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INAGAKI, Kazuya, 2020. 'Word Stress in Pontianak Malay'. in Thomas J. CONNERS and Atsuko UTSUMI, Eds. Aspects of Regional Va

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INAGAKI, Kazuya, 2020. 'Word Stress in Pontianak Malay'. in Thomas J. CONNERS and Atsuko UTSUMI, Eds. Aspects of Regional Va Word stress in Pontianak Malay Kazuya INAGAKI Nanzan University The aim of this paper is to describe word stress in Pontianak Malay from an impressionistic viewpoint, with supportive evidence from both acoustic analysis and (morpho-) phonological data. No research has been done on word stress in Pontianak Malay to date. I argue that this language has fixed (non-distinctive) ultimate word stress which only bears delimitative function. The main prosodic features for determining word stress in Pontianak Malay are length and clearness of vowels. This paper looks into the realization of these prosodic features through examining target words and presents supportive evidence for a descriptive generalization of word stress in Pontianak Malay. 1. Overview1 Pontianak Malay (hereafter PoM) is a vernacular variety of Malay spoken in and around the city of Pontianak, West Kalimantan province, Indonesia. Ethnoloɠue estimates the total number of speakers for three Malay varieties, i.e., Pontianak/Sambas/Ketapang Malay spoken in West Kalimantan as 940,000 (Simons & Fennig 2018: 186). Southeast Asia began an age of trading and religious activity around the 15th century. From the 18th century, Arab migrants, including Hadhrami Arabs from Yemen, began to reside increasingly in West Kalimantan. Additionally, Pontianak became a main trade center of West Kalimantan in the 18th century, attracting Buginese and southern Chinese people to come and work there, primarily in plantation and gold mining. In addition to immigrants from Java and South Sulawesi, Madurese also came to the Pontianak region under the transmigration program in the late 20th century. Currently Pontianak is composed of different ethnic groups, including Arabic, Chinese, Javanese, Buginese, Madurese, as well as the native ethnic groups of Malay and Dayak. In such a multilingual situation, PoM is usually used as the common language mainly among Malay people. Apart from the general descriptions on “Malay” such as Howison (1801), Marsden (1812), or Fokker (1895), there are only a limited number of previous studies focusing specifically on PoM. All of the following accounts were published in Indonesian: Kamal et al. (1986) provides a grammatical sketch of PoM, Kalbarpost (2001) a wordlist, Astar (2002) a documentation work of word geography, Martina, Novianti & Damayanti (2005) and Kurniati (2011) sociolinguistic analyses, and Abror (2009) a study on quatrain of PoM. No research has been done to date on the stress or accent of PoM. In fact, there is no phonological study of PoM. Thus, this study aims to provide a description of word stress and a phonological sketch of PoM on the basis of primary data recorded in 1 I am very grateful to Sander Adelaar, Szymon Grzelak, editors of this volume, and two anonymous reviewers for their valuable suggestions and comments on a previous draft. All remaining errors and shortcomings are mine. This paper is supported in part by ILCAA joint research project “A Research on Varieties of Malayic Languages”, and JSPS KAKENHI Grant Number 15K16746. INAGAKI, Kazuya, 2020. ‘Word stress in Pontianak Malay’. In Thomas J. CONNERS and Atsuko UTSUMI, eds. Aspects of regional varieties of Malay. NUSA 68: 121-137. Permanent URL: http://repository.tufs.ac.jp/handle/10108/94896 https://doi.org/10.15026/94896 122 NUSA 68, 2020 Pontianak by the present author in September 2018. Language consultants who also kindly contributed to the recording were two young male native speakers of PoM. In the following section, some phonological features including word stress and intonation of PoM are described. Section 3 introduces the methodology and data on which this study relies. Section 4 provides the result of acoustic analysis and discusses how length contributes to the perception and production of word stress in PoM. Section 5 describes and discusses the interaction between the morphology and word stress in PoM. Finally, section 6 is a conclusion. 2. Description 2.1 Phonological features of PoM Pontianak Malay has six vowels /i e ə a o u/ and nineteen primary consonants /p t ʨ k ʔ b d ʥ g m n ȵ ŋ s h ɣ l w y/ with 6 loan consonants /f ɕ x v z r/ which can appear in loanwords from Arabic and Indonesian. Similarly to Riau-Johor Malay, PoM is considered to be a “schwa-variety” language (Asmah 1977: 2‒3, 22, 30) which shows phonetic schwa [ə] as an allophone of /a/ in a word-final open syllable. Examples in (1) illustrate some words containing a base-final schwa. Based on Blust & Trussel (2010‒) and Jones (2007), proto-forms or original forms are provided in parentheses hereafter if there are any. (1) a. adə ‘exist’ (PMP. *wada) b. samə ‘equal’ (PWMP. *sama) c. ŋ-adə-kan ‘bring about’ d. ȵamə-kan ‘make equal’ e. kə-ada-ʔan ‘situation’ The words in (1a) and (1b) indicate that a schwa replaced the word-final *a which occurred in proto-forms. However, suffixed2 forms in (1c) and (1d) have the same bases which apparently resulted from the application of the rule ‘/a/ → ə / ___#’. These data suggest that the synchronic allophonic rule in PoM may have gained a new status as a diachronic rule ‘*a > ə / ___#’ which causes a phonemic change. However, we need to consider examples like (1e) and clarify why the base-final /ə/ does not occur in the case of the kə-ʔan circumfixation (and -ʔan suffixation such as ʨoba-ʔan ‘test’ from ʨobə ‘try’). This paper leaves this problem open. Furthermore, as in Riau-Johor Malay, mid-vowels [e o] usually appear as allophones of /i u/ in word-final closed syllables.3 2 PoM has at least four verbal prefixes N-, (d)i-, b(ə)-, t(ə)-, two valency-increasing suffixes -kan, -i, and five nominal affixes pəN-, -an, kə-an, pəN-an, pəɣ-an. Some verbs which are derived by attaching the nasal prefix N- to the bases are: maʥoh ‘eat’ (N-paʥoh, cf. (d)ipaʥoh ‘be eaten’); ȵuɣahkan ‘pour’ (N- ʨuɣah-kan); ȵantay ‘relax’ (N-santay); ŋəsat ‘wipe dry’ (N-kəsat) [nasal substitution occurs when the first consonant of the base is a voiceless obstruent]; mbuka ‘open’ (N-buka); ȵʥait ‘sew’ (N-ʥait, cf. (d)iʥait ‘get stitches’); ŋgaɣoʔ (Kamal et al. 1986) ‘scratch’ (N-gaɣoʔ) [homo-organic nasal added when the first consonant of the base is a voiced obstruent]; ŋlabə (Kamal et al. 1986) ‘show off’ (N-labə, Kalbarpost 2001); ŋaʥaʔ ‘invite’ (N-aʥaʔ) [velar nasal added when the first segment of the base is a sonorant]. 3 See also Adelaar (1992: 10) for a summary on the distribution of mid-vowels in Standard Malay. INAGAKI: Word stress in Pontianak Malay 123 (2) a. pileh ‘choose’ (PAN. *piliq) b. tumet ‘heel’ (PWMP. *tumid) c. tutop ‘cover’ (PMP. *tutup) d. laot ‘sea’ (PAN. *lahud) Regarding the consonants, PoM does not have a trill /r/ as a primary consonant, but shows a voiced velar fricative /ɣ/ at every position (or a glottal stop /ʔ/ at the word-final position) where /r/ is expected to occur. (3) a. ɣumah ‘house’ (PAN. *Rumaq) b. timoɣ ‘east’ (PAN. *timuR) c. nuɣot ‘follow’ (PWMP. *tuRut) d. təɣbaŋ ‘fly’ Glottal stop /ʔ/ occurs as the coda of base-final syllables instead of expected /r/, /k/, or ∅ (zero). (4) a. aeʔ ‘water’ (PMP. *wahiR) b. butiʔ ‘grain’ (PWMP. *butir) c. ekoʔ ‘tail’ (PAN. *ikuR) d. masoʔ ‘enter’ (PMP. *p<um>asuk) e. kameʔ ‘I/we’ (PAN. *k-ami) f. lamaʔ ‘long time’ (PAN. *lama) g. palaʔ ‘head’ (Skt. kapāla) 2.2 Word stress of PoM This subsection focuses in the first place on four disyllabified phonological words,4 given in (5). This is the smallest set in number among three sets under consideration here, and describing this smallest set is a good starting point for looking into word stress in PoM. (5) a. məntɣi ‘minister’ b. palaʔ ‘head’ c. pɣeksə ‘inspection’ d. slatan ‘south’ The disyllabification process can be demonstrated as follows. (6) Disyllabification a. /mən.tə.ɣi/ → mən.tɣi (-təɣi → -tɣi ) b. /kə.pa.laʔ/ → pa.laʔ (kəpa- (→ kpa-) → pa-) c. /pə.ɣek.sə/ → pɣek.sə (pəɣek- → pɣek- ) d. /sə.la.tan/ → sla.tan (səla- → sla- ) 4 In PoM, affixes are integrated into a phonological word, while clitics are not. For example, the 3rd person pronominal enclitics =ə and =ȵə that correspond in person and number are not integrated into a phonological word. The pronominal uses in the function of possessor, undergoer and actor are: iwak=ə ‘his/her/its fish’, namə=ȵə ‘his/her/its name’, ŋəsat=ə ‘wipe it/them off’, makan=ȵə ‘eat it/them’, dipaʥoh=ə ‘eaten by him/her/it’, dikoʨoʔ=ȵə ‘stirred up by him/her/it’. They are also used as an adverbializing marker (nampak=ə ‘apparently’ (nampak ‘visible’), axiɣ=ȵə ‘finally’ (axiɣ ‘end’)) or a nominalizing marker (ʨantek=ə ‘loveliness’ (Kamal et al. 1986: 73, ʨantek ‘lovely’)). 124 NUSA 68, 2020 As is clear from example (6), the vowel /ə/ in an originally non-final open syllable is the target vowel for the deletion process. In other words, any vowels other than /ə/ are not deleted, and /ə/ in a closed syllable and final /ə/ are never deleted, as exemplified in (6a) and (6c) respectively. Vowels including /ə/ in final syllable are not deleted but retained, possibly because the final syllables are stressed. Conversely, the vowel /ə/ in non-final open syllables is deleted possibly because non-final /ə/ is not stressed. Word stress of these disyllabified words is impressionistically described as in (7) below. The onset cluster /Cɣ-/ is realized as [Cɰ-] ([ɰ] as an allophone of /ɣ/), as illustrated in (7a, c). The word-final rhyme consisting of a vowel and a glottal stop /-Vʔ/ is realized as a creaky vowel [-V̰], as in (7b).
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