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On the Trail of Unua Relative Clause Marking Elizabeth Pearce Victoria University of Wellington [email protected]

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On the Trail of Unua Relative Clause Marking Elizabeth Pearce Victoria University of Wellington Elizabeth.Pearce@Vuw.Ac.Nz On the trail of Unua relative clause marking Elizabeth Pearce Victoria University of Wellington [email protected] 1. Introduction An unusual feature of the verbal morphology of Unua (Malakula, Vanuatu) is the presence of an affix which is specialized for use in relative clauses. Among Vanuatu languages, the presence of such an affix appears to be unique.1 It is also the case that distinct relative clause marking is extremely rare cross-linguistically. In this paper, I investigate the origins of the Unua relative clause marker. On the basis of the available comparative evidence, I conclude that the Unua relative clause marker is historically derived as the result of a narrowing of the domains of the use of a Tense/ Modality/Aspect (T/M/A) marker, previously not restricted only to use in relative clauses. In general, verbal morphology tends to reference arguments of the clause and to encode a variety of tense, aspect and modality settings. In the finite relative clauses of a language the markings associated with the verb are in most cases non-distinct from the markings which appear with the verb of a main clause. Dixon (2010: 316) states that morphological markings that are found in relative clauses in languages “are likely to have further function(s) in the language”. In most of the rare cases reported in the literature in which a relative clause has morphology special to relative clauses, the distinct morphology has the function of encoding the argument role of the head noun of the relative clause. Keenan (1985: 161) reports that the verb of a relative clause in Swahili takes “a concord marker agreeing with the head noun in addition to other subject and object concord markers”. Genetti (1992) discusses cases in Tibeto-Burman languages of Nepal which have distinct argument encoding morphology on relative clause verbs along with other verbal morphology in relative clauses sourced from nominalizing morphology. Comrie (2003) reports on the presence of relative clause argument encoding morphology in three Austronesian languages, Kambera, Nias, and Tukang Besi, as well as in Turkish, Lhasa Tibetan, Dolakha Newari, Ute, Cuzco Quechua, Macushi, and Apuriña. Yet more rarely, we find cases in which there is special relative clause 1 Lynch and Crowley (2001: 4) reported a total of 106 as the number of Vanuatu languages, of which 81 were still actively spoken. Of the total of 106 languages, there were only 12 languages for which there was in existence an extensive grammar or an extensive dictionary or both a less extensive grammar and dictionary and a further 4 languages with both an extensive modern grammar and dictionary. Since the time of publication of Lynch and Crowley (2001), subsequent work on Vanuatu languages has seen the appearance of descriptive grammars of a further dozen or so previously undescribed Vanuatu languages. It is possible that there may be other not yet documented Vanuatu languages which may be found to have special relative clause morphology. 1 morphology with a tense/aspect marking function. Genetti (1992) discusses special relative clause morphology in Indo-Aryan Nepali (with a cognate in Hindi) combining aspect marking with a genitive formative. Among the languages that Comrie (2003) discusses, the special subject and patient encoding affixes of Lhasa Tibetan also distinguish imperfective and perfective aspect. Beyond the minimal domain of the relative clause, special relative clause morphology may appear in the use of markers which have their origins as complementizer/linker forms. Especially in verb-final languages, for example in Basque (de Rijk 1972), the relative clause subordinating/linker morphology may then appear as a suffix on the verb of the relative clause. Finally, Keenan (1985: 161) points to the existence of cases in Bantu languages in which the relative clause verb has a tone marking distinct from that occurring in main clause declarative verbs. Leaving aside cases in which the verb of the relative clause is non-finite (including nominalized or reduced forms), we thus encounter three kinds of ways in which the verb of a relative clause may be associated with morphological marking distinct from that associated with the verb of a main clause: (1) Functions of special relative clause verbal morphology: a. Argument referencing b. Tense/Modality/Aspect marking c. Subordination As we will see below, the special marking in Unua relative clauses is of the (1b) type. In my analysis of the Unua relative clause marker, I will show that this marker is synchronically special to relative clauses but that the comparative evidence suggests that what is now special relative clause morphology would have had wider uses at an earlier stage in the language. It seems on the evidence that the most likely account of the source of the Unua relative marker is that it survives as a remnant of a (Realis) marker used with a backgrounding function. 2. Unua relative clause morphology The Unua special relative clause morphology occurs as an prefix m- on the verb of the relative clause, as in the following examples:2 2 The Unua data are presented in a phonemically-based orthography in which all voiced stops and the bilabial trill are prenasalized, <bb> = //, <j> = /t/, <v> = //, <x> = //, <ng> = //, <r> = //, <rr> = /r/, and all other orthographic symbols have the corresponding IPA values. Non-standard glosses are as follows: C = Complementizer, CONT = Continuous, NGEN = Ngenitive (form = nen), TR = Transitive, and XGEN = XGenitive (form = xi(se)-). The references accompanying Unua data are coded as described in Pearce (In preparation). (In essence, sources represented as ‘XX.xx’ are from recorded narratives, ‘XX’ followed by a date identify forms elicited with individual speakers, and ‘Luke/John/Mark x:xx’ identify texts of New Testament translations: Bembe 2007/2005/2009.) 2 (2)a. ru-jbar-i nut [nga mokiki m-i-tu ren apen] 3DU-reach-TR place C boy REL-3SG-stand LOC.NGEN below ‘they reached the place that the boy stood below’ [BO.103] b. naxerr [nga rate ra-m-xa mevixso] time C 3PL 3PL-REL-go morning ‘when they went off in the morning’ [CS.63] c. Xina no-mo-sbo jiten [nga m-e-ke-i [tomo-g 1SG 1SG-CONT-discuss thing C REL-1SG-see-TR father-1SG m-i-vase ]] rin REL-3SG-do PL ‘I am talking about the things that I saw my father do.’ [John 8:39] The Unua relative clause is standardly introduced by the complementizer nga. This complementizer has its origins as a demonstrative (Pearce 2011). The form nga is also used as a linker with certain classes of noun modifiers (Pearce in preparation), but it is only sporadically used to introduce non-relative subordinate clauses. The m- marker is regularly produced in the speech of older speakers, but it is subject to loss in the speech of younger speakers. As one of a set of three Tense/Aspect/Modality (T/M/A) markers, m- occurs before the singular subject agreement prefix (as in (2a,c) and after the non-singular subject agreement markers (as in (2b)). The full linear sequencing of the Unua finite verb morphology is as follows: (3)a. T/M/A – SUSG – seb – mo/ber – verb – (OBJ) b. SUNONSG – T/M/A – seb – mo/ber – verb – (OBJ) SU Subject reference OBJ Object reference/Transitivity marker T/M/A Tense/Mood/Aspect b- Irrealis t- Definitive Future Negative m- Relative seb- Negative mo- Continuous ber- Inceptive Except in the case of the 1SG form, no-, the Realis verb has no distinct morphology. The Realis verb paradigm in main clauses and in non-relative subordinate clauses is in contrast with the Irrealis, illustrated in the paradigm for xa ‘go’ in (4): (4) Realis Irrealis ‘go’ ‘go’ SG 1 no-xa b-a-xa 2 u-xa b-u-xa 3 i-xa b-i-xa DU 1 INCL rru-xa rru-b-xa 3 EXCL mor-xa mor-b-xa 2 mur-xa mur-b-xa 3 ru-xa ru-b-xa PL 1 INCL rra-xa rra-b-xa EXCL mam-xa mam-b-xa 2 mum/mim-xa mum/mim-b-xa 3 ra-xa ra-b-xa In relative clauses, however, the use of the Irrealis marker with future reference is in contrast with use of the relative marker m- with non-future time reference. This contrast is illustrated in the examples in (5): (5)a. Naxerr [nga b-u-xa], b-u-sar re nemen? time C IRR-2SG-go IRR-2SG-fly LOC plane ‘When you go, will you go by plane?’ b. Naxerr [nga m-u-xa], u-sar re nemen? time C REL-2SG-go 2SG-fly LOC plane ‘When you went, did you go by plane?’ [KB 16/9/11] In summary, relative clauses are special in that they have special T/M/A morphology with non-future time reference. There is a feature of the phonological form of relative marking in paradigms which is relevant to the analysis of the possible source of this marking. Younger and mid-age speakers of Unua have neutralized outcomes for the contrasting Proto-Oceanic bilabials *C/*Cw > /C/ and older speakers have /pw/, /mbw/ and /w/, but not /mw /. Thus, for instance, for all speakers, the word for ‘snake’ is namat < na + *mwata (PNCV: Clark 2009). However, when m- ‘REL’ is followed by a vowel which in other paradigms would be a front non-low vowel, the vowel is produced as the corresponding central rounded vowel. These central rounded vowels are not found after /m/ in other contexts, or, indeed, anywhere else. The paradigms in (6) show the m- ‘REL’ forms used by older speakers contrasting with the corrresponding forms used by younger speakers with the verb ke-i ‘see-TR’ (which takes an epenthetic vowel after a consonant-final prefix): (6) Younger speakers Older speakers SG 1 m-[e]-ke-i m-[]-ke-i 2 m-[u]-ke-i m-[u]-ke-i 3 m-[i]-ke-i m-[]-ke-i DU 1 INCL rru-m-[e]-ke-i rru-m-[]-ke-i EXCL mor-m-[e]-ke-i mor-m-[]-ke-i 2 mur-m-[e]-ke-i mur-m-[]-ke-i 3 ru-m-[e]-ke-i ru-m-[]-ke-i PL 1 INCL rre-m-[e]-ke-i rre-m-[]-ke-i EXCL mem-m-[e]-ke-i mem-m-[]-ke-i 2 mum-m-[e]-ke-i mum-m-[]-ke-i 4 3 re-m-[e]-ke-i re-m-[]-ke-i The presence of these rounded vowels after the m- ‘REL’ suggests that it is most plausible that the m- prefix should be analyzed as the reflex of an earlier marker including the velarized bilabial nasal *mw, rather than as *m-.
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