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SOUTH KOREA BETWEEN EAGLE and DRAGON Perceptual Ambivalence and Strategic Dilemma
SOUTH KOREA BETWEEN EAGLE AND DRAGON Perceptual Ambivalence and Strategic Dilemma Jae Ho Chung The decade of the 1990s began with the demise of the Soviet empire and the subsequent retreat of Russia from the center stage of Northeast Asia, leaving the United States in a search to adjust its policies in the region. The “rise of China,” escalating cross-strait tension since 1995, North Korea’s nuclear brinkmanship and missile challenges, latent irreden- tism, and the pivotal economic importance of Northeast Asia have all led the United States to re-emphasize its role and involvement in the region.1 This redefinition of the American mission has in turn led to the consolidation of the U.S.-Japan alliance, exemplified by the 1997 Defense Guideline revision, as well as to the establishment of trilateral consultative organizations such as the Trilateral Coordination and Oversight Group (TCOG) among the U.S., Japan, and South Korea. The increasingly proactive posture by the U.S. has, however, generated grave strategic concerns on the part of China and Russia, which have sought to circumscribe America’s hegemonic parameters in Asia both bilaterally and multilaterally (i.e., the formation of the “Shanghai Six” and the Boao Asia Forum, as well as China’s call for an Association of Southeast Asian Nations Jae Ho Chung is Associate Professor of International Relations, Seoul National University, Seoul, Republic of Korea. The author wishes to thank Bruce J. Dickson and Wu Xinbo for their helpful comments on an earlier version. Asian Survey, 41:5, pp. 777–796. ISSN: 0004–4687 Ó 2001 by The Regents of the University of California. -
North Korea: a Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020
North Korea: A Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020 May 5, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46349 North Korea: A Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020 Contents Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 Chronology ...................................................................................................................................... 3 1994 ........................................................................................................................................... 3 1998 ........................................................................................................................................... 3 2003 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2005 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2006 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2007 ........................................................................................................................................... 5 2009 ........................................................................................................................................... 5 2011 .......................................................................................................................................... -
The Sunshine Policy and Its Aftermath
The Sunshine Policy and its Aftermath Youngho Kim (Department of Political Science, Sungshin Women's University) I. Introduction The Kim Dae-jung administration's sunshine policy represents a paradigm shift in South Korea's policy toward North Korea. The traditional paradigm was the containment of North Korea based on the defense alliance between the United States and the Republic of Korea. During his presidency the containment policy was replaced by the proactive engagement policy to induce gradual changes of the North Korean regime through reconciliation and economic cooperation. His presidency experienced the North Korea's naval provocations in 1999 and 2002. The emergence of the Bush administration with reservations on the sunshine policy and suspicion of the Agreed Framework created strains on US-ROK alliance. Yet the sunshine policy was pursued without interruption until the end of his presidency. The dispatch of the special envoy to find a peaceful solution for the North Korea's nuclear standoff in January 2003 represents last-minute efforts to rescue the engagement policy. The next administration cannot be free from the legacies of the sunshine policy. Indeed, President-elect Roh Moo-hyun is expected to carry on the former administration's engagement policy toward North Korea.1 Critical assessments of the theoretical backgrounds and the achievements of the sunshine policy will help the Roh Moo-hyun administration to devise and implement its new policies toward North Korea. The Kim Dae-jung administration also raises theoretical questions in pursuit of the sunshine policy. One of the most important issues is the announcement of the policy to dissolve the Cold War structure on the Korean peninsula the administration considers one of the barriers to improving inter-Korean relations. -
Dmz Full Day Tour
DMZ TOUR DMZ FULL DAY TOUR 08:30 ~ 17:00 (Lunch Included) US$67 Imjingak Pavilion → The Unification Bridge → ID Check → DMZ → Film Presentation → Exhibition Hall → The 3rd Infiltration Tunnel → Dora Observatory → Dorasan Station → Pass by Unification Village → Paju Shopping Outlet DMZ: Korea is the only divided country in the world. After the Korean War (June 25 1950 – July 27 1953), South Korea and North Korea established a border that cut the Korean peninsula roughly in half. Stretching for 2km on either side of this border is the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ). Imjingak pavilion –The Unification Bridge – ID Check –DMZ –Film presentation -& Exhibition-Hall –The 3rdinfiltration tunnel – Dora observatory –Dorasan station –Pass by unification. It is strongly advised the attire should be casual with comfortable walking shoes as you will be walking inside tunnel. The guided tour will be followed with no one left astray as we move through the 3rd infiltration tunnel. (Every Monday – N/A) Paju Premium Outlets, Korea’s second Premium Outlet Center, is a one-hour drive from Seoul featuring 160 designer and name brand outlet stores at savings of 25% to 65% every day in an upscale, outdoor setting. (Some items may be excluded.) In addition to 160 stores, Paju Premium Outlets accommodates a food court with 600 seats and 20 restaurants & cafe to enhance the shopping enjoyment. Concierge service, stroller and wheelchair rentals and tour information are provided at the Information Center. Only 44 km (27 miles) from Seoul, the tunnel was discovered in October -
Surviving Through the Post-Cold War Era: the Evolution of Foreign Policy in North Korea
UC Berkeley Berkeley Undergraduate Journal Title Surviving Through The Post-Cold War Era: The Evolution of Foreign Policy In North Korea Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4nj1x91n Journal Berkeley Undergraduate Journal, 21(2) ISSN 1099-5331 Author Yee, Samuel Publication Date 2008 DOI 10.5070/B3212007665 Peer reviewed|Undergraduate eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Introduction “When the establishment of ‘diplomatic relations’ with south Korea by the Soviet Union is viewed from another angle, no matter what their subjective intentions may be, it, in the final analysis, cannot be construed otherwise than openly joining the United States in its basic strategy aimed at freezing the division of Korea into ‘two Koreas,’ isolating us internationally and guiding us to ‘opening’ and thus overthrowing the socialist system in our country [….] However, our people will march forward, full of confidence in victory, without vacillation in any wind, under the unfurled banner of the Juche1 idea and defend their socialist position as an impregnable fortress.” 2 The Rodong Sinmun article quoted above was published in October 5, 1990, and was written as a response to the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union, a critical ally for the North Korean regime, and South Korea, its archrival. The North Korean government’s main reactions to the changes taking place in the international environment during this time are illustrated clearly in this passage: fear of increased isolation, apprehension of external threats, and resistance to reform. The transformation of the international situation between the years of 1989 and 1992 presented a daunting challenge for the already struggling North Korean government. -
South Korea's Economic Engagement Toward North Korea
South Korea’s Economic Engagement toward North Korea Lee Sangkeun & Moon Chung-in 226 | Joint U.S.-Korea Academic Studies On February 10, 2016, the South Korean government announced the closure of the Gaeseong Industrial Complex, a symbol of its engagement policy and inter-Korean rapprochement. The move was part of its proactive, unilateral sanctions against North Korea’s fourth nuclear test in January and rocket launch in February.1 Pyongyang reciprocated by expelling South Korean personnel working in the industrial complex and declaring it a military control zone.2 Although the May 24, 2010 measure following the sinking of the Cheonan naval vessel significantly restricted inter-Korea exchanges and cooperation, the Seoul government spared the Gaeseong complex. With its closure, however, inter-Korean economic relations came to a complete halt, and no immediate signs of revival of Seoul’s economic engagement with the North can be detected. This chapter aims at understanding the rise and decline of this engagement with North Korea by comparing the progressive decade of Kim Dae-jung (KDJ) and Roh Moo-hyun (RMH) with the conservative era of Lee Myung-bak (LMB) and Park Geun-hye (PGH). It also looks to the future of inter-Korean relations by examining three plausible scenarios of economic engagement. Section one presents a brief overview of the genesis of Seoul’s economic engagement strategy in the early 1990s, section two examines this engagement during the progressive decade (1998-2007), and section three analyzes that of the conservative era (2008-2015). They are followed by a discussion of three possible outlooks on the future of Seoul’s economic engagement with Pyongyang. -
Korea's Economy
2014 Overview and Macroeconomic Issues Lessons from the Economic Development Experience of South Korea Danny Leipziger The Role of Aid in Korea's Development Lee Kye Woo Future Prospects for the Korean Economy Jung Kyu-Chul Building a Creative Economy The Creative Economy of the Park Geun-hye Administration Cha Doo-won The Real Korean Innovation Challenge: Services and Small Businesses KOREA Robert D. Atkinson Spurring the Development of Venture Capital in Korea Randall Jones ’S ECONOMY VOLUME 30 Economic Relations with Europe KOREA’S ECONOMY Korea’s Economic Relations with the EU and the Korea-EU FTA apublicationoftheKoreaEconomicInstituteof America Kang Yoo-duk VOLUME 30 and theKoreaInstituteforInternationalEconomicPolicy 130 years between Korea and Italy: Evaluation and Prospect Oh Tae Hyun 2014: 130 Years of Diplomatic Relations between Korea and Italy Angelo Gioe 130th Anniversary of Korea’s Economic Relations with Russia Jeong Yeo-cheon North Korea The Costs of Korean Unification: Realistic Lessons from the German Case Rudiger Frank President Park Geun-hye’s Unification Vision and Policy Jo Dongho Kor ea Economic Institute of America Korea Economic Institute of America 1800 K Street, NW Suite 1010 Washington, DC 20006 KEI EDITORIAL BOARD KEI Editor: Troy Stangarone Contract Editor: Gimga Group The Korea Economic Institute of America is registered under the Foreign Agents Registration Act as an agent of the Korea Institute for International Economic Policy, a public corporation established by the Government of the Republic of Korea. This material is filed with the Department of Justice, where the required registration statement is available for public inspection. Registration does not indicate U.S. -
Special Economic Zones in the DPRK
Special Economic Zones in the DPRK This issue brief covers the history and recent upsurge of interest in special economic zones (SEZ) in the DPRK. For over twenty years, North Korea has periodically attempted to bolster its economy through the creation of SEZs, starting with the establishment of the Rason Special Economic Zone in the far northeast of the country in 1991. The two Koreas have also established two joint economic zones in the North, the Kaesong Industrial Complex (KIC) and the Mount Kumgang Tourist Region (where operations are now suspended). All of North Korea’s SEZs established to date have been enclaves, attracting investment and foreign currency but not spurring greater economic growth in the rest of the country through the establishment of linkages or through a “demonstration effect” leading to more effective economic policies elsewhere. North Korea’s interest in developing SEZs has been sporadic, but several recent developments indicate that SEZs are becoming an increasingly important part of the country’s economic planning. Beginning in 2010, the DPRK renewed attempts to encourage investment and infrastructure developments in Rason, and more recently announced that new SEZs would be established in each province of the country. 1 This issue brief will cover the history of North Korean SEZs and review recent developments in this field. History of SEZs in North Korea Rason: North Korea’s first SEZ, the Rajin-Sonbong Free Economic and Trade Zone (later contracted to the Rason Economic and Trade Zone), was established in 1991, several years after North Korea first introduced laws allowing foreign investment. -
Korea-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress
Order Code RL33567 Korea-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress Updated July 25, 2008 Larry A. Niksch Specialist in Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Korea-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress Summary The United States has had a military alliance with South Korea and important interests in the Korean peninsula since the Korean War of 1950-53. Many U.S. interests relate to communist North Korea. Since the early 1990s, the issue of North Korea’s development of nuclear weapons has been the dominant U.S. policy concern. Experts in and out of the U.S. government believe that North Korea has produced at least six atomic bombs, and North Korea tested a nuclear device in October 2006. In 2007, a six party negotiation (between the United States, North Korea, China, South Korea, Japan, and Russia) produced agreements encompassing two North Korean and two U.S. obligations: disablement of North Korea’s Yongbyon nuclear installations, a North Korean declaration of nuclear programs, U.S. removal of North Korea from the U.S. list of state sponsors of terrorism, and U.S. removal of North Korea from the sanctions provisions of the U.S. Trading with the Enemy Act. In June and July 2008, North Korea and the Bush Administration announced measures to implement fully the agreements by October 31, 2008. The Bush Administration has subordinated to the nuclear other North Korean activities that affect U.S. interests. North Korean exports of counterfeit U.S. currency and U.S. products produce upwards of $1 billion annually for the North Korean regime. -
Whose War Is the Korean War? AUTHOR INFORMATION Author
WHDE Lesson Plan Whose war is the Korean War? AUTHOR INFORMATION Author: Matthew Britton State: Florida GENERAL INFORMATION Lesson Grade Span: Secondary (9-12) Targeted Grade Level/Course: 9th -12th Estimated Time to Complete Lesson: 135 – 180 min FOCUSED QUESTION Why is the Korean War still happening? STANDARDS (STATE/C3) SS.912.W.9.2 Describe the causes and effects of post-World War II economic and demographic changes. SS.912.W.8.3 Summarize key developments in post-war China. SS.912.W.8.4 Summarize the causes and effects of the arms race and proxy wars in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East. SS.912.W.9.4 Describe the causes and effects of twentieth century nationalist conflicts. STUDENT & TARGET OUTCOMES SWBAT: Understand the difference between Communism and Capitalism and how these ideas impacted countries throughout the world. Describe the reasoning for involvement from so-called “first world” nations in affairs outside their borders. Understand the reasoning behind anti-imperialist nations, when creating governments in opposition to imperialist governments. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED WHDE WHDE Lesson Plan LESSON OVERVIEW The main focus of this lesson is to illustrate why each party (South Korea, North Korea, US and China) are engaged in what has become a perpetual war of the Koreas. The lesson attempts to show that each nation has really no reason to end a “war” that for the most part is “bluster.” PROCEDURES Step by Step Instructions for Educators: Plan of Instruction: Note: Student should be familiar with the Korean War, Imperialism and WWII from the Japanese Imperialist perspective. -
Korea: U.S.-Korean Relations Issues for Congress
Order Code IB98045 CRS Issue Brief for Congress Received through the CRS Web Korea: U.S.-Korean Relations — Issues for Congress Updated June 16, 2005 Larry A. Niksch Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress CONTENTS SUMMARY MOST RECENT DEVELOPMENTS BACKGROUND AND ANALYSIS U.S. Interests in South Korea Recent Issues Relations with North Korea Nuclear Weapons and the Six-Party Talks North Korea’s Missile Program Weapons of Mass Destruction North Korea’s Inclusion on the U.S. Terrorism List Food Aid North Korean Refugees in China and Human Rights South Korea’s Sunshine Policy and the Hyundai Payments to North Korea Anti-Americanism and Plans to Change the U.S. Military Presence FOR ADDITIONAL READING IB98045 06-16-05 Korea: U.S.-Korean Relations — Issues for Congress SUMMARY North Korea’s decision in December military interdiction against North Korea. 2002 to restart nuclear installations at Yongb- China organized six-party talks among the yon that were shut down under the U.S.-North United States, China, Japan, North Korea, Korean Agreed Framework of 1994 and its South Korea, and Russia in mid-2003, but the announced withdrawal from the Nuclear Non- talks have made little progress. U.S. attempts Proliferation Treaty create an acute foreign to isolate North Korea in the talks have been policy problem for the United States. Restart- countered by North Korea’s strategy of threats ing the Yongbyon facilities opens up a possi- to leave the talks, the issuance of settlement ble North Korean intent to stage a “nuclear proposals, accusations that the United States breakout” of its nuclear program and openly plans an “Iraq-like” attack on North Korea, produce nuclear weapons. -
A (Potentially Sickening) Game of Chicken
North Korea-South Korea Relations: A (Potentially Sickening) Game of Chicken Scott Snyder, Senior Associate Pacific Forum CSIS/The Asia Foundation The inter-Korean relationship – like every other relationship with North Korea following the DPRK’s Feb. 10 announcement to indefinitely suspend participation in the Six-Party Talks – remains on hold this quarter. Although there is no chance to speak with North Korea officially in either a multilateral or bilateral setting, there are lots of opportunities in South Korea to talk about how to fashion more opportunities to pursue one-sided reconciliation with the North. There is also lots of self-criticism about how South Korea can be a better partner to its brothers in Pyongyang, despite ample evidence that brothers in Pyongyang are unwilling to provide support or even to take simple actions that might lead to more South Korean largesse. This quarter, Pyongyang’s begrudging attitude toward South Korean assistance was evident in its reaction to South Korean offers of help during the Avian flu emergency in North Korea, its refusal to accept some types of assistance in the Kaesong Industrial Zone, and its demand that South Korea expand its annual donation of fertilizer to the DPRK from 200,000 tons to 500,000 tons. Who’s Chicken? Since the inter-Korean summit, South Korea has been North Korea’s “911.” In an emergency, Seoul is always the first responder. The problem, as demonstrated in April 2004 following the Ryongchon explosion, is that North Korea still turns to Seoul only as a last resort after taking help from the international community and anyone else who will respond.