali te duniya fara la. Duniya mu tili saba le ti: Kunung tambita, Ntelu be bii kono, moo mang sining ke-nyaa long. 715 Soona Saalung na nyancho be laaring.' Jookaadunkolu kidita, Ko i be naa Kelefa fureo kamma; Nyoomi kidita i ko i be naa Kelefa fureo kamma. Moo buka a fo wo lung, 'Meng nga n ding-kee folo samba nang jang'. 720 Nyancho be laaring, Koriyang Musa be kora kosi la Fo fano keta. Ning a meeta domanding a si a kungo wulindi, Asia fo, 'Jali Musa, kori m mang pisali?' 725 Wo si a fo a ye, 'I mang pisali'. 'Kori m mang feng fo ko?' A si a fo a ye, 'I mang feng fo.' Jali baa ning kora si dung nyo la, A si nyancho kili. I naata, 730 Mansa Demba ko, 'Ali taa nyancho chika. Taba juu be jee, n si taa a baade jee.' Hiring i futata wo tabo koto, Ako i ye, 'Mung yiri le mu nying ti?', i ko a ye, 'Tabo', a ko, 'Ali kana n landi.' Ye a samba i taata futa sooto juo ma, a ko, 'Mung yiri le mu nying ti?', i ko, 'Sooto'. 735 Ako, 'Ali kana n landi.' I taatajalajuo koto, a ko, 'Mung yiri mu nying ti?', i ko, 'Jalo', a ko, 'Ali n landi. Ningjalo be konko to, Jalo ka kunaya le. Ning jalo be leo kono, 740 Jalo ka kunaya le. Ning jalo kiling be looring a si kunaya, 64 Who will give the news of the death to the princes? Siibo and Niimang met at the rice swamp at Laamu Kali, a black stallion and a brown horse were exchanged. Banna Mansaali Maane, Tamba the mighty governor of Kapentu, 705 Governor ofPurada, Mammadu Maane, son ofMaama Kumba, lies at Payunku. Nanding's son Ngansu lies at Pachana. Who will give the news of the death to the princes? Dala Nyaaling's son the prince lies dead. 710 No mortal man is going to see the end of the world. The world is three days: Yesterday is past, We live in today, and no one knows what tomorrow will bring. Soona Saalung's prince lies dead.' 715 The Jokadu soldiers rushed forward, Intent upon securing the body ofKelefa; The Niumi soldiers rushed forward, intent upon securing the body of Kelefa. No man said that day, 'If only my eldest son had been here!' As the prince lay dying, 720 Koriyang Musa played the kora Till dawn broke. After a little while Kelefa would raise his head And ask, 'Griot Musa, I didn't disgrace myself, did I?', And the griot would answer, 'You did not disgrace yourself. 'I didn't 725 say anything, did I?', And the griot would reply, 'You did not say anything.' The griot would apply himself to his kora And sing the praises of the prince. King Demba and his entourage arrived, And king Demba ordered, 'Lift up the prince. 730 There is a taba tree beside which we shall bury him'. When they arrived under the taba tree, Kelefa asked them, 'What tree is this?', and they replied, 'A taba tree'. He said, 'Don't put me down here'. They lifted him up and went to a rubber tree, and he said, 'What tree is this?' They said, 'A rubber tree'. He said, 'Don't put me down here'. 735 They went to ajala tree, and he asked, 'What tree is this?', and they said, 'Aja/a tree', and he said, 'Lay me down here. When ajala tree is on a hill, It is bitter; When ajala tree is in a swamp, It is bitter; 740 If a jala tree stands by itself, it is bitter; 65 Ning a be jala biro to fanang a si kunaya.' Ate kiling ne mu nyancho ti, bari a la kung kilingya tea bali la kunaya la, a be laaring Baariya. A ko, 'Wo yiri doolu mu musu yirolu le ti. 745 Keo le ka jalo ming.' Ako, 'Muso ka sooto le domo, sooto be diaring ne. Muso ka tabo le domo, tabo be diaring ne.' A ye a fo wo nyaama le, Kelefa be laaring. 750 Kele kono baaderi mang dia, Kido be kuma la dorong, Kido be kuma la dorong. Wo tumo le mu duolu naata, I murung-murunta Kelefa la, 755 Dua manso ko, 'Dunaa silanta jahannaba nyaa le de, Bari jahannaba silanta fisirwallo nyaa. Bari Kelefa ye dua jamaa le daanyining de, Dua kana Kelefa domo de.' Duolu bee tiita, nyancho be laaring. 760 Suo kuuta, Bii mang dii, sining mang dii, sininding mang dii, kido be kuma la. Ning ye a moi, 'Alinga kaari baade', Ye i kungo le soto. Suluolu naata, 765 Sulu manso be a fo la, 'Feng saba le mu Kelefa teeri tide: Ning Kelefa ye i laa daameng, Moo domo duolu si i laa jee, Moo domo suluolu si i laa jee, 770 Jalolu si i laa jee. Moo kana nyancho domo de. Nyancho ye sulu jamaa le daanyining.' Fo fano keta, Ye Kelefa baade Baariya. 775 A la tambo fele Jufureng. N taata n loota Baariya a la kaburo kunto, Ngan na jaliya ke jee. Nga a la julo joo kaatu a mang nte so bari a ye m mamolu so. N ka wo Koriyang Musa meng fo teng, wo le ye nte baama wulu. 780 Kelefa la saaya nyaa keta nyine ti. 66 If it is in a clump of ja/a trees, it is bitter'. He was the only prince there, but his being all on his own in no way reduced his toughness; he lies at Baria. · He said, 'Some of those trees are women's trees. Men are the ones who drink a decoction of the jala tree.' 745 He said, 'Women drink a decoction of the rubber tree, for the rubber tree is sweet tasting. Women eat the taba tree, for the taba tree is sweet tasting.' Thus did he speak; Kelefa's body lay on the ground, For in the midst of battle, burial was not easy; 750 There was the sound of gunfire, The incessant sound of gunfire. It was then that the vultures came; They circled round Kelefa several times, Then the king of the vultures declared, 'The world fears hell, 755 But hell fears a man who deserts a friend. Kelefa has fed many a vulture, So let no vulture devour Kelefa.' All the vultures flew away, and the prince still lay there. Night fell. 760 That day was not suitable for burying Kelefa, nor was the next day, not the day after that, for there was the constant sound of gunfire. If you hear the words, 'Let's bury what's-his-name', Then you are safe. Hyenas came, And the king of the hyenas declared, 765 'There are three things which were Kelefa's friends: Wherever Kelefa settled, There would man-eating vultures settle, There would man-eating hyenas settle, There would griots settle. 770 Let no one devour the prince, For the prince has fed many a hyena.' When dawn broke, They buried Kelefa at Baria. His spear is at Jufureh. 775 I went and stood at the head of his grave at Baria, And there I sang my griot songs. Thus I repaid my debt to him, for, though he had not given anything to me personally, he had given gifts to my grandparents. Koriyang Musa, whom I have mentioned, was my mother's father. This is how Kelefa met his death. 780 67 NOTES 1-18 These lines are the prelude to Bamba's narrative. Griots almost always begin a performance with a prelude, which generally consists of praises and other formulae, and often includes a song associated with the hero whose exploits are to be recounted. The prelude is usually in the recitation and/or song modes, as is Bamba's prelude here. The prelude serves as a transition from the everyday world to the heroic world. It helps to create the appropriate mood in the listeners, to stir their emotions so that they will be in a receptive frame of mind for the ensuing narration. 5 dula lit. 'place', i.e. 'this part of the performance'; the Saanes and the the closely associated Maanes are both princely lineages. 6 Dala Nyaaling was the wife of Kelemankoto Baa Saane, who was the first king of Kaabu, according to a strong griot tradition. 7 Mariaama Nanki was Kelefa's foster-mother. 8 Soona Saalung, wife of Janke Waali, the last king of Kaabu, committed suicide by throwing herself down a well just before the fall of Kansala, capital of Kaabu, to the Fula of Fut a J alon (Bamba Suso, Kaabu, lines 441-48, in Innes, 1976). Lines 6-8 refer to Kelefa Saane. 9-10 According to Bamba, Bonje and Tumanna were both territories under the control of princely families. Tumanna was a province of Kaabu, and so was Chaanya (line 11). The word sumaa does not occur in everyday Gambian Mandinka (GM), but is confined to griots' narratives. It denoted a local ruler, usually the man in charge of a town and surrounding countryside. 21 Amadu Jebate is a middle-aged griot who regularly provided the kora accompaniment for Bamba Suso. He is generally regarded as one of the best kora players in The Gambia. 35 m be ate le nyining na lit. 'I have been looking for her', i.e. 'I have been waiting for a chance to get her'. Bamba does not offer any explanation of why the ruler had been waiting for a pretext to arrest Kelefa's mother, but it may have been because he had heard a prophecy that Kelefa would become a great soldier and her~ce a potential threat to his own position. Notice that Bamba says (line 23) that Kelefa's brothers had misgivings about him also, though it is of course normal for there to be intense rivalry and hostility between half-brothers. 68 Saane Balaamang: Ba~ba does not in fact make it clear why Balaamang 39 is attached to the name Saane. There are two main branches of the Saane family, of which Saane Balaamang is one. Maane Jong Kelefa: Jong 'slave' probably commemorates the fact that Kelefa was sold into slavery by the ruler. Bamba does not make clear who the ruler was, and when he was questioned on this point, Bamba said that Tiramang was king when Kelefa was born. As Tiramang was one of Sunjata's generals and is a thirteenth-century figure, it is clear that Bamba was himself unaware of the ruler's identity, and also more than a little vague on chronology. kaliya 'worms'. The severe stomach pains which often follow a heavy 45 meal eaten after a long period without food are believed to be caused by intestinal worms. kanu muso lit. 'love wife', i.e. 'favourite wife'. 50 There are two common reasons for wearing a bracelet which may be 63 relevant here. Kelefa's father may have put a bracelet on the wrist of a griot child in order to mark him out as being assigned as Kelefa's future griot. It is common practice to mark things or even persons in this way. For example, a man may tie something on the infant daughter of his mother's brother to indicate that she is destined to be his bride. A piece of string may be tied round a puppy's neck to show that it has been chosen by the person tying the string. Another reason that a child (or adult) may wear a bracelet is that at his birth (or even before it), a marabout had advised that in order that he might fulfil his destiny, he should wear a bracelet. nyaa fanu 'become aware of what's what in the world, become worldly 72 wise, become mature in one's outlook'; nyaa 'eye', fanu 'broad'. Badora: a Mandinka state which lay between the upper reaches of the 84 rivers Geba and Corubal in what is now Guinea-Bissau. Badora was one of the territories in the Kaabu confederation. Nyampenjai: a well of this name in Badora is mentioned in Bamba 85 Suso, Kaabu, line 453, in Innes 1976. Incidents such as this are common in griots' narrations in which a griot 94-6 urges his patron to perform some distinguished feat for which he will be remembered by griots. i mang a dankung 'they did not answer him', i.e. 'they did not take any 109 notice of him'. tato 'walled town, fortified town, town protected by a wall'. 115 Kuntinka Sira Bula Jeenung and Saarafa Nyaaling Jeenung were two of 122 the three sons of Kelemankoto Baa Saane, the first king of Kaabu, according to Bamba. The third son was called Saamanka Dala Jeenung. These three sons are the reputed founders of the three princely lines (Bamba Suso, Kaabu, lines 4 2-69, in Innes 197 6). Lines 122-25 are praises of Kelefa. The meaning is uncertain; balango is a low earth wall between rice 123 fields; faa may be identified with faa 'father', hence 'master of, though 69 this does not seem very likely. Alternatively, faa may be identified with faa 'kill', and so perhaps 'destroyer of the earth walls and of mountains', though this is not very convincing either. This line illustrates the fact that praises often contain phrases that are unintelligible to the audience and even to the griots themselves. The literal meaning of such praises is unimportant, for the praises are not intended to convey information, but rather to stir emotion. The line is repeated at line 244, with the addition of jala 'mahogany tree' finally. 124 Mamba Saane, 'a man of legendary wisdom', is said by Quinn {1972: 16) to be the original settler of Genieri in The Gambia. The Saane family moved there from Kaabu about the beginning of the nineteenth century. 135 ke-nyaa 'way of happening'; ke 'to happen, do', nyaa 'way, manner'; julu kutuntango is a noose which does not have a knot tied in the rope within the noose to prevent it from closing completely. A noose which has a knot in it to stop it tightening is called julu kutungo. 148 Bajeba: Geba on the River Geba in Guinea-Bissau; baa 'river'. 150 Niumi was a state on the extreme west of the north bank of the River Gambia. Buniadu is a village a little to the west of Be rending, on the road from Berending to Barra, in the Lower Niumi District 1 of The Gambia. 156 Banjunu: the Mandinka name for St. Mary's Island, on which Bathurst (later, Banjul) was built. 157-58 Notice that sang means both 'to buy' and 'to sell'. 178 foroya be nengo le bala 'honour is on the tongue', i.e. the word of an honourable man is his bond. Kelefa had promised to return the money paid for him, and having so promised, he was bound to come back; foroya 'status of a freeman'(< foro 'free'+ -ya 'status'), hence 'conduct of a gentleman, honourable conduct'. 183 kumakarango 'ransom, money paid for one's freedom'< kumaka 'to ransom'+ -rang 'instrument'+ -o 'definite suffix'. 188-95 Praises of Kelefa. 192-93 Balaba is perhaps composed of bala 'porcupine' and baa 'big'. Sidibe {1972) reports a tradition that a Jakhanka woman called Balaba was found living in a hole in the ground which resembled a porcupine's burrow. She was caught and brought to Madina in Wuropana, where she bore four daughters to a grandson of Tiramang. It was her descendants who became the princes. To say that Balaba lived in a hole in the ground is presumably a way of saying that the ethnic group to which she belonged was autoch thonous, or at any rate was living in the area when another group arrived. The tradition probably means that the Mandinka who moved When the British administration of The Gambia was established, the administrative districts were given the names of the former states with which they roughly coincided. Thus 'Niumi' denotes the former state, 'Lower Niumi District' the present-day administrative district. 70 into the area married the local women. The motif of the autoch thones who came out of a hole in the ground is of course common in oral literature. Mariama Nanki was Kelefa's foster-mother; Sankang Nanki was his 198-99 mother. ite mama 'your ancestor'; this refers to Tiramang, Sunjata's greatest 200 general, whose genealogy is given in the following lines. Lines 200-10 are praises of Tiramang, from whom the Saanes trace descent. taarnana does not occur in Gambian Mandinka, but Delafoss (1955) 201 gives ta 'feu' and mana 'flamme; flambant; flamber', etc., so the meaning is probably 'flaming fire'. kirikisa: meaning obscure; dandang 'to accompany'. 203 The meaning of this line is not certain: suu saare jong most probably 204 means 'horse-burying man', i.e. a man who has ridden many horses to death; balarnba probably from balang 'to refuse, gainsay'+ -baa 'agent'. wo, i.e. Tiramang. 207 These two lines seem to refer to treachery, which is mentioned 214-15 immediately before then and again immediately after them. Therefore the subject pronoun a in the phrases a diata and a kuyata appear to refer to jamfa 'treachery', which occurs in the two lines immediately preceding, though it hardly seems likely that having exhorted Kelefa to avoid treachery, the griot then (line 214) would tell him that successful treachery wim a man many followers. Compare Shirif Jebate, line 206: A diata moo la - mootiya; a kuyata moo la - mootangya. There is no antecedent for the pronoun a in this line, and it must be taken to refer to events in general, and this is probably true also in the case of these two lines of Bamba Suso's narration. i ye i kungo nyining lit. 'they sought their heads', i.e. 'they sought 227 cover, they sought safety'. i domo lit. 'eat them', i.e. spend the money received for the slaves. 236 The meaning is uncertain; it seems to be literally 'jala tree which kills 244 the earth wall between rice fields and also the mountain', though this does not seem to make r:mch sense. This line is the same as line 123, except that jala does not occur there. Jala is a mahogany tree, with bitter-tasting bark and leaves from which a decoction is prepared which is believed to give protection against witches. The jala tree is associated with the notion of toughness, of masculinity. Kelefa insisted on being buried under ajala tree (lines 736 ff.). Niumi: a state on the extreme west of the north bank of the River 273 Gambia. Jokadu: a small territory lying between Niumi and Baddibu. Quinn (1972: 30) states that Jokadu, which she refers to as 'Niumi's eastern district', was at times tributary to Baddibu. Demba Sonko, king of Niumi, died in 1862 (Quinn, 1972: 114); he had 277 a long reign, for, according to Macklin (I 935), he was in power by 71 1833. In Niumi, the kingship was held in rotation by seven royal houses, two Jamme, two Maane and three Sanko (Macklin, 1935; Cissoko, 1968). Macklin reports a tradition that the earliest rulers of Niumi were queens of the Jamme clan; he gives a list of ten queens followed by sixty kings, of whom Demba Sanko is fifty-sixth. 285 dammangolu 'people belonging to the same group, people united by some bond'. The fighting between Niumi and Jokadu is spoken of by the griots as fighting between kinsmen. Compare the line which occurs several times in Shirif Jebate's narration: Damma kelo ye marolu bang ne 'Civil war has finished the nobles'. According to Bamba Susa, the leaders of the two warring factions were cousins (line 282). 279ff. The origin of the war between Niumi and Jokadu is somewhat different in Shirif Jebate's version. According to him, two Fula herdsmen, one from Jokadu and one from Niumi, encountered each other on the border of these two territories and their two herds began to fight and to injure each other. It was this encounter between the two herdsmen which led ultimately to the war (Shirif Jebate, lines 151 ff.). 284 hekko 'dry season grazing in swampy areas'. 292 Bali: a village in Jokadu District close to the Mini Minium Creek. 313 dimba mala 'to light a fire', here, 'to stir up trouble, make bad blood'. 317 naafo 'head-dress, bonnet', part of the regalia of a king, hence 'royal house'. 321 It was not uncommon in a Mandinka state for there to be several royal houses, from each of which the king was chosen in rotation. 322 Bakendik: a village in Lower Niumi District, some two miles south of Be rending. 324 Essau: a village close to Barra in Lower Niumi District. 325 Buniadu: a village about one mile west of Berending in Lower Niumi District. 329 Saama: a state which lay between the headwaters of the rivers Casamance and Geba. 334 King Demba Sanko of Niumi had sent a request for assistance in the war against Jokadu. 338 teeri furejee lit. 'friend's corpse seeing', i.e. 'seeing one's friend dead, seeing one's friend's corpse'. 341 buunyaa 'to give a present to a visitor'; it also means 'to add something free to a purchase'. 343 Kapirong: according to Bakari Sidibe, Kapirong was the capital of Mana, one of the states under the control of Kaabu. 345-46 Praises of Kapirong. In griots' narrations, praises commonly occur with the names of towns as well as with personal names; kulunkalang 'a profusely growing, closely intertwined vine'; jalanna < jalang 'oracle' + -na 'agent', so 'a person who owns an oracle, person in charge of an oracle'. 349 Fulo: this refers to Demba Sanko, king of Niumi, whose family is generally regarded as being partly of Fula origin, though Lopy (19 56: 72 109) gives the Sonkos as one of the three princely lineages of Kaabu. Taali Woyo has not been identified, but is perhaps a part of Be rending; woyo 'stream'. Baria: a village in the eastern side of Jokadu, close to Dasilami. 350 Kankelefa (Canquelifa): a town in the extreme north-east of Guinea- 359 Bissau. According to Banba Suso, Tamba Dibi was the name of an oracle. Kantora: a state on the south bank of the River Gambia, in the area of 374 the eastern boundary of The Gambia. Sun Kunda is a village about four miles south-east of Fatoto. tamba sooto lit. 'spear rubber-tree'. There is a belief that a spear can be 375 seen on a certain hill near this town when viewed from the foot of the hill, but if one climbs the hill for a closer look at the spear, it disappears from view ;jalang konko lit. 'oracle hill', probably means 'a hill with an oracle on it, oracle on a hill'. ate 'he', i.e. Bakari Sidibe, who was a member of the audience. This is 376 an allusion to the fact that Mr Sidibe's mother, who is herself a Saanyang, had lived for some time before her marriage with the Saanyangs of Kantora. This is a saying which occurs frequently in griots' narrations, and it 381 apparently means that a kooring is unpredictable; a person can never come to know a kooring really well or to be able to guess what course of action he is likely to adopt in any particular situation. There is some disagreement among the griots about the meaning of the word kooring, which does not occur in everyday GM. According to Bamba Suso, the kooringolu are descendants of Sunjata's brother, and the nyancholu (princes) are descendants ofTiramang, Sunjata's greatest general. The Saanyangs are a kooring family; in The Gambia, the kooringolu are located mostly in Kantora and Kiang District. According to other griots, however, both the kooringolu and the nyancholu came from Kaabu; the status of nyancho passed down in the female line, and a man whose mother was a nyancho was himself a nyancho, regardless of the status of his father. A man whose father was a nyancho but whose mother was not a nyancho was a kooring; fo ning a tiita 'until it flies up', i.e. until a kooring takes some action. It is impossible to predict what a kooring will do. Lines 381-86 are praises of kooringolu, inserted here presumably because of the mention of Kantora, home of many kooringolu of the Saanyang family. sansang 'fence'; Mandinka compounds are completely surrounded by a 383 wooden fence. suuna 'a variety of millet'. 384 The meaning of this line is somewhat obscure; sala is a respectful term 385 referring usually to the head of an elderly person; tundu does not occur in GM. When he was asked to explain this line, Bamba Suso replied that it was part of the praises of kooringolu. He paraphrased it thus: keebalu si boi i kung kensengo, musolu si boi i sing kensengo 'old men will fall 73 ,. down bare headed, old women will fall down bare legged'. The lines may be intended to suggest that ffooringolu are no respecters of age or sex. 386 kore 'herd', here, 'retinue, followers'; seesee 'slowly'. 395 Wuli: a state north of Kantora, on the north bank of the River Gambia. 401 faring: the precise meaning of this word is uncertain; it denotes some sort of provincial governor or sub-king, subordinate to a mansa. 409 The etymology of the name Wuli which is proposed by Bamba Suso is the exhortation wuli! 'rise up!', addressed by Kelefa to king Jalaa Waali (line 407). 414 Niani: a state on the north bank of the River Gambia, west of Wuli. 420 janjangolu: drums which were beaten only for the king. They were played behind him when he went anywhere and they were also played to waken him in the morning. 443 wasa 'to be satisfied'. 446 Niamina: a state on the south bank of the River Gambia. 469-70 Niani Maru and Kuntaur are towns on the north bank of the River Gambia; Kuntaur is about ten miles up river from Niani Maru. 475 Saabali < saa 'death' + -bali 'privative suffix'. 478-79 The meaning of this praise is obscure; teng baruma 'forked palm tree'; kulanjango 'a bird ofprey';jala 'mahogany tree'. 480 Pallan: a village about two miles east of Kuntaur. 482 Kataba: a village about three miles east of Pallan. 486 Lamin Koto: a village on the north bank, opposite Georgetown. 493 nyaamiringo 'mixed'; nyaami 'to mix'. Bamba Suso derives the name Nyaamina (Niamina) from nyaamiringo. 496 Jarra: a state on the south bank of the River Gambia, west of Niamina. 500 haaju jaara 'a place where business prospers/succeeds'; haaju 'business'; jaara 'to treat with medicine, (of business) be successful, to succeed', e.g. nte haajo jaarata le 'my business has been successfully concluded' - an expression sometimes used by a man who has come to seek a wife and has been successful in this undertaking. 511 sansango 'fence', hence 'fortified place, stronghold'. 518 biita 'to illuminate with a torch'; i si i nyaato biita 'you must shed some light on what lies before you', i.e. you must consult a diviner in order to discover what the future holds in store for you. 520 mooro ye i laa 'the marabout lay down, went to bed'. In a common form of divination, the marabout merely asks the person consulting him to state his own name and that of his mother and to pay the required fee; he does not ask the client the nature of his enquiry. This latter together with appropriate advice are revealed to the marabout while he is asleep, and he passes on the advice to his client when the latter returns in the morning. 534 kele dondo 'war shirt'. It is not certain exactly what this garment was, but it was probably a gown with many protective charms attached to it, such as is worn by hunters and of which some examples can still be seen in The Gambia. 74 That is, a person who has died because he put his life in jeopardy to 537 help a friend has not died uselessly;jifa 'to die of natural causes'. Compare Shirif Jebate, lines 63-5: 550 Hamadada taata moori nyino la, Hamadada went to find a marabout, Nyaamina Sotokoi Suuno kunda, In Suuno's yard in Sotokoi in Niamina - Alaaji Mariama Dafe. Hajji Mariama Dafe. In Shirif Jebate's version, Suuno kunda presumably refers to a particular yard in the village of Sotokoi, whereas Bamba Suso regards Suunokunda as the name of a village. Sotokoi is a village in Niamina East District, about three miles west of Kudang. tawung 'a charm which is buried or hung up as a protection against evil 554 spirits, enemies, etc.' Lines 555-59 list the charms which the marabout had prepared, with their distribution. jawale walaa 'a brass writing-board'. Writing-boards are of course 558 normally made of wood, but Mr Sidibe reports that he remembers having seen a brass one. Curtin (I 975) mentions 'a copper writing plaque like the ordinary wooden writing plaque used by clerics throughout the western Sudan', which, according to bardic tradition, was given by God to Maalik Sii, reputed founder of 'Bundu in Senegal, when he visited Mecca in the seventeenth century. Curiously, this too was dropped into water, in this case down a well, thus allowing the digging of the well to be completed. Fula foro 'pure Fula, light-skinned Fula'. According to Shirif Jebate, 559 one of the charms was made from the skull of a Fula, and this is presumably what is intended here. In a polygamous Mandinka household, each wife spends two nights 565 with the husband. The point here is that the husband must either accept the work - and 570 share the payment with his wife - or else regard his marriage with that wife as at an end. The Jokadu forces had been induced by the marabout to believe that 583 they were being attacked by Niumi water-borne forces, and so they fired on their own canoes. Shirif Jebate's version is somewhat different. According to him, the Niumi forces dropped a writing-board which had been prepared by a marabout into the water and this produced a loud noise which the Jokadu men mistook for the sound of approaching Niumi canoes. Many Jokadu men jumped into their canoes to go to meet the enemy, but they capsized and were drowned. Villages in Niumi District. 594-97 Demba Sonko was king of Niumi, across the river. The tax was most 604 likely levied on European traders. According to Shirif Jebate, the tax in question was paid by a Portuguese trader who had built a house at Barra, on the north bank. The kings of Niumi levied a tax on all ships entering the River Gambia, as well as on all goods imported. Each trader paid a head tax, and each trading post also paid tax. 75 605 Bamba Suso and Shirif Jebate differ in their explanation of the reason that king Demba Sonko sent Kelefa off to collect tax in Banjul just before the attack on Jokadu. According to Bamba Suso, the marabout foretold that he did not see Kelefa's return from war, and though Bamba does not say so, we may infer that king Demba Sonko did not want his army to be associated with a man destined to be killed, for it might well share Kelefa's fate. Shirif Jebate, on the other hand, relates that the marabout had foretold that in the war it would be Kelefa, not Demba Sonko, who would achieve fame. It was therefore to prevent Kelefa from covering himself in glory in the war that Demba Sonko sent him out of the way just before the attack was launched. He did not want Kelefa to steal his thunder. 609 kung-to-kulungolu 'boats which ferry passengers across the river between Barra and Banjul'; this phrase is still in current use. Barra is sometimes referred to as kung 'head, i.e. headland' in ordinary GM. 613 faniya, usually 'lie, falsehood', but here 'news, information'. 670-71 a mama 'his ancestor', i.e. Tiramang (Tira Makhang). When Sunjata was gathering an army to attack Sumanguru, various commanders responded to his call, each at the head of 1,444 armed men. But as each contingent arrived, Sunjata announced that the time to join battle had not yet arrived, because Tiramang was not yet present (Bamba Suso, Sunjata, lines 519 ff. in Innes, 1974). Line 671 appears to suggest that Sunjata said that the time for fighting had not come even after the arrival of Tiramang, whereas in fact, he said this on several occasions prior to Tiramang's arrival, but as soon as Tiramang joined him, Sunjata felt ready to confront Sumanguru. 699 Nyampenjai was the name of a well (lines 84-5) in Badora, used exclusively by women of princely lineages. 700-01 These lines refer to the declarations by these two women when Kansala, capital of Kaabu was under attack by the Fula, that they would never surrender and become the wives of Fula. After making this declaration, they flung themselves into a well and were killed. See Bamba Suso, Kaabu, lines 429 ff. in Innes, 1976. 701 Nyancho 'the Prince', i.e. Janke Waali, who was king ofKaabu when it was conquered by the Fula of Futa Jallon; kalemo is a complimentary term which can be added to a woman's name, implying grace, elegance. The word is confined to griots' narrations. Serung faani, nyinang kurti 'last year's wrapper, this year's trousers'. The meaning is not entirely certain, but the words probably suggest that the Fula are so poverty stricken that the men wear trousers made from their wives' old wrappers; wo ten najimbo je la 'he (i.e. a Fula) will not see my plait'. This is an oblique way of saying that she will never marry a Fula. Women invariably wear a head kerchief, which is removed before they go to bed, hence the words suggest that no Fula will ever see her in bed. This sentence Serung faani, etc. occurs at line 435 of Bamba Suso, Kaabu, in Innes 1976. 76 A commonplace of griots' narrations; cf. Shirif Jebate, line 12: Tili saba 712-14 le be duniya kono; kunung tambita, m be bii kono, sooma be naa meng ke la, jong mang wo long muumeke 'There are three days in the world; yesterday is past, we are in today, and what tomorrow will bring, no man knows'. meng nga n ding-kee folo samba nangjang lit. 'whoever had brought my 719 first-born son here', with the implied second part 'would have earned my gratitude', i.e. 'I wish my son had been here'. Sentences like this are common, with various noun phrases occurring in place of n ding-kee folo 'my eldest son'. The line suggests that the fighting was disastrous for both sides. Koriyang Musa was Bamba Suso's maternal grandfather (line 779). 721 pisali 'to do or say something that one is later ashamed of. Kelefa was 724 afraid that in his fevered sleep he might have said something that he would be ashamed of on waking - 'I didn't let myself down, did I?' Men drink a decoction of the bark and also wash with it as protection 745 against witchcraft. It has a very bitter taste, and women of child-bearing age do not drink any bitter-tasting medicine as they believe that it is likely to cause barrenness. The fruit of the rubber tree is eaten by both sexes. The tree has a lot of 746 sap, and any tree which has a lot of sap is regarded as a woman's tree, because such a tree is said to weep easily (when its bark is cut), like a woman. The soft outer covering of the nut is eaten by both sexes; the nut is 747 similar to the kola nut, but is not eaten. This tree exudes a lot of sap when the bark is cut, hence it is regarded as a woman's tree. dunaa = duniya 'the world'. 755 ye i kungo le soto lit. 'you have got your head', i.e. 'you are safe'. 763 Jufureh: a village in Upper Niumi District, close to Albreda. 775 SHIRIF JEBATE: KELEFA SAANE Resume Shirif has already recounted Kelefa's career from the time he left Badora till he arrived in Berending in Niumi. Here he is going to relate the incident when the people of Jokadu decided to consult a marabout when war between themselves and Niumi appeared inevitable. Hamadada Seeka Ndemba, a human being raised by jinns, was sent to find a marabout. He went to Hajji Mariama Dafe in Sotokoi in Niamina. The marabout listened to Hamadada, then told him to go home and tell the people of Jokadu to build him a house at Tomborong Kolong. The marabout came to Tomborong Kolong. He prepared a water-pot, horse's skull, donkey's skull, seven blind men's sticks, a metal writing-board, the skull of a Fula, and an antelope horn and he gave instructions as to where each was to be buried. The marabout told them to give a black bull as alms and to give all the meat to certain strangers. Demba Sonko, king of Niumi, heard of this and sent a messenger to tell the marabout to do the same for Niumi as he had done for Jokadu. The marabout said that he had exhausted his powers, but his wife was angry because he would not accept the money offered and share it with her, whereas he had accepted payment from Jokadu and shared it with another of his wives. The marabout eventually agreed to work for Niumi. He prepared a writing-board and told the messenger that the Niumi forces should drop it in the river when they were ready to attack Jokadu. The board would make a noise which the Jokadu people would think was Niumi attacking by river; they would go by canoe to meet them and be drowned. A dispute between two Fula herding cattle, one from Niumi, one from Jokadu. To settle the dispute, Niumi sent a messenger to Jokadu. The messenger tore his clothes on thorns on the way home and then 79 lied to king Demba Sonko that the Jokadu men had beaten him up. Because of the messenger's lies Niumi attacked Jokadu. Just before Niumi attacked Jokadu, Demba Sonko consulted a diviner. The diviner told Demba that if he attacked Jokadu, a stranger who had come to him would win fame, but he (Demba) would not. Demba Sonko did not want that to happen; pagans seek fame in everything they do. Demba Sonko sent Kelefa to collect tax in Banjul because he did not want the diviner's prophecy to be fulfilled. The tax was collected from a Portuguese called San Domingo. The Portuguese had wanted to build a house at Barra Point and Demba Sonko had agreed, provided he paid tax. The Portuguese also built a shop in the area between Sika and Jufureh. He also built a house on Sandemunku Island (James Island). 'Sandemunku' is derived from 'Sang ning Munku'. The Portuguese was accompanied by a sailor who had come with him from Portugal. This sailor had died on Sandemunku Island, and Europeans called it James Island, after the sailor, whose name was James. The Niumi forces set out while Kelefa was in Banjul. They assembled at the Memmeh bridge. When Kelefa returned to Barra Point, an old woman told him that she would give him some infonnation in exchange for tobacco. She told him that she had just come from Niumi and that the Niumi forces were ready to attack Jokadu; he had better hurry. Kelefa gave the tax money to Demba Sonko's senior wife. Kelefa and his men hurried after the Niumi forces. They found them at the Memmeh bridge; there was disagreement about where they should launch their attack. Kelefa said that they would be most successful if they attacked Baria Koto. Near Kuntair there is a small valley, worn down by the passage of the Niumi troops. Prints of horses' hooves where they crossed the creek can still be seen. Just before the Niumi troops reached Baria Koto, Demba Sonko ordered the writing-board to be dropped in the creek at Memmeh. When it fell in the water, a great noise arose. The Jokadu people thought that the Niumi attack was coming by river. Many of them jumped into canoes and headed for the noise. They capsized and were drowned. Kelefa was invulnerable; bullets could not penetrate his body. On the third day of the fighting, the female jinn came to Hamadada Seeka Ndemba and told him that Kelefa could not be killed by a bullet. She told him to take the spur of a one year old cock and soak it in 80 poison. A deformed man without fingers must be sent up a tree and before he shoots Kelefa, he must bend down with his back to him. But first they must put a bead of a Fula in a gun and shoot Kelefa with that. They shot Kelefa with the bead of a Fula, but it made no impression on him. The female jinn told them then to use the cock's spur. They sent a deformed man up a tree, told him to bend down three times with his back to Kelefa before firing at him. When shot with the cock's spur, Kelefa knew that he was fatally wounded. The little horn which his mother had given him fell to the ground and returned to Badora with news of Kelefa's death. Kelefa killed those men who were giving Demba Sonko most trouble in the fighting. Then Kelefa fell from his horse. Kelefa refused to be buried under a mango tree - that is the tree that children learn to climb on. He refused to be buried under a santang tree - the ash is not palatable. He was taken under a sinjang tree and agreed to be buried there - the roots and seeds are bitter. Kelefa predicted that a termite hill would arise at the head and foot of his grave but that no grass would grow on his grave. Kelefa's spear was given as a pledge to the grandfather of Alkali Nufung, who was a trader. The spear was passed down from Alkali Nufung's grandfather, to his father, to the Alkali himself and then to his son. The spear was never redeemed. Kelefa's spear is at Jufureh, in the possession of Mamadi Taali. 81 Keio ye marolu bang ne, Keio ye marolu bang ne, Damma kelo ye marolu bang ne. Saane Balaamang ning kumbaling fing, Bobo Tuma ning Bobo Sankung. 5 Dala Nyaaleng la Jola ye i laa, Bayamu Nanki la Jola ye i laa Baaringya. Jola wuluuta Badoora, a naata faa Jookaadu, Baaringya Koto. Pachananka Dala Jeenung, Pachananka dang kiling soola. Suuni marolu banta. Keio ye marolu bang ne, Damma kelo ye marolu bang ne. 10 Aa, bii mang duniya daa, bii te duniya bang na muume muumeke. A namanang jong nganaalu daa lung meng na tilo benta dula le fee, wo le ye a tinna nganamunganamungo ning nganaa te kilingya la muume muumeke. Tili saba le be duniya kono; kunung tambita, m be bii kono, sooma be naa meng ke la jong mang wo long muumeke. Aa, m bee ye ke m faa ti ee, Jali ning a jiati m bee ye ke m faa ti. 15 Ali salaam alekum, Gambiankolu ! Meng be kacha le la ali ye bii Gambia Radio to, Wo le mu nte Shirif Jeebaate ti, Badibu Banni. Adung Kelefa Saane, Moo le mu a ti fanaa, 20 Nga a la kumo kacha jang ning a tambita. Biring a bota Badoora Fo a futata Nyoomi Be rending, nga wo bee kacha jang ne. M be naa daameng kacha la saing, Wo le mu nying ti ko; 25 Jookaadunkolu, Biring Kelefa tambita, Jookaadunkolu bee naata beng, I kumata, 'Saing de, Meng tambita, 30 Haa, kelo be naa ntelu ning Nyoominkolu teema le. Bari n ning Nyoominkolu la nying kele-ng, Nga taa moori nyino la.' Hamadada Seeka Ndemba, Ye Hamadada le kii. 35 Hamadada Seeka Ndemba, Hadama dingo le mu a ti, Bari a dindimma, 82 War has finished the nobles, War has finished the nobles, Civil war has finished the nobles. Saane Balaamang with the black knees, Bobo Tuma and Bobo Sankung. Dala Nyaaleng's Jola lies dead, Bayamu Nanki's Jola lies at Baria. 5 The Jola was born in Badora, and died in Jokadu, at Baria Koto. Dala Jeenung of Pachana, man of Pachana, slayer of rogue animals. The lords of Suuni are finished. War has finished the nobles, Civil war has finished the nobles. Ah, today did not see the creation of the world, and tomorrow will 10 not see the end of the world. When great men were created, the sun was in a particular position, that is why the self-important man and the truly great man are in no way the same. There are three days in the world: yesterday is past, we are in today, and what tomorrow will bring, no man knows. Ah, let us all be like our forefathers, The griot and his patron, let us all be like our forefathers. Greetings, Gambians! 15 The person speaking to you today on Radio Gambia Is me, Shirif Jebate of Bani in Baddibu. Kelefa Saane Is a man Whose story I have already told. 20 The period of his life from his leaving Badora To his arrival in Berending in Niumi I have already related. What I am going to relate now Is this: The people of Jokadu - 25 When Kelefa was on his way - The people of Jokadu all assembled And declared, 'Now, What is past is past, But there is going to be bitter warfare between Niumi and ourselves. 30 In preparation for this war between Niumi and ourselves, Let us find a marabout.' Hamadada Seeka Ndemba Was despatched. Hamadada Seeka Ndemba was a human being, 35 But when he was a baby, 83 A baa mang bambano soto, A ka Hamadada sika a ka taa a sii yiro koto, A ka baaro ke. 40 Lung k.iling sotota, Jinna muso naata a je, A wo dindimma, Aye a sika, Aye a samba, 45 A ye a kulu a bulu. Biring a menta, A naata a sika, A ye a dii a keema la. Biring a keema mu danno ti, 50 A keema fanaa ye Hamadada nindi dannaya la Fo a ye dannaya noo, A naata kido bondi, A ye a dii a la; A la kido, 5 5 I kara a fo a ye nne ko Du Tum bung. Jookaadunkolu hiring ye nyo saba, doolu kumata ko, 'Alinga taa mooro nyining', doolu kumata, 'Alinga taa Jise Diba kamma Salikenye'. Doolu ko i ye ko, 'Alinga kana woke ko'. Ye nyo sabajee, Hamadada ko i ye ko, 'Ali nte kii moori nyino la'. Wo tumo kodo mang sia baake ko; 60 Jookaadunkolu bee benta, Ye faani fingolu le kafu nyo ma, Ye wo dii Hamadada Seeka Ndemba la. Hamadada taata moori nyino la, Nyaamina Sotokoi Suuno kunda, 65 Alaaji Mariama Dafe. A taata wo le yaa, a ye nying kumo dante. A futata jee suuto baa katango le, A ye daa konkong a ma. A futata a ma tumala meng na, Wo tumo a la musu kiling wo le la singo be a yaa wo lung, A ye Jookaadunkolu la silo bee dante a ye. 70 Aa, marolu banta, Kelo ye marolu bang ne, Damma kelo ye marolu bang ne. Ala-ng o, nyancholu banta; nyancholu mang bang bari i doyata. 84 His mother did not have a baby-minder, So she used to take him with her to the rice farm and sit him under a tree While she got on with her work. One day 40 A female jinn saw him - A baby - And she picked him up And took him away And brought him up. 45 When he was older, She took him And handed him over to her husband. Her husband was a hunter, And he instructed Hamadada in the art of hunting 50 Till he became skilled in hunting. Then the husband brought out a gun And presented it to Hamadada. His gun Was called Country Destroyer. 55 The people of Jokadu argued among themselves; some shouted, 'Let's go and find a marabout', others shouted, 'Let's go for Jise Diba at Salikene'. Some said, 'Let's not do that'. They argued among themselves, then Hamadada said to them, 'Send me to look for a marabout'. In those days there was very little money; The people of Jokadu all assembled 60 And they collected black cloths And gave these to Hamadada Seeka Ndemba. Hamadada set off to find a marabout, In Suuno's yard in Sotokoi in Niamina - Hajji Mariama Dafe. Hamadada went to him and explained the position. 65 He arrived there in the early hours of the morning And he knocked on the door to rouse him. When Hamadada arrived, One of the marabout's wives, whose turn it was to sleep with him, was there at the time. Hamadada explained to him the position that the people of Jokadu were in. Ah, the nobles are finished, 70 War has finished the nobles, Civil war has finished the nobles. Oh God, the princes of Kaabu are finished; the princes are not all finished, but few of them are left. 85 Saane ning Maaneolu yaa be Kaabu le, Kansala sulu balantajalango la lung meng na. 75 Bari m fanaa nga nying fo Fulo ma lung meng na, Mbalo banna, aning Fula sii naani ning Jatara sii naani. Seedi Lii mu Fulo le ti, Seedi Baa fanaa mu Fulo le ti, Seedi Ja fanaa mu Fulo le ti, Seedi Bari fanaa mu Fulo le ti, Seedi Binta fanaa mu Fulo le ti. Sama danna kononto, Kulu Tegele, Bubu Tegele, Yoro Tegele ning Labang Tegele. 80 Biring ye muso tara jee - a la singo, Muso la wo singo hiring a bota jee, Mooro taata Ako Hamadada Seeka Ndemba ye ko, Ako a ye, 'Jookaadunkolu ye kumo meng fo i ye', a ko a ye, 'Nga a moi le'. 85 Ako a ye, 'Bari i si a fo i ye i si bungo loon ye baa to Tomborong Kolong'. Ye bungo loo a ye Bai Tomborong Kolong. Biring a naata Bai Tomborong Kolong, A ye dumbu kafundo folo safe, Ako i ye, 'Ali si wo saare-ng Baali jang.' 90 A naata suu kungo safe, Ako i ye, 'Ali si wo saare-ng Meeme.' A ye fali kungo safe, Ako i ye, 'Ali si wo samba Tambana.' A ye finkinte doko woorowula safe, 9 5 Aning nee walaa, A ko i ye, 'Ali si wolu saare kankurang taba Daasilame.' A ye Fula foro kungo safe, Ako, 'Ali si wo saare Baaringya Koto.' A ye minang bina kilingo safe, 100 Ako i ye, 'Ali si wo saare Tankonding leo to. Keio sadaa mu tuura fingo le ti ko. Alisia faa, Ali ye a subo dii luntangolu la, Menu bota Tilibo la i be taa Tilijio la, 105 Fo a subo ye bang, Bari ning kelo ye Jookaadu noo, Ali si n sika n ning n na dalilolu bee ali ye m fai Miniminiyang kono.' Biring ye nying kumo fo tumala meng na fo a banta, mooro ye nyinu bee safe a ye i bee bang i taata i ke i ke-dulalu to. 86 The home of the Saanes and of the Maanes is in Kaabu; the day that a Kansala hyena refused the fetish; The day that I myself recited this for the Fula: 75 Mbalo the rich man and four Fula lines and four Jatara lines. See di Lii is a Fula, See di Baa too is a Fula, See di Ja too is a Fula, Seedi Bari too is a Fula, Seedi Binta too is a Fula, Nine elephant hunters, Kulu Tegele, Bubu Tegele, Yoro Tegele and Labang Tegele. When the woman who had been with the marabout when Hamadada 80 arrived, And whose turn it was to sleep with her husband, had left, The marabout Said to Hamadada Seeka Ndemba, 'The instructions which the people of Jokadu have given you are known tome. You must tell them that they are to build a house for me by the river at 85 Tomborong Kolong'. They built a house for him at Bai Tomborong Kolong. When he came to Bai Tomborong Kolong, He wrote first upon a water pot, And he said, 'You must bury that at Bali'. He wrote upon the skull of a horse, 90 And he said, 'You must bury that at Memmeh'. He wrote upon the skull of a donkey, And he said, 'You must bury that at Tambana'. He wrote upon seven blind men's staffs, And on a metal writing board, 95 And he said, 'You must bury these by the taba tree where the masquerader dances in Dasilami'. He wrote upon the skull of a pure Fula, And he said, 'You must bury that at Baria Koto'. He wrote upon the horn of an antelope, And he told them, 'You must bury that in the swampland at 100 Tankonding. The alms to be given in respect of the war are a black bull. You must slaughter it And give the meat to strangers Who have come from the east and are heading west - All the meat must be given away. 105 If Jokadu is defeated in the war, Then take me and all my works and throw me into the Mini Minium Creek'. When that had all been said, and the marabout had written on all these objects, men went and buried them in the appropriate places. 87 Hamadada Seeka Ndemba biring a ye wo fo tumala meng na a banta a saita i yaa Tambana. 110 Mansa Demba koto fanaa naata nying kuma-ng moi ko Jookaadunkolu taata moori nyino la ko, bari i taata Alaaji Mariama Dafe le yaa dookuo la. A fanaa naata kiila wulindi. Wo tumo mooro saita Nyaamina. Mansa Demba wo ye kodo le dung kiila bulu, 115 A ko a ye, 'I si taa mooro yaa i si a fo a ye ko A ye dookuo meng ke i ye, M fanaa lafita wo dooku sifa le la, a si a ke n ye, Kaatu kelo le be naa n teema ko Kaatu ntelu ka kiila meng soto Jookaadu ning Nyoomi teema, 120 Wo ye ntelu banku fulolu dundi nyo to le. Biring a si dookuo ke n ye ko.' Wo fanaa futata mooro ma tumala meng na a futata a ma suuto le. J ookaadunkolu la kiila ye muso meng na singo tara jee, Nyoominkolu la kiila mang wo muso la singo tara jee; wo fanang ye doo le taa tara jee. 125 Biring a ye kumo saata mooro ye, mooro ko a ye ko, 'I si taa mansa Demba yaa i si a fo a ye ko m bulo ye n dang Jookaadunkolu ye nne.' Ako a ye, 'Ha, a ye nying kuma-ng ne fo n ye, adung a ye nying kodi-ng ne fanaa dii n na.' Muso ko a ye ko, 'Biring Jookaadunkolu naata jang, 130 Wolu ning bai menu naata, I ning musu kaari ye a tala. Nte taa, Wolu fanaa ning kodo naata, I ko i be wo le murundi la, bari wo te ke la ko!' 135 Ha, mooro yelemata, A naata jala walaa safe, A ye a sika a ye a dii mansa Demba la kiila la, Ako a ye, 'I si nying samba, Ye a dii mansa Demba la ye a fo a ye ko, 140 Kelo koo n si a kati noo le. Nying jala walaa, Ning Nyoominkolu pareeta i be naa Jookaadu kelo la, I si nying jala walaa taa, I ye taa a bula baa kono. 88 When Hamadada Seeka Ndemba had reported what had happened, he returned to Tambana. Old king Demba came to hear 110 That the people of Jokadu had been looking for a marabout and that they had gone to Hajji Mariama Dafe to work for them. King Demba despatched a messenger - By that time the marabout had returned to Niamina - King Demba put a sum of money into the messenger's hands And told him, 'You will go to the marabout and tell him 115 That whatever work he has done for Jokadu, I want him to do precisely the same work for me, Since there is going to be war between us Because the messenger we had as an intermediary between Jokadu and Niumi Set our two countries against each other. 120 So he must work for us.' When the messenger reached the marabout, it was night time when he arrived. The wife whose turn it had been to sleep with the marabout on the night when the messenger from Jokadu arrived Was not the same wife as the one whose turn it was when the messenger from Niumi arrived; he found another one there. When he had delivered his message to the marabout, the latter said to 125 him, 'You must go back to king Demba and tell him that I have exhausted all my powers on behalf of Jokadu'. The messenger replied, 'Well, this is the message which he gave me to deliver and this is the money which he gave me'. The marabout's wife said to her husband, 'When the men from Jokadu came here, They brought cloths, 130 Which you shared with another of your wives. When it was my turn, These men came with money, And you are proposing to return it, but that is certainly not going to happen!' Ah, the marabout changed his mind. 135 He wrote on a mahogany writing-board, He picked it up and gave it to king Demba's messenger, With the instructions, 'You must take this And give it to king Demba and tell him That I will be able to break the back of the war. 140 As to this mahogany writing-board, When Niumi is ready to wage war on Jokadu, They must take this mahogany writing-board And go and cast it into the river. 89 145 Ning ye a bula a kono, Maakango be kuma la jee, Jookaadunkolu be a fo la ko, "Nyoominkolu fele, I be naa ning baa le la". 150 Menu bulata kulungolu la i taata wo bendundiro la, kulungolu be kupi la wolu fee le, wolu be tu la baa kono le, wolu te maabe la kelo dula.' Nyoominkolu la Fulo meng be kantaro la, Wo naane dinkira to, Kantarilalu nying doo bota Nyoomi le, nying doo-ng bota Jookadu, i la ninsolu naata beng jee. ltolu damma be kantaro la, ninsolu naata kelo ke jee. Wo ninsolu la wo kelo, 155 Wo baramo, wo le ye nying istuwaro bee saabu Nyoomi ning Jookaadu teem a. Bari wo lungo fairila-o-fairila, ning ye a je Jookaadu, A bee karamoo be Nyoomi le. Hamadada Seeka ning a la moolu, Wolu le karamoo te Nyoomi de; wolu karamoo mu jinnolu le ti. 160 Nying doo-ng ko nying doo-ng ye ko, (Wo tumo mansaya be Jookaadu Daasilame le), 'Nga taa nnu mansa yaa, nga taa nying kumo fo jee, ninsolu la nyo baramo.' Ako a ye ko, 'Hani'. Nying doo-ng ko, 'Wo to nga taa mansa Demba yaa Berending nga taa nying kuma-ng fo jee', a ko a ye ko, 'Hani'. Wo Fulolu damma naata kele, wo Fulolu teema foro, 165 Nyoominkolu ka kiila wulindi I ka a kii Jookaadu. Ning wo kiila taata, A si a fo Jookaadunkolu ye, 'Ha!, Nyoominkolu ko nga a fo ali ye ko banku nding ko le mu ali ti, alitolu ke ali fang ma nyaadi?' 170 Ning a ye wo fo i ye tumala meng na, Ning a be muru la nang a jee na, Tumang doo a si a la dondiko bo, A si a dung nganingo la. Ning nganingo ye a bee fara, 175 A si naa a si a fo mansa Demba ye ko, 'Jookaadunkolu le ye m buute fo yen na dondiko bee fara'. A ye wo ke siinya fula, Siinya saba, Siinya naani, Nyoominkolu ko, 'Silang de alinga taa Jookaadunkolu kamma kelo la kaatu ning nga n na kiila kii, 90 When they throw it into the river, 145 A great sound will rise up, And the people of Jokadu will think That the Niumi forces Are approaching by river. Those who leap into canoes and go to meet them will capsize and they I SO will drown in the river; they will not be present upon the battlefield.' A Fula of Niumi was herding cattle Close to the border with Jokadu. There were two herdsmen, one from Niumi and the other from Jokadu, and their herds came in contact there. There were only two men herding, and their cattle began to fight. It was this fighting between the two herds, With the resultant injuries, which gave rise to the bad relations between I SS Niumi and Jokadu. At that time every man in Jokadu who could handle a gun Had been trained by a man from Niumi, But Hamadada Seeka and his men Had not been trained by men from Niumi; their teachers had been jinns. One of the herdsmen said to the other, 160 (At that time the king resided in Dasilami in Jokadu), 'Let's go to the king. Let's go and report that the cattle have injured each other'. The second herdsman said, 'No, Let's go to king Demba at Berending and report the incident to him', but the other herdsman said, 'No'. The two Fulas came to blows, and to conciliate the Fulas, The people of Niumi summoned a messenger 165 And sent him to Jokadu. When the messenger went, He would say to the people of Jokadu, 'Ah, The people of Niumi have ordered me to remind you that yours is a small country;just watch your step'. When he had said that 170 And was on his way home, He would sometimes remove his gown And thrust it among thorns. When the thorns had torn it, He would come and say to king Demba, 'The people of Jokadu beat me 175 up and tore all my clothes'. He did that twice, Three times, Four times, Then the people of Niumi declared, 'Now let's go and wage war on Jokadu, because when we sent our messenger, 91 180 I ka n na kiila buute fo i ka a la dondiko bee fara. Wo mang dia ntelu ye ko. Wo to silang ntelu nyanta wuli la nga taa kelo la Jookaadu.' Wo tumo ye a tara Ning ye a je Nyoominkolu be naa kelo la Jookaadu, 185 Mansa Demba naata wuli le a taata mooro yaa juubero la ko. Mooro ko a ye ko, 'Ali ko ali be taa nying kelo meng na teng; ning ali taata, luntango meng naata i yaa, wo le too be bo la, ite too te bo la.' Sooninkeo dung a buka lafi wo la; ate lafita kuu-o-kuu ning a be ke la, Ate too ye bo jee. Biring mooro ye wo fo a ye, 190 Wo tumo Nyoomi le taa mu Banjunu jang ti. Banjunu ning Tubaabu-kulung-jooyeo meng i nyaa be a la teng, Nandang Kusuntu Jaasi wo le folo ye teerango bula Banjunu nying jooyeo kono ka jee tee; Banjunu mu faro le ti. Bari a mang namu muto ke jee a faata; Mansa Demba koto wo le ye namo muta Banjunu, 195 Fo Mfamara Bintu meng ye Ma Fode Sonko wulu. I ko i ye Sonko Banjina Koli, Namu kaning mansa. Mansa Demba hiring i pareeta i be kelo la Jookaadu, A ye Kelefa Saane wulindi le a ye a kii namu kaning la Banjunu, Purtikeso yaa. 200 Wo Purtikeso, wo tumo Ankale Tubaabolu namana naa jang, i ka a fo wo Purtikeso ye le Sang, a kontongo Dominggo - Sang Dominggo. Saane marolu ee, Ee, marolu banta. Keio ye marolu bang ne, Damma kelo ye marolu bang ne. 205 Ala-ng o, Sonkolu o Daniyang. A diata moo la - mootiya; a kuyata moo la - mootangya. Wula dia doolu la, suu diata i la, wula mang dia i la. Dingo bee te a baaba josai la muumeke; muna m mang a soto la jali te i dia muumeke, kutung kanto la jali te i dia muumeke. Aa, m bee ye ke m faa ti o, Jalolu, m bee ye ke m faa ti, 210 J ali ning a jiati, m bee ye ke m faa ti. Meng ye a long ko de, Mansa Demba ka wo le kii Jookaadunkolu kang. 92 They beat him up and tore his clothes. 180 We don't like that at all. Therefore we must now rise up and go and wage war on Jokadu'. At that time, When Niumi was about to wage war on Jokadu, King Demba went to a marabout for divination. 185 The marabout told him, 'As to this war which you are proposing to wage, if you do go to war, the stranger who has come to you will have his fame spread abroad, but you will not'. That is something a pagan does not like; whatever he does, he wants To win renown from it. When the marabout said that to him, Banjul belonged at that time to Niumi. 190 Banjul, this island looking like an ocean-going ship which you see now- It was Nandang Kusuntu Jaasi who first wielded an axe on this island of Banjul and cleared it. Banjul was a swamp. But before he could collect any tax, he died; It was old king Demba who collected tax at Banjul, And this continued down to the time of Mfamara Bin tu, the father of 195 Ma Fode Sonko. The men of that line were called Sonko Banjina Koli, Tax-collecting king. When king Demba was ready to wage war on Jokadu, He sent Kelefa Saane to Banjul to collect tax from a Portuguese. That Portuguese - at that time the English had not yet arrived - was 200 called San; his surname was Domingo - San Domingo. Oh, Saane noblemen, Oh, the nobles are finished, War has finished the nobles, Civil war has finished the nobles. Oh God, oh, Sonkos, oh, Daniyang. 205 It goes well for someone - many followers; it goes badly for someone - no followers. Some are successful in foreign lands, some are successful at home, some are not successful in foreign lands. Not every man can replace his father. I-Haven't-Got-It's griot is indeed unfortunate, a mean man's griot is indeed unfortunate. Ah, let us all be like our forefathers, Griots, let us all be like our forefathers, Griot and patron, let us all be like our forefathers. 210 As you know, King Demba sent a man to Jokadu 93 Nying istuwaro ke-nyaa la, Meng mu i la kiila ti, nga wo maari too long ne, 215 Bari ning ye a je m mang a fo. Kunung jamaano ning bii jamaano mang kiling de, Wo le ye a tinna m mang nying kumo jinkang. Ning doo ye a moi, Wo maari la baading be siiring jee, a si a fo, 'Ha!, 220 Jumaa le ye nying fo?', I ko, 'Sirifu le ye nying kuma-ng sainkang'. Wo le ye a tinna kunung ning bii a mang kilingya, Bari i ka kiila meng kii, Nga a kiila too long ne de. 225 Biring ye Kelefa Saane kii namu kaningo la Banjunu jang, Kelefa fanang teeta a naata Banjunu. Ning ye a je mansa Demba ye Kelefa kii namu kaningo la, A mang song ning i taata kele dula, Moorolu ko a ye, 'Ning ali taata kele dula, luntango meng naata i yaa wo le too be bo la, ite too te bo la'. 230 A mang lafi wo la; a lafita le ate le too ye bo. A naata naa a kii nang namu kaningo la Banjunu. Wo tumo mansa Demba le ka namo kaning Banjunu jang. A taata Purtikeso yaa jang; Wo Purtikeso, 235 Wo le ka namo dii mansa Demba la. Wo Purtikeso, Wo le taata Jeere kungo to, A ko a lafita jee la, Mansa Demba ko a ye, 'Ning i si namo dii n na'. 240 A ye bungo loo jee. Wo Purtikeso, Wo le naata tambi, A seleta Albadari, A taata Sika ning Jufure teema, 245 Aye bitiki bungo loo jee. Haning bii a bung koto be jee. Wo Purtikeso, Wo naata tambi, Jooyeo meng be Albadari daala baa kono, 250 Mandinkolu ka a fo jee ye Sandemunku jooyeo, A ye bungo loo jee, I ko jee ye Sang ye bungo loo jooyeo kono Sang ning Nyunku. Wo le mu wo Purtikeso; Wo le ka namo dii mansa Demba la. 94 To try to settle the dispute; I know the name of the man who was sent, But I have not mentioned it. 215 The past and the present are not the same, And it is for that reason that I am not answering that question. If one were to hear the r_ame On some occasion when a relative of the man in question were present, his relative might ask, 'Oh, Who was it who said that?', 220 And the answer would be, 'It was Shirif who made that statement'. That is why the past and the present are not the same; But the name of the messenger who was sent Is certainly known to me. When Kelefa Saane had been sent to collect tax in Banjul, 225 He crossed the river and came to Banjul. King Demba sent Kelefa to collect tax Because he did not wish to see the fulfilment of the marabout's prophecy when they went to war, For the marabout had told him, 'If you go to war, the fame of the stranger who has come to you will be spread abroad, but yours will not'. He did not want that to happen; he wanted his own fame to be spread 230 abroad, So he decided to send Kelefa to collect tax in Banjul. At that time, it was king Demba who collected tax in Banjul. Kelefa went to a Portuguese; That Portuguese Paid tax to king Demba. 235 That Portuguese Had gone to Barra Point And he had declared that he wanted a plot of land there, And king Demba had told him, 'Provided that you pay me tax'. He built a house there. 240 That Portuguese Went further on And came ashore at Albadarr And proceeded to the area lying between Sika and Jufureh, Where he built a shop. 245 The old building is there to this very day. That Portuguese Moved on, And on the island in the river near Albadarr, Which the Mandinka call Sandemunku Island, 250 He built a house. The island upon which San built a house was called Sand and Bush. He was the Portuguese Who paid tax to king Demba. 95 255 Ye nying jooyeo meng je teng, ning ye a je Mandinkolu ko jee ye Sandemunku jooyeo to; Tubaabolu ko jee ye James Island. Ning ye a je ye wo fo Sang be futa la jee tumala meng na, Matiloto meng a ning a bota Purtikesi, wo matiloto wo le kuuranta. 260 Matiloto kuuranta, a la kuurango mang naa tu a faata, Ye a baade wo jooyeo le kono. Wo matiloto too, a too mu James ti. Wo jooyeo too keta wo le nyaama. Ning ye a je a ye too fulo soto; 265 Mandinkolu ko a ye Sandemunku jooyeo, Tubaabolu ko a ye James Island. James le faata ye a baade jee, wo le ye a tinna ye James too laa a kunto. Bitung i naata paree, Nyoominkolu bee wulita. Kelefa naata namu kaningo la i borita a kooma. 270 Nyoomi bee taata beng Meeme salo to, I ko fo i si taa a kooma kelo to, kelo kana ke a nyaala. Nyoominkolu bee naata, biring i bee benta, Kelefa Saane bota Banjunu jang a ye namo kaning, A taata a futata Jeere kungo to, 275 A ning musu keeba benta, Ako a ye, 'lte le mu Kelefa ti bang?', a ko a ye, 'Haa'. Ako a ye, 'Taba te i bulu yen so?', a ko a ye, 'Hani, taba te m bulu'. Ako a ye, 'Adung ning yen so taba la, Kuma le be n daa m be wo le fo la i ye'. 280 Kelefa naata taba bondi a ye a dii musu keeba la, Ako a ye, 'Nte fele, M bota nang Nyoomi le saing. Nyoominkolu bee benta, I be taa kelo la 285 Jookaadu. Bari i si i bori ko'. Kelefa Saane ning boro, Aning taamo, A naata, 290 A futata mansa Demba A la nyaano muso ma. A ye kodo sika, A ye a dii a la, a ko a ye, 'I si nying kodo muta', A ko a ye ko, 'Nte be taa le ko, m be taa kele dula'. 295 Ako a ye, 'M mang a long fo m be naa la bang fo m be faa lajee', a ko a ye, 'M mang wo long'. 96 This island is called Sandemunku Island by the Mandinka; 255 The Europeans call it James Island. It is so called Because when San arrived there, A sailor with whom he had come from Portugal fell ill; The sailor did not recover from his illness and he died, 260 And was buried on that island. The sailor's name was James. That was how the island got its name. It has in fact two names; The Mandinka call it Sandemunku Island, 265 And the Europeans call it James Island. James died and was buried there, and that is how the name James came to be attached to it. When they were ready, The men of Niumi set off. When Kelefa had gone to collect tax, they hurried off while he was away. The whole of Niumi assembled at the Memmeh bridge, 270 And they declared that they would go to war while he was absent, and that war should not be waged when he was present. The whole of Niumi came, and when they had all assembled, Kelefa Saane left Banjul, where he had collected tax, And arrived at Barra Point, Where he encountered an old woman, 275 Who asked him, 'Are you Kelefa?', to which he replied, 'Yes'. She said, 'Haven't you any tobacco to give me?', and he said, 'No, I haven't any tobacco'. She said, 'Well, if you give me some tobacco, I have something to tell you'. Kelefa produced some tobacco and gave it to the old woman. 280 She said, 'I Have just come from Niumi. The people of Niumi have all assembled And they are going to wage war On J okadu. 285 You must hurry'. Kelefa Saane hurried, He pressed forward And came To king Demba's 290 Senior wife. He took the money And thrust it into her hands with the words, 'You must take this money. I'm off, I'm off to war. I don't know whether I will return or whether I will die there; that I 295 don't know.' 97 Kelefa ye a la moolu kumandi, Ako a la moolu ye, 'Ali wuli nga taa!' Kelefa ye dolo taa a ye a ming. Mm yee ee, sii ye m batu. 300 Ee, ye a mina le, ye a faga. Yammadu kelela, kele diata i la. Kelefa Saane, Biring a taata a ye a tara Nyoominkolu bee be bending Meeme salo to. A ye a tara i be nyo saba la; 305 Doolu be kuma la ko, 'Alinga taa Daasilame'. Kelefa ko i ye, 'Wolu mu moorolu le ti; alinga kana taa wo to'. Doolu kumata ko, 'Alinga taa Tambana'. Kelefa ko, 'Wolu mu nyamaalolu le ti'. Doolu kumata ko, 310 'Alinga taa Baali'. Kelefa ko i ye, 'Baa duumo kono le mu jee ti; ning kelo tiny a ta moo te Nyoomi soto noo la'. Doolu kumata ko, 'Silang dung ntolu ko m be ke la nyaadi le?' Kelefa ko i ye ko, 315 'Keio si nyinya daameng, i ka a fo daameng ye Baaringya Koto. Alinga taa wo to.' Ning i be naa futa la Kuntaya, Wulumbango meng be jee, Kelefa Saane ning Nyoominkolu le tambita jee la; wo le ye jee ke wulumbango ti. 320 I taata Madina Jiikoi, I taata tee Fatakoo fenyo to. Hani saing suolu teeta daameng to, hero jaata suu sinnolu meng fee, Ning i taata jee ning baa jaata i si wolu je. I naata tee i naata Baaringya Koto. 325 Saane Balaamang ye i laa Baaringya, Bobo Tuma ning Bobo Sankung. Tambana nganaa kumburung hula nyoo dolo la tunga kelela. Dingo bee te a faa kee taa la muumeke; m mang a soto la jali te i dia, kutung kanto lajali te i dia muumeke. Nga nying fo nganaa jumaa ning nganaa kumalu la? Fulang nganaa ning faading nganaalu. Bari Mandinka ning i la fisiriwaleya, ning ye a nyimma ke, i be a 98 Kelefa summoned his men And said to them, 'Let's go!' Kelefa took some wine and drank it. Mm yee ee, sit down and wait for me. Ah, you seized him and you slew him. 300 Yammadu the warrior, you are successful in war. When Kelefa Saane Arrived, he found all the Niumi forces assembled at the Memmeh bridge. They were arguing with each other; Some were saying, 305 'Let's go to Dasilami', but Kelefa said to them, 'The people there are Muslims, so don't let's go there'. Some said, 'Let's go to Tambana', but Kelefa said, 'The people there are caste members'. Some said, 'Let's go to Bali'. 310 But Kelefa said to them, 'That area is up river; if our attack fails, it will not be possible to get back to Niumi'. Some said, 'Then what are we to do?' Kelefa told them, 'The best place for us to wage war is a place called Baria Koto. 315 Let's go there'. As you approach Kuntair, The small valley which you see Marks the line of march ofKelefa Saane and the forces ofNiumi; it is their passage which produced that valley. They went to Madina Jiikoi, 320 Then they crossed the upper reaches of the creek at Fatakoo. At the spot where the horses crossed, their hooves, which made the rock dry, Have left prints which are visible to this day at low tide. They crossed over and came to Baria Koto. Saane Balaamang lies at Baria, Bobo Tuma and Bobo Sankung. 325 Great man ofTambana, a bee in sorghum wine, warrior in a foreign land. Not every child inherits his father's estate; I-Haven't-Got-It's griot is unfortunate, a mean man's griot is unfortunate. For what great men have I sung this? For great men, both friendly and hostile. But a Mandinka with his fickleness, if you do him a good turn, that 99 nyimma le fo la; ning ye a jauma ke, i be a jauma ke, i be a jauma le fo la. 330 Ning ye a je a ko i kana taa Tam·:,ana, Nyamaalolu le mu bari kandajamaa be Tambana de, Kaatu wo tumo Mang Bandi be Tambana, Keni be Tambana, Keni Kumba be Tambana, 335 Ngaali be Tambana, Kali Meta Suuko be Tambana, Jeenung Meta Suuko be Tambana, Harn a Demba be Tambana, Seeku Nufung be Tambana, jaliya fanaa be Tambana, Mootang Maane, 340 Jata Banna Karte Was, Nyinu bee mu kanda le ti. Wo le ye a tinna Kelefa Saane ko i kana taa Tambana. I naata naa taa, 345 Nyoominkolu taata, I futata Baaringya Koto. Bari janning Nyoomi ka futa Baaringya Koto, Wo tuma mansa Demba ye jala walaa taa, Mooro ye jala walaa meng safe, 350 A ye a dii kiila la, kiila taata loo baa kunto, Meeme baa kunto, A ye jala walaa taa a ye a hula baa kono. Biring a ye a hula jee, maakango kumata, Maakango kumata. 35 5 Ha!, Jookaadunkolu kumata, 'Ye a je Nyoominkolu ka naa ning baa le la ko!' Menu folo kidita i bulata kulungolu la i taata wo maakang bendungo la, kulungolu kupita wolu fee le, wolu tuta jee le, wolu mang naa, Wolu mang maabe kelo dula. Jookaadunkolu fanaa naata naa taa, I loota sansang kungo la, Hamadada Seeka Ndemba aning Jookaadu bee 360 Aning Baalinkolu i loota sansang kungo la. Kelefa Saane Aning mansa Demba I be looring nyaato i be tembering, I ning Nyoominkolu, i bee be i kooma. 365 I naata kelo kumasi jee, Teneng lungo. 100 will be noised abroad; if you do him a bad turn, that too will be noised abroad. Kelefa said that they should not go to Tambana 330 Because the people there were caste members, but there were many men of high distinction there, For at that time Mang Bandi was in Tambana, Keni was in Tambana, Keni Kumba was in Tambana, Ngaali was in Tambana, 335 Kali Meta Suuko was in Tambana, Jeenung Meta Suuko was in Tambana, Hama Demba was in Tambana, Seeku Nufung was in Tambana, there were griots too in Tambana. Mootang Maane, Jata Banna Karte Was, 340 All of these were men of high distinction. That was why Kelefa Saane said that they should not go to Tambana. They advanced, The Niumi forces advanced, 345 They reached Baria Koto. But before the Niumi forces reached Baria Koto, King Demba took the mahogany writing-board Upon which the marabout had written And he gave it to a messenger, who went and stood on the bank 350 Of the creek at Memmeh; He took the mahogany writing-board and threw it into the creek. When he threw it in, a great sound filled the air, A great noise was heard. The Jokadu men shouted, 'The men ofNiumi are coming by river!' 355 Those who were first off the mark flung themselves into canoes and set off in the direction of the noise, but the canoes capsized with their occupants and they were drowned; they never arrived, And they were not present on the field of battle. The Jokadu men went And manned the fence; Hamadada Seeka Ndemba and all the Jokadu forces Along with the men from Bali manned the fence. 360 Kelefa Saane And King Demba Stood in front, side by side, With all the Niumi forces behind them. They launched their attack 365 On a Monday. 101 Kelefa Saane, Ning a ye kido fai Fo moo saba, fo moo naani, fo moo tang, 370 A la fai kilingo, A ka wo le landi nyo la. Ham~dada Seeka Ndemba, Ning a ye kido fai Fo moo lulu, fo moo wooro, 375 Aka wo le landi nyo la. Bari ning ye kido fai ye Kelefa Saane bung a la, Keso buka Kelefa dung, A ka a sika le a ye a juube a ye a bula a la kufo kono. Ye kelo ke, 380 Tenenglungo Fo Talaato, Tili sabanjango lungo Jinna muso naata Hamadada Seeka Ndemba yaa a ko a ye, 'Hamadada!', a ko, 'Namu', Ako a ye, 'Nying Jola meng ye aje teng', a ko a ye, 'Namu', a ko a ye, 'Neelungo te nying faa la de'. 385 Biring i naata tumala meng na, Tili sabanjango lungo, Keio be keering, Tili naaninjango lungo Keio be keering, 390 Jinna muso naata fo, 'Nying Jola-ng dung ali ye a je nee dingo te nying faa la', a ko, 'Bari nying Jola nying, Janning tili wooro lungo be sii la lung meng na', A ko i ye, 'Nying Joi a', a ko a ye, 'Mm', a ko i ye, 'Ali si sante duntungo faa bang Teneng lungo, Ali ye a salingo taa bang, Ali ye a mindi kuno la. 395 Ning ali ye a mindi kuno la, Ali si naa wo ke kido kono. Ali si bakito meng ye a long ko bulu te a la, Ali si a selendi sang-buntungo kang santo. Ning ali ye a selendi sang-buntungo kang santo, 400 Janning a be Kelefa Saane bung na Teneng lungo woliha, A si tibong a ye', A ko i ye, 'Bari janning ali be wo bee ke la, Ali si Fula foro joono taa, Ali ye a ke kido kono, ali ye a bung a la.' 405 I naata naa taa Hamadi Falli yaa, Ye Fula foro joono taa, Ye a ke kido kono. 102 When Kelefa Saane Fired his gun, Three men, four men, ten men Were laid low 370 With a single shot. When Hamadada Seeka Ndemba Fired his gun, Five men, six men Were laid low. 375 But when Kelefa Saane was fired upon, The bullets failed to penetrate his body; He picked them up, examined them and dropped them into his bag. They fought On Monday, 380 And on Tuesday, And on the third day The female jinn came to Hamadada Seeka Ndemba and said to him, 'Hamadada!', and he answered, 'Yes', She said, 'This Iola who confronts you', and he said, 'Yes', 'A bullet', she said, 'Won't kill him'. When the two armies had met, 385 On the third day The fighting was still going on, On the fourth day The fighting was still going on, And the female jinn came and said, 'This Iola who confronts you will 390 not be killed by a bullet. But this Iola fellow - Before six days are up, This Iola' - Hamadada said, 'Mm' - 'You must kill a one year old cock on Monday And remove its spur And soak it in poison. When you have soaked it in poison, 395 You must put it in a gun. You must send a deformed leper without fingers Up a tree onto a platform. When you have sent him up onto a platform, Before he shoots Kelefa Saane on Monday morning, 400 He must bend down with his back to him. But before you do all that, You must take a bead of a pure Fula And put it in a gun and shoot him with it.' They went to Hamadi Fall 405 And got a bead of a pure Fula And put it in a gun. 103 Ye Kelefa Saane bung wo la, Wo mang kuu ke Kelefa ma. 410 I naata bo jee, Ako i ye ko, 'Ha!, nying fele a mang kuu noo Kelefa Saane ma - Fula foro joono. Saing ali sante duntungo taa bang.' Teneng lungo suuto 415 Ye sante duntungo salingo taa, Ye a mindi kuno la, Ye bakito selendi sang-buntango kang santo, I ko a ye ko, 'Ning fano keta, 420 I naminang Kelefa bung, I si tibong a ye ko siinya saba, Naaninjango I si naa kido fai.' Kelefa Saane, 425 Teneng lungo woliha, Biring jinna muso Ye nying kumo fo i ye, Ye sante duntung salingo ke kido kono. Bakito naata sele santo, 430 A tibonta Kelefa Saane ye. Kelefa Saane, hiring i tibonta a ye siinya saba, naaninjango i naata sante duntung salingo taa, Ye Kelefa Saane bung a la. Biring ye a bung tumala meng na, Keso ye a maa, 435 Kelefa jimita, A kumata ko, 'Nying keso meng ye m maa, wo te nte tu la'. Ako, 'Mansa Demba!', a ko a ye, 'Namu', Ako a ye, 'Jumanyolu le ye i dewung nying kelo kono? Wolu fo n ye bang, wolu ye ke nte jiati ti laakira, nga wolu bee faa.' Kelefa ye suu karafeo muta. 440 Biring a be bo la Badoora tuma meng a baa ye bina ndingo meng dii a la, Wo bina ndingo boita. Wo bina ndingo taata fo Badoora. Ning ali mang nyina nung, nga wo fo ali ye nne. Biring Kelefa la boo waato Badoora, nga wo ku:no fo ali ye, n ko a baa ye bina ndingo dii a la le, a ko a ning wo bina ndingo si naa kele dula. 104 They shot Kelefa with it, But it made no impression on Kelefa. They moved from there, 410 And the female jinn said to them, 'Ah, look, this bead of a pure Fula has made no impression on Kelefa. Now take the one year old cock.' On Sunday evening They took the spur of the one year old cock 415 And soaked it in poison. They sent a defonned man up a tree onto a platfonn And told him, 'When dawn breaks, Before you shoot Kelefa, 420 You must bend down with your back to him three times, And the fourth time, You fire.' Kelefa Saane - On the Monday morning, 425 When the female jinn Had given them those instructions, They put the spur of the one year old cock in a gun. The deformed man climbed up into a tree, He bent down with his back to Kelefa Saane. 430 When the defonned man had bent down three times with his back to Kelefa Saane, the fourth time he took the spur of the one year old cock And shot Kelefa Saane with it. When Kelefa was shot, The bullet hit him, And he swayed forward 435 And he declared, 'This bullet which has hit me will be the death ofme.' He said, 'King Demba!', and the king said, 'Yes', Kelefa asked him, 'Who are the men who are giving you most trouble in this battle? Tell me who they are, so that they can be my hosts in the next world when I have killed them.' Kelefa clutched the bridle. When he was leaving Badora, his mother had given him a little horn, 440 And that horn now fell to the ground. It went back to Badora. If you remember, I have already told you about that. When Kelefa was leaving Badora, I told you about the horn; I said that his mother gave him a little horn. She said that he was to take that little horn with him to war; 105 Ning a faata, wo le be naa a la sango fo la, bari ning a mang faa, a ning wo bino be muruu la nang ne. 445 Kelefa Saane, A naata naa, A ko a be boi la suo kang, bari a mang naa boi. I naata naa a maakoi. Ning ye a sindi kuuke, Menu ye mansa Demba dewung kelo to, 450 A ye wolu bung A ye i samba laakira, Wolu keta a jiati ti. A naata naa boi suo kang, Ye a sika, 455 I be a landi la daamento, Wo le to keta duuta sungo koto ti. Ako i ye, 'Mung yiri le mu nying ti?' I ko a ye, 'Duuta sungo le mu nying ti'. A ko i ye, 'Nying yiro sumayata baake. 460 Ali kana m baade jang ko Kaatu nying mu duuto le ti, Dindingolu ka selo ning nyine la.' A naata bo wo to, Ye a samba, 465 Ye a landi santang sungo koto. A ko i ye, 'Mung yiri le mu nying ti?' I ko a ye, 'Santango le mu nying ti.' A ko i ye, 'Keeba santang seo ning a mang kunuya bari a buka sea.' A naata bo jee, 470 Ye a samba yiri sungo koto meng keta sinjang sungo ti. Ako i ye, 'Mung yiri le mu nying ti?' I ko a ye, 'Sinjango le mu nying ti.' A ko i ye, 'Ali a sulo sing ali ye a juube bang. A be nyaadi le?' 475 I ko a ye, 'A be kunaring ne.' 'A keso dung?' I ko a ye, 'A be kunaring ne.' Ako i ye ko, 'Ali si m baade jang. Bari ning ali ye m baade jang, 480 Kunnato ning n sinnato la, Tungo le be faling na a bee to. Bari n na kaburo, Nyaamo te faling na jee Janning duniya be bang na lung meng.' 485 Adung hani sooma, Kelefa Saane la kaburo to, 106 If he died, it would return and report his death, but if he did not die, he would return home with the horn. Kelefa Saane 445 Moved forward, And almost fell from his horse, but he did not altogether fall, for several men rushed to his aid. When he had been helped to sit firmly in the saddle, Those men who had been giving king Demba most trouble in the battle Were shot by Kelefa 450 And carried off by him to the next world, Where they became his hosts. He suddenly fell from his horse, And his followers lifted him up And the spot where they were going to lay him down 455 Was under a mango tree. Kelefa asked them, 'What tree is this?'. And they told him, 'This is a mango tree'. He said, 'This tree is very cold. Don't bury me here, 460 Because this is a mango tree And this is what children practise their climbing on'. He left there; They bore him away And laid him under a santang tree. 465 He asked them, 'What tree is this?', And they told him, 'This is a santang tree'. He said, 'If the ash of a santang tree is not bitter, it is still not palatable'. He left there, And they carried him under a sinjang tree. 470 He asked them, 'What tree is this?', And they told him, 'This is a sinjang tree'. He said, 'Dig up its root and examine it. What is it like?' They said, 'It is bitter'. 4 75 'What about its seeds?' They said, 'They are bitter'. He told them, 'You must bury me here. But when you bury me here, At the head of my grave and at the foot, 480 A termite mound will rise up, But upon my grave No grass will grow Till the end of time'. And to this very day, 485 Upon Kelefa Saane's grave 107 Nyaama mang faling jee ko. Keio tinyata. Bitung i naata Kelefa Saane la tambo bondi. 490 A la tambo be Nyoomi Jufure le saing. Ning meng ye a noo i si taa ye taa a la tambo juube. Bari ning ye a je Kelefa la tambo be Jufure saing. Alkaali Nufung meng faata a mama kono to, Kelefa Saane naata tuma meng na aning moolu meng naata, 495 Wo tumo kolengya ka ke baake. Wo be Tubaabu naafulu fiiro la. I taata wo tambo sika, Ye a tolomilajee. Wo tambo be wo tolomila le to, 500 Hani bii a mang bo noo. Alkaali Nufung Taali, a mama kono to, Wo le taa mu. Wo faata, A faa ye a taa. 505 A fanaa faata, Alkaali Nufung ye a taa. Wo fanaa faata, Wo fanaa dingo le be jee saing - Mamadi Taali. 510 Tambo be wo le bulu. Keio, a naata tinya. Kelefa Saane noo to, Moo mang soto meng be sai la jee. Fula kiling, 515 Wo le ko a be sai la Kelefa noo to. Wo Fulo, Hamadada Seeka Ndemba, A ye tambo le taa a kamma, A ning a ka nyo soo tambo la. 520 Hamadada naata a soo tambo la, Fo a ye a tendi baa la, A dunta Faransi kono, A borita a taata. Keio tinyata. 525 Menu baramata, Wolu kuruntuta, I naata Nyoomi. Menu baramata, Wolu kuruntuta, 530 I taata Jookaadu. 108 No grass grows. The war was a disaster. Then Kelefa Saane's spear was removed. His spear is at Niumi Jufureh at the present time. 490 Whoever can do so should go and see his spear. But in any case Kelefa's spear is at Jufureh at the present time. The maternal grandfather of Alkali Nufung who died recently - When Kelefa Saane and his followers arrived, There was great poverty - 495 Was trading in European goods. Some men took the spear And pledged it with him. That spear was pledged And to this day it has never been redeemed. 500 It belonged to Alkali Nufung Taali's maternal grandfather. He died, And the Alkali's father took it over. He in turn died, 505 And Alkali Nufung took it over. He in turn died, And it is his son who is there now - Mamadi Taali. He has the spear. 510 The war was a disaster. There was no one who could take Kelefa Saane's place. One Fula Thought that he could take Kelefa's place. 515 That Fula - Hamadada Seeka Ndemba Took a spear against him, And they wounded each other with their spears. Hamadada wounded him with his spear, 520 And drove him across the river, And he entered Senegal. He fled. The war was a disaster. Wounded men 525 Crawled back To Niumi. Wounded men Crawled back To Jokadu. 530 109 Aa, marolu banta, Keio ye marolu bang ne, Damma kelo ye marolu bang ne. Ah, the nobles are finished, War has finished the nobles, Civil war has finished the nobles. NOTES l-14 These lines constitute the prelude. As is normally the case, the prelude is highly formulaic and is in the song and recitation modes. It consists of two kinds of material: (1) phrases which refer specifically to characters and events in the forthcoming narration, e.g. line 6, and (2) observations on life of a general philosophical nature, which can occur with any subsequent subject matter, e.g. lines 10 and 12. maro: this is not a word which occurs in ordinary GM; it is confined to griots' narrations. It is probably related to GM mara 'to be master of, have authority over', and may well be cognate with mara, etc. listed by Delafosse ( 19 5 5) with the meaning 'maitre, seigneur'. 3 damma usually means 'only, alone'; here it refers to war within one group, namely the families which ruled in both Niumi and Jokadu. 5 According to Bamba Suso, Dala Nyaaleng was the wife of Kelemankoto Baa Saane, first king of Kaabu. She was therefore the ancestress of Kelefa. The identity of Bayamu Nanki is uncertain, but it is likely that she was an ancestress of Kelefa on his mother's side. 6 Jola: this refers to Kelefa Saane. The Saanes and Maanes are two closely linked princely lineages of Kaabu. There are two conflicting traditions relating to the Saanes. One is that Kelemankoto Baa Saane was the first king of Kaabu, and thus presumably ruled there before the arrival ofTiramang, Sunjata's greatest general, who is commonly regarded as the founder of Kaabu. As the names Saane and Maane do not appear to be names which come from Mantling, but are found among the Jola, it seems likely that the Saanes and the Maanes are of Jola origin and were already living in the area of Kaabu before Tiramang's arrival. Another tradition relates that Kelemankoto Baa Saane was the son, or grandson, ofTiramang, but this seems somewhat less likely. Badora: a Mandinka state located between the rivers Geba and Corubal in Guinea-Bissau; it was one of the states of the Kaabu confederacy and was under the authority of the Saane family. King Demba Sonko of Niumi, on the north bank of the River Gambia, appealed for help to the Saanes of Badora. The Sonkos of Niumi were closely associated with the Maanes and Saanes, since the kingship of Niumi was held in rotation by the Sonkos, the Maanes and the Saanes. 112 Pachana is another state in the Kaabu confederation; dang kiling 'a 6 solitary animal, an animal that goes by itself, a rogue animal'; soola 'piercer', i.e. 'killer, slayer'. tilo benta lit. 'the sun met', i.e. the sun was in a particular position in 11 the sky. The position of the sun at the moment of birth is believed to influence the character of the child; nganamunganamungo 'a person who gives himself the airs of a great man, a person who tries to give the impression that he is a great man'. A recurring theme in griots' narrations is that in the old days a patron 13--4 knew how to treat his griots properly and to look after them. These two lines are a plea for a return to the old ways and to the old relationship which existed between a griot and his patron. Niumi and Jokadu (line 25) were two Mandinka territories on the north 22 bank of the River Gambia. Niumi was bounded on the west by the Atlantic Ocean and on the east by Jokadu. Berending is a village some six miles east of Barra. faani: a cloth made up of strips of locally woven cloth sewn together. 61 Cloths were a common medium of exchange along the Gambia valley. Sotokoi is a village on the south bank, just over a hundred miles up 64 river, in Niamina East District of The Gambia. Hamadada therefore must have gone a long way to find a marabout; presumably Mariama Dafe's fame had travelled far. In a polygamous Mandinka household, each wife spends two nights 68 with the husband. Kansala was the capital ofKaabu and was captured and destroyed by 74 the Fula of Futa Jallon during the reign of Janke Waali, the last king ofKaabu. Bali, Memmeh (91), Tambana (93), Dasilami (96), Baria (98) are all 89 villages in Jokadu. The burying of the charms prepared by the marabout was of course to provide a kind of protective ring round the heartland of Jokadu. Today similar protection for buildings against burglars is provided by marabouts. nee walaa 'a metal writing-board'. Writing-boards are of course normally 95 made of wood, but Bamba Suso refers to a brass writing-board, and Mr Sidibe reports that he had seen such an object many years ago. The Mini Minium Creek formed the boundary between Jokadu and 107 Baddibu. Demba Sonko was king of Niumi. 110 The marabout returned from his visit to Jokadu to his home in 113 Sotokoi in Niamina. For an account of how the messenger caused the war between Niumi 119-20 and Jokadu, see lines 170 ff. jala walaa: it is not certain whether this should read jala walaa or jalang 136 walaa. After listening to the tape many times, I think it should be jala, rather than jalang, and this seems to give rather better sense, i.e. 'a mahogany writing-board', rather than 'an oracle writing-board', though 113 it is not at all clear why the griot should make a point of specifying the wood of which the board was made. It is interesting to note that Bamba Suso refers to this particular writing-board as jawale walaa 'a brass writing-board', c.f. Shirif Jebate, line 95: nee walaa 'a metal writing board'. 150 bendung 'to go to meet', i.e. they went to where the noise was. 159 Hamadada had been reared by a female jinn and trained as a hunter by her husband; see lines 40-51. 164 teema foro 'talking between', i.e. 'reconciling'; foro < fo 'say'+ -ri + -0. 190 Banjunu: this is the Mandinka name for St. Mary's Island, the small, low-lying island at the mouth of the River Gambia on which Bathurst was built. The term Banjunu was also applied to Bathurst itself, the name of which was changed in 1973 to Banjul, the Wolof form of Banjunu. 194 The king of Barra in Niumi used to levy tax on ships entering the river. 200 San Domingo is marked on maps immediately to the east of Albreda. ' ... it is just possible that these two missionaries [sent by Prince Henry] built the Portuguese church at Juffure [Jufureh], which was known as San Domingo' (Gray, 1966: 8). 206 mootiya < moo 'person'+ -ti 'agent'+ -ya 'status'; mootangya < moo 'person'+ -tang 'privative suffix'+ -ya 'status', cf. Bamba Suso, lines 214-15; wula 'bush', but here 'abroad, foreign lands'. 207 m mang a soto 'I have not got it'; here the phrase denotes a person who always gives this reply to a request for anything. 214 ff. Shirif Jebate refrains from revealing the name of the messenger whose lies precipitated the war between Niumi and Jokadu because at the present time this revelation would be highly offensive to members of the man's family. Bamba Suso, on the other hand, appears to have no such scruples about naming the man in question as Hajji Darbo. Bamba, however, was addressing a small audience when he made this recording, whereas Shirif Jebate was broadcasting on Radio Gambia. 243 Albadarr (Albreda) is a village on the north bank of the River Gambia, in Upper Niumi District, almost opposite James Island. 244 Jufureh is a village about a mile north-east of Albadarr, and Sika is some three miles east of Jufureh. 252 Shirif Jebate is here proposing an etymology for the name Sandemunku; he derives it from Sang ning Nyunku, where Sang is said to be the forename of a Portuguese trader, ning 'and', nyunku 'thick bush'. 263 The island was indeed named after a Portuguese sailor who died and was buried there, but his name was Andrew, and the island was known as St. Andrew's Island for about two hundred years. In 1456 a Portuguese expedition in three ships sailed up the River Gambia. One of the sailors, called Andrew, died of fever and was buried on a small island, which was named St. Andrew's Island in honour of the dead 114 sailor (Gray, 1966: 6). In 1661 the British captured St. Andrew's Island and renamed it James Island, after the Duke of York, Charles ll's brother (Stories of The Gambia, 54). The bridge over the Memmeh Creek, which formed the boundary 270 between Niumi and Jokadu. A commonplace of griots' narrations, applied to a variety of 300-01 distinguished war leaders, with different names occurring in place of Yammadu. nyamaalolu 'persons belonging to a caste, caste members'. In Mandinka 308 society there are three castes: metalworkers, leatherworkers, griots. fulang 'age-mate, friend'; faading 'half-brother', but connoting hostility. 328 The female jinn who appeared at this point is presumably the one who 383 had taken Kelefa away as a baby and brought him up (lines 40 ff.). neelungo usually denotes a metal bar, about a foot long, which is put 384 beside the fire by a woman following childbirth, but here it denotes a bullet. nee dingo lit. 'metal offspring, metal fruit', i.e. 'bullet'. 390 The spur of a one year old cock was the only thing which could kill 392 Sumanguru, Sunjata's arch enemy. bakito usually denotes a leper who has lost his fingers and toes. 397 tibong 'to bend down with one's back to someone, to present one's 401 rump to someone'. joono 'bead'; it may refer to the amber beads, about an inch long, worn 403 in the hair by Fula women. Faransi 'French territory', i.e. Senegal. 522 REFERENCES Anon. 1967 (3rd ed.). Stories of The Gambia, Government Printer, Bathurst. (This is a revised edition, with Supplement by Florence Mahoney, of the 1950 revised edition of W.T. Hamlyn, History of the Gambia, 1932.) Cissoko, S.M. 1968. 'Propheties de roi mandingue: mansa dali', Notes Africaines, 120 (Oct.), 123-24. Curtin, Philip D. 1975. 'The uses of oral tradition in Senegambia: Maalik Sii and the Foundation of Bundu', Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines, XV, 58, 189-202. Delafosse, Maurice. 19 5 5. La langue mandingue et ses dialec tes (malinke, bambara, dioula), 2e vol., Paris. Dun des, Alan. 1965. The Study of Folklore, Englewood Cliffs, N .J. Gray, J.M. 1940, reprinted by Cass 1966.A History of The Gambia, London. Innes, Gordon (ed. and trans.). 1974. Sunjata: Three Mandinka Versions, SOAS, London. Innes, Gordon (ed. and trans.). 1976. Kaabu and Fuladu: Historical Narratives of the Gambian Mandinka, SOAS, London. King, Anthony. 1972. 'The construction and tuning of the kora', African Language Studies, XIII, 113-36. King, Anthony. 1974. 'Music: the performance modes' and 'Music: the instrumental accompaniments', in Innes, 1974: 17-24. King, Anthony. (Forthcoming). 'Kora', in Grove's Dictionary ofMusic and Musicians, 6th edition. Knight, Roderic. 1971. 'Towards a notation and tablature for the kora', African Music, 5, 1, 23-36. Knight, Roderic. l 972a. 'Kora Mantling: Mandinka music of The Gambia'. Booklet accompanying disc, Ethnodiscs ER 12102, Tucson, Arizona. Knight, Roderic. l 972b. 'Relations between the Mantling and the Fula as expressed in the Mantling song repertoire'. Paper presented at the Mantling Conference, SOAS, London. Knight, Roderic. 1973. 'Mandinka jaliya: professional m·Jsic of The Gambia'. Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Lo, Angeles. 116 Lopy, C. 1956. 'Badora Diola Clefa: Grand Gnatio Cabounca surnomme Gnantios pour sa grande valeur militaire', Education Africaine, (nouv. ser.) 44 (33), 109-12. Macklin, R.W. 1935. 'Queens and kings ofNiumi',Man, XXV, 72, 67-8. Quinn, Charlotte A. 1972. Mandingo Kingdoms of the Senegambia, Northwestern University Press, Evanston. Raglan, Lord. 1936. The Hero: a Study in Tradition, Myth and Drama, London. Rowlands, E.C. 1959, reprinted 1969.A Grammar of Gambian Mandinka, SOAS, London. Sidibe, B.K. 1972. 'The Story ofKaabu: its Extent'. Paper presented at the Mantling Conference, SOAS, London. de Vries, J. 1963. Heroic Song and Heroic Legend, OUP, London. DISCOGRAPHY Alhaji Bai Konte. 'Kora Melodies from the Republic of the Gambia, West Africa', ROUNDER 5001, 1973. Kelefa Baa, side A band 4. Recorded by Marc Pevar. Cf. example 4a. Nyama Suso. 'Mandina Kora: Gambie', OCORA OCR 70, Paris, 1972. Kelefa Saane and Kuruntu Kelefa, side A band 3. Recorded by Roderic Knight. Cf. examples 4 and 5. Nyama Suso. 'African Journey: a Search for the Roots of the Blues', vol. 1, SONET SONET SNTF 666, London, 1974. Kelefa Ba, side A band I. Recorded by Samuel Charters. Cf. examples 4 and 5. Unnamed Bambara kora player. Side 1 band 3 of 'African Music', Folkways FW 8852, New York, 1957. Recorded by Laura Boulton in Bamako in 1939. Cf. example 4a. 118 Other books by Gordon Innes published by the School of Oriental and African Studies AN INTRODUCTION TO GREBO A PRACTICAL INTRODUCTION TO MENDE THE STRUCTURE OF SENTENCES IN MENDE A MENDE-ENGLISH DICTIONARY SUNJATA: THREE MANDINKA VERSIONS KAABU AND FULADU: HISTORICAL NARRATIVES OF THE GAMBIAN MANDINKA