UC Merced The Journal of California Anthropology

Title Patterns of Chumash Names

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Journal The Journal of California Anthropology, 4(2)

Author Hudson, Travis

Publication Date 1977-12-01

Peer reviewed

eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Patterns of Chumash Names

TRAVIS HUDSON

Dedicated in memory of Maynard Geiger, provide some insight into their culture? Would O.F.M., Mission Santa Barbara—Priest, there not also be an historical continuum be­ Writer, Historian, and Friend—who was ever tween famiUes then and now in regard to their so much a source of help and encouragement names? By what processes did their names on the Chumash. originate and take on meaning? How did they make a transition from aboriginal to modern HERE is one thing held in common by surnames within a time frame of less than 15 Tall of us in the way of identification—the decades or about seven generations? family surname. Handed down over gener­ Not unhke other researchers interested in ations, perhaps spanning several centuries or the Chumash, I too had taken Chumash more, these identity labels have become so surnames for granted, but then I began to ask commonplace in our everyday lives that we the above questions, searching lists of names often tal:e them for granted, particularly those for patterns and latent meanings, although not our own. Surnames are, however, an only taking a cursory look into the problem. important and often neglected key to the past. The results of this initial study are the subject European surnames are an example. of this paper. My findings are not offered as Dating back into the Middle Ages, they re­ "final," but rather "indicative" in that I have sulted from a growing need to more specifically not attempted a comprehensive analysis. I identify individuals. Such identifications were present them here, however, because of three often based upon place of residence (e.g., Hill, reasons I consider to be important in Cali­ Lake), occupation (e.g.. Baker, Cooper), or fornia Indian studies: (I) they provide some descriptive attributes of the individual (e.g., indication as to how Chumash personal names LongfeUow, Red). Some names were simply a were derived in aboriginal times; (2) they offer patronymical ending to a Christian nickname important insights into the post-Mission or byname (e.g., the "-son" ending to a nick­ period of acculturation (1830's-1870's), a name on my own English surname). Whatever subject about which we currently know little the names may have once meant, or however (Blackburn 1975:4); and (3) the patterns by they originated, it is obvious that an analysis of which post-Mission Hispanic names were de­ these names provides some insight into rived have applicability for other Mission European culture during the Middle Ages, as Indian peoples in California—something well as reflecting a historical continuum be­ which I hope my feUow researchers will find of tween families then and now. interest. But what about the Chumash Indians of SOURCES ON CHUMASH NAMES southern California? Would not their Indian personal names and modern Hispanic names Most of the names for this prehminary 260 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

study were extracted from the ethnoHnguistic logical sign?) it was born, the astrologer named notes of John P. Harrington (n.d.), or from the baby. He then advised the child's parents pubhshed sources based upon his notes. These on their responsibilities in insuring that the names are by no means all of those which infant developed into a good adult (Hudson et appear within his material. Criteria for se­ al. 1977:18-19). lection were: (1) recordings of multiple names A few examples of Chumash personal for a single individual, such as Indian personal names are provided in Table I, derived from names. Christian names, Hispanic bynames, Harrington's sources on canoes (Hudson, Tim­ surnames or nicknames; (2) some degree of brook, and Rempe n.d., coded C) or tra­ knowledge about the individual in the way of ditional history and ritual (Hudson etal. 1977, occupation, status, speciahzation, and so on; coded E). The list is obviously not a repre­ and (3) additional names which followed the sentative cross-section of Chumash names in patterns in Chumash naming as established general, since it reflects mostly high status under (1) and (2). Harrington's notes are also individuals in the culture—wot 'captains', and important source materials about the Httle members of the eHte 'antap cult and the known post-Mission period, and are of lin­ Brotherhood-of-the-Canoe. Also, the names guistic interest. are mentioned by only one informant— In addition to Harrington's materials, I Fernando Librado. Therefore, the list is biased have also extracted a few names from historic in terms of the community cross-section sources. The early record is composed of some known to him. Nevertheless, from an analysis church-related documents at Missions Santa of the meanings of the names, which Harring­ In6s, Santa Bdrbara, and San Buenaventura, ton attempted to record in conjunction with while the late record (1830's-1870's) is de­ their relative occupations or characteristics, we veloped around various Chumash censuses. are able to make a few general statements These data thus provide insight into the about the nature of Chumash personal names. patterns of Chumash names for three major First, it is evident from the table that periods: aboriginal. Mission, and post- Chumash personal names, at least among the Mission. elite, are rarely, if ever, derived from the place of their residence (Category I). The single ABORIGINAL NAMES possible exception is the name 'Alamshalaliw. Prior to Spanish contact, the Chumash In view of the rarity of this naming pattern, it is used a single personal name and probably a most likely that this particular individual's byname. Harrington's ethnographic data name is a nickname, probably associating him help to fiU up the previous void as to how with the village of 'Alamshalaliw (Richard these names were derived and used. Applegate, personal communication). According to one of Harrington's in­ Second, physical descriptions (Category formants, Fernando Librado Kitsepawit, only II) are also rare as personal names. In view of certain members of the elite 'antap cult were what win be said below for Categories III and qualified to name individuals. These 'antap IV, it is perhaps possible that the names officials were the astrologers, called "small" and "sleepyhead" have mystical associ­ 'alchuklash, and the cult leader. Upon the birth ations. of a chUd, the astrologer was summoned while Third, while Category III names (occu­ all the parents, relatives, and friends were still pational) are only shghtly more common than gathered. After observing the child and Category II, I suspect that a large number of through knowing under which "planet" (astro­ names with mystical associations belong here. PATTERNS OF CHUMASH NAMES 261

Table 1 Categories: I, place of residence; II, descriptive physical; III, descriptive occupational; and IV, descriptive mystical. (See text for source codes.)

PERSONAL NAME AND CATEGORY OCCUPATION TRANSLATION SOURCE

'Alamshalaliw one that traverses a slope C;I71 (canoemaker) (Applegate 1975c:25) 11 Chukauyon' small E:25. {woi. 'antap) 11 Leqte woman C:172. (wot) (female) II Shu'nu sleepyhead E:89. ('antap) II Mateqai carpenter E:26. (wol. 'antap) II Mupi'ish bard E:26. (bard, 'antap) III Piliti baker of wild mescal E:27. (wol, 'antap) III Silkiset handy with a canoe E:27; C:I78. (wol, 'antap) III Talawiyashwit imitator (because he imitates fox in Fox E:28; E:90. {'antap) Dance); one who can quickly disappear and reappear far away IV 'Aliksaniaset that which is final and commences again, like E:25. ('antap) the mist or fog that comes and goes, but stands firm IV 'A liseyu continuation E;25. {'antap; canoeman)

IV 'Alow white cloud E:88; C:I75. {'antap: canoeman) IV Chnawaway discoverer of profound mysteries C:180. (canoemaker)

IV Halashu attraction E:ll, {wot) IV Kamuliyalset a beginning which always will be C:I78. (wol. canoemaker) IV Kipo'mo omnipotent E:13. ('antap astrologer) IV Konoyo always green C:I49. (canoeman) IV Malipuyaul respectable E:26. (wot. 'antap) 262 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

Table 1, Continued

IV Pilu'law red sunset clouds E:89. ('anlap dancer) IV Piyokol humble man C:179. {'antap) IV Qoloq rib E:27; C:18l. i'aniap, canoemaker) IV Saqfele (Heiek) duck hawk (because CI56; C;176. (canoemaker) IV Seqpeweyol superior E:27. (wot, 'anlap) IV Shuluwish full of birds E:27. (wol. 'anlap) IV Sulwasunailsel very respected bear E:I5; E:28. (wot, 'anlap) IV Tilinawit principal E:ll. (WOI) IV Timiyaqaut patched man C:I49. (wol, canoeman)

I cannot be certain, however, and hence their Finally, it is interesting that the common separate listing. Nonetheless, some occu- suffixes found in mission records for Chumash pationally related names seem to be among personal names are also present. The endings those in Category IV, names which are associ­ are -nait, -chet, -wit, -tset, -qaut, and so on. ated with mystical specialists in ritual or These occur only in Categories III and IV, and political roles. Some examples from wot and they are represented by only slightly less than 'antap members will illustrate this point: half the cases. Even so, it suggests the possi­ 'imitator', given to a Fox Dancer because he bility that a large number of Chumash person­ "imitates" the fox; 'attraction'; 'omnipotent'; al names in mission records are of Category III 'respectable'; 'superior'; 'very respected (bear)'; and IV types, though additional hnguistic and 'principal'. analysis is necessary before we can sort out Some Category IV names, because oftheir bynames and nicknames from these records. mystical associations, perhaps had dual Regrettably, we also must wait for future meanings, Talawiyashwit being an example. I studies to determine the meanings of these have already noted its association with the Fox various suffixes (Madison Beeler, personal Dancer, but another meaning behind the name communication). was given by Fernando Librado as relating to In short, the data indicate that each supernatural powers. It may be that these Chumash individual probably had two were powers associated with the Fox Dancer, names—a personal name and a byname or and thus part of the meaning behind the name. nickname, but we can only speculate here as to In short, I believe that about half (13 of 28) which one was given by the astrologer upon the of the names in Categories III and IV are individual's birth. In this connection, we have occupationally related to either full- or part- two sources of evidence which favor the initial time ehte activities. name having been a personal one. Blackburn PATTERNS OF CHUMASH NAMES 263

(1975:18) noted, for example, that in the case or similar roles within the structure of guilds of Fernando Librado Kitsepawit, the personal (e.g., the Brotherhood-of-the-Canoe) were name was shared with his father, paternal probably addressed by their titled positions. grandfather, and great-grandfather. It appears There are some examples known to us. Luhui that the name was somehow inherited within was a title given to the female ruler of all the family Hnes, although we do not know the northern Channel Islands; it means 'native', naming rules that must have applied. In any 'vixen', and 'any woman considered very case, it is doubtful that all four generations of astute'. But the personal name of this woman males were born during the same astrological was Leqte, hsted also in Table 1. sign or lunar month (cf. Blackburn 1975:Myth Another example was the title used by the 13), unless it is the astrological sign of one's leader of the 'antap cult, Kwaiyin. A personal potential occupation that is meant (cf. name for one individual holding this position Hudson, Timbrook, and Rempe n.d.: 153, note was Alshtpish, meaning 'wise man' (Hudson et 331; 155, note 334). al. 1977:15, 17, 111). Other descriptive titles Our second piece of evidence on the like these were paqwot, wot, 'alchuklash, problem comes from the name Saqt'ele (Helek) 'altomolich, and so on, and they must have all 'duck hawk', noted in Table 1. The name was been commonplace. The pattern was probably selected by its user because he had seen such a little different from that used by the bird during a Datura-it^dxxctd vision or dream neighboring Yokuts (Kroeber 1925:499). quest. If we have properly identified this same With aU of these possible ways of desig­ man in the baptismal records at Mission San nating someone, it was certainly not necessary Buenaventura, then his personal name was not to refer to any given individual by his or her Saqt'ele, but yamm/nai/(Hudson, Timbrook, personal name, though there were exceptions and Rempe n.d.: 156,176 note 385). It therefore on some occasions. For aU, the use of a seems reasonable that Saqt'ele is a byname personal name in speech reflected a sort of related to his dream helper. An astrologer is supernatural power with language over the also connected here, since he administers named person—a sorcerer's art, which could Datura (a decoction prepared from the be used in either a negative or positive way. A jimsonweed plant) to the individual and stands highly negative use would come about by by to aid in interpreting his dream (Applegate mentioning a personal name in casual ad­ 1975a:8). dresses; it was considered a form of cursing. A Whether or not mission records support positive use came about with its mention in a Palatino's identification as Yamininait, what is formal, ritual context. Needless to say, the important is that he used a byname associated potential for supernatural powers over an with a dream helper and an astrologer. Some individual by knowing his or her personal of the names in Categories III and IV are thus name was probably a highly motivating force perhaps bynames associated with this transi­ behind the Chumash practice of personal name tional phase in an individual's lifetime toward avoidance (Applegate 1975b: 194-195). Rela­ acquiring supernatural power, and certainly tives, and perhaps close friends or associates, the ehtes Hsted in Table 1 would have had one, substituted a variety of kin terms in place of if not more, dream helpers. personal names (Harrington 1942:31, items Along with receiving a personal name and 1217-1218), while those outside the kinship one or more bynames, there must have been circle doubtless employed titles, bynames, and persons who used nicknames and titles. Men nicknames as forms of address. and women holding important ritual, political. Even after death the practice of avoiding 264 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY the use of the personal name continued. It very faithful in recording new given Christian remained in effect indefinitely until the name names, as well as bynames when they occur, it was formally regiven (Harrington 1942:38, is noteworthy that Chumash personal names items 1480-1483). for married women do not appear in our CHRISTIAN NAMES AND BYNAMES sample. Individuals 3 and 5, for example, are the wives of Individuals 2 and 4, respectively. It is not my purpose to go into Chumash Since we do know that Indian women had Christian names and bynames in the volumi­ personal names, and that they were recorded nous mission records. The potential research for some (all?) unmarried gentile women merits of such an analysis for anthropological coming into the mission system (e.g.. Indi­ studies should be obvious, but equally so are vidual No. 9), there must be some reason for the problems in working with these records. the absence of Chumash personal names in Rather, it is my intention to look into the these records for married women. broad pattern of naming Chumash gentiles Without a comprehensive analysis of and neophytes by the Catholic Church. A few mission records and Church poUcies con­ examples are provided in Table 2, extracted cerning baptism at that time, I can only from records at Missions Santa Inds, Santa speculate here as to the reason. It is reasonable Bdrbara, and San Buenaventura. The source to assume that the husband was the spokesman codes are the same as used for Table I. for his wife, in which case he may only have There are some very interesting patterns used a kin term for her. The "wife of in which can be seen in this very brief sample. mission records may reflect this. It seems First, there is the occurrence of the suffix more logical, however, that the priest was the pattern noted earher for Chumash personal responsible party for failing to record her names, or at least I think they are personal name. Perhaps biased by European traditions forms of address. In view of the avoidance of and use of patriHneal surnames, the priest felt it personal names in Chumash culture, one might was only necessary to record the husband's wonder why a gentile would ever have allowed personal name and note that he was married. his or her name to be known to the priest, Finally, subsequent births of neophytes especially when supernatural powers were in­ into the mission system, which are not Hsted in volved. Perhaps some gentiles were reluctant Table 2, indicate that only their Christian to provide this information to the Church, names and Hispanic bynames were considered substituting instead a byname or nickname important by the Church; Indian personal and title which is not indicated by our brief names are more often than not dropped from sample. But the more logical answer seems to the record. When additional identification is be that the Chumash viewed the act of pro­ necessary, the records refer to relationships viding their personal names for baptismal pur­ with other individuals, such as "brother of," or poses to be Httle different from providing it to "daughter of," and so on. The emphasis is thus one of their own astrologers. Certainly the two clearly on Christian names. ritual officers—priest and astrologer—shared We know, however, that Chumash person­ in employing a formal, ceremonial context in al names continued in use among the neo­ association with the name, as well as exercising phytes, although we do not know the extent of the giving of new names. It therefore seems their use. We also do not know the answer to reasonable to me that the Chumash saw the the interesting question of how these names priests as "imitators" of their own 'alchuklash. were given. Were they given, for example, by Second, while priests seem to have been an 'alchuklash neophyte? One of Harrington's PATTERNS OF CHUMASH NAMES 265

Table 2 EXAMPLES OF CHUMASH PERSONAL NAMES WITH CORRESPONDING CHRISTIAN NAMES AND BYNAMES APPEARING IN MISSION RECORDS Harrington's phonetic spelling in parentheses. (See text for source codes.)

REFERENCE CHUMASH NUMBER PERSONAL NAME CHRIST BYNAME SOURCE

1 Cunait Marcelino (?) E:122. (K'winayit) 2 Lihuinunait Hermenegildo (?) E:122. 3 not recorded Hera (?) E:122. 4 Camuluyatsel Jos6 Crespin C:178 (Kamuliyalset) 5 not recorded CeciUa (?) C:I78 6 Lihuinunait Atenogenes (?) C:I78 7 Cilinajuil Jos6 (?) C:180 (Silinahuwii) 8 Yamininait Palatino Josi C:176 9 Siqualayehue Auxea (?) C:177 10 Gueguichel Manuel Francisco C:177 11 Guaiahichei Mariano (?) C:177 12 Sulumauquiel Aniceto (?) C:I69 13 Siliquonoiset Mariano (?) C:170 informants born at Mission Santa Barbara rangement. about 1830 is an example. Her Christian name Nicknames of Mission times also reflect a was Luisa (with no surname), while her Indian merger of the two cultures, at least in the few name was Nut'u (Blackburn 1975:19). It would known examples I have found. In one case, an therefore seem that a compromise was made Indian canoe captain named Pdnfilo was nick­ between priest and Indian regarding the use of named "Tomolelu," which is a good example names. To promote reductionism—conversion of taking a Chumash word (Tomol 'canoe') to European culture—the priest would record and adding the Spanish suffix -ero, which the and use only recognized Christian names, Chumash pronounced elu. The result was a ignoring "pagan" names among his charges. hybrid term, meaning "one who is associated For the neophytes, they could continue the with or builds a tomoP" (Hudson 1976:9; practice of giving Indian personal names to Hudson, Timbrook, and Rempe n.d.: 177, note those so desiring them, but more importantly, 387). Another iUustration concerns a dancer they found an easy way to continue the a- named Laberiano, whose dancing skirt was voidance of personal name use—by substi­ covered with abalone ornaments the size of tuting the Christian and Hispanic bynames pesos, or doUars. Because of this he was stressed by the Church. Thus, both the Church nicknamed "Pesupesu" (Hudson et al. 1977: and the neophytes were happy with the ar­ 89-90). Note the full integration ofthe Spanish 266 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

loan word (peso) into the process of word weU within the aboriginal pattern of personal formation. names among the Chumash. I shall illustrate HISPANIC SURNAMES both of these points. Following secularization, the neophyte Josd Crespin Kamuliyalset (Individual No. Chumash (as weU as other Cahfornia Mission 4, Table 2) is an example in which an Hispanic Indians) began to feel the need to assume some surname, Sud6n, is not recorded in Church sort of legal identity with civil authorities— records. Fernando Librado told Harrington Mexican and later American officials—for that Jos6 Kamuliyalset received his last name, they were no longer considered wards of the Sud6n, from sudor 'to sweat' because he was Church. They retained their Christian names, always in a sweathouse (Hudson 1976:11; some bynames, and some Indian personal Hudson, Timbrook, and Rempe n.d.: 178). names, but they now began to add surnames. A Jos6 Silinahuwii (Individual No. 7, Table Hst of some of these surnames appears in Table 2) received his surname, Venadero, from the 3, with Iberian names being those adopted word venedero 'a place frequented by deer and from existing and established names with other animals'. Fernando Librado said the origins back into the Middle Ages of Spain, name was used because Jos6 Silinahuwii knew Portugal, and North Africa, while Hispanic the haunts of these creatures (Hudson 1976:12; names were original Chumash creations out of Hudson, Timbrook, and Rempe n.d.: 180). The Cahfornio Spanish.' My coding for sources is pattern for both of these men would suggest the same as for Table 1, with the addition of that after secularization, when adopting sur­ misceUaneous unpubHshed ethnographic notes names became necessary, they borrowed (Harrington n.d., coded M) and published words from CaHfomio Spanish to formulate material from Harrington (Blackburn 1975, Hispanic sounding surnames with descriptive coded B), as well as the Chumash census of emphasis. No doubt the Iberian names availa­ I928-I930 (Heizer 1970, coded Z). From an ble did not serve this purpose. analysis of these names, and their relationship A third example is Rafael Solares (not to the individual being described, a few general Hsted in Table 2), whose Indian personal name statements about the nature of Chumash and Hispanic surname, Solares, are not Hsted names in the post-Mission period (1830's- in the church records for Mission Santa In6s 1870's) can be made. (Hudson et al. 1977:120-121). The name First, it appears that the selection of names Solares is, however, a surname in that it was was totally Chumash—that is, the names em­ used commonly as such by his peers and was ployed within the community of post-Mission apparently handed down to his son, phoneti­ Chumash were chosen by the Chumash them­ cally spelled "Solaris" in the I928-I930 selves. There are two major reasons for this Chumash census (Blackburn 1975:18-19; statement. First, the names they selected are Heizer 1970:25). His Hispanic surname is no not present in the earlier mission records prior doubt derived from solares 'belonging to the to secularization. This condition of "absence" sun'. This fits his association with the is presently known only for three individuals, winter solstice as an 'antap, as well as through a but it Hkely exists for aU others, once they have number of connections with Chumash as- been located in mission records. These three stronomy and winter solstice rock painting individuals are Jos6 Sud6n, Jos6 Venadero, (Hudson and Underhay n.d.). and Rafael Solares. Second, the emphasis Two other cases should be mentioned. placed upon "descriptive" qualities in these Juan de Jesiis Justo, famous Chumash in­ names, as well as others noted in Table 3, fits formant, is one. His surname was derived from PATTERNS OF CHUMASH NAMES 267

Table 3 FOUR CATEGORIES OF ADOPTED CHUMASH BYNAMES AND SURNAMES

Categories: I, Iberian surnames; II, Hispanic descriptive physical; III, Hispanic descriptive occupational; and IV, Hispanic descriptive mystical. (Abbreviation Sp. means "from the Spanish; see text for source codes.)

BYNAME/SURNAME MINIMUM CATEGORY AND OCCUPATION ORIGIN GENERATIONS SOURCE

Alvarez 2 Z:25. (unknown) Barrios 2 C:173; Z:27. (unknown) Carillo/Carrillo 2 Z:27. (unknown) Cota 3 Z:24. (unknown) Garcia 2 Z:23. (unknown) Martinez 2 Z:25. (unknown) Ortega 2 Z:24. (unknown) Pico 2(?) 8:20. (unknown) Pina 3 Z:24. (unknown) Santiago (?) E:65. (unknown) Sanchez 2 Z:24. (unknown) Ygnacio 3 8:19; Z:25. (unknown) II Albino >Sp. albino'skin perfectly E:26. (astrologer) white' II Cansio, Juan >Sp. cansar?' weary, tired' C:I51. (canoemaker?) II Chapo, Teodoro > Sp. chapo 'i>hort , stout E:49. ('antap) man' II Pdnfilo >Sp. panfilo 'slow, C:I77. (canoemaker) sluggish mar ' III Borrego, Manual >Sp. borrego 'sheep' M. (shepherd) III Cantor, Luis >Sp. cantar? 'sing' E:84. ('anlap singer) 268 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

Table 3, Continued

III Narciso >Sp. narciso 'poet's E:31. (bard?) Narcissus' III Pastor >Sp. pastor 'shepherd' E:19; M. (alcalde, shepherd) III Venadero, Josd >Sp. venadero 'place C:I80; M. (canoemaker, hunter) frequented by deer' IV Ambrosio =*Sp. ambrosia'ambrosia' E:27. (wot) IV Arabic >Sp. arabico? 'to be in­ E:90. ('anlap dancer) comprehensible' IV Chapa, Baltazar >Sp. chapa 'a man C:171. (unknown) of judgment' IV Christano >Sp. christano 'christian' E:80. ('antap) IV Faustino >Sp. fausto? 'fortunate, E:91. ('antap) happy' IV Iluminado ^•Sp. iluminado 'en­ E:49. {'antap astrologer) lightened' IV Librado, Fernando >Sp. libraco? 'old book' B:18; C:I4. (various, but book lover) IV Liberado Nicodemus >Sp. hbertad? 'liberated' Z:14. (unknown) IV Justo, Juan >Sp. justo 'just and pious E:91; Z:25. (unknown) man' IV Mileton ^•Sp. milesio? 'applied to E:13. (bard, astrologer) ridiculous tales for pastime' IV Olorico >Sp. Oloroso? 'fragrant' E:91. ('antap) IV Paisano >Sp. paisano 'country­ 0:176. (canoemaker) man' IV Pantaleon >Sp. pantalones 'pants' E:84. (unknown) IV Placido ^•Sp. placido 'placid, easy' C:178. (canoemaker?) IV Pomposa, Maria >Sp. pomposa'pompous, E:91. (wot) magnificent' IV Solano, Francisco >Sp. solano 'eastern wind' E:27. (wol) IV Solares, Rafael >Sp. solares 'belonging to B:18; Z:25. ('antap) the sun' IV Sudon, Jos6 >Sp. sudor 'to sweat; C:178; E:27. (wot, canoemaker) always in a sweathouse' PATTERNS OF CHUMASH NAMES 269

that of his father (Blackburn 1975:20; Heizer nicknames. Fernando Librado once told 1970:25), and most certainly reflects his chiefly Harrington (n.d.) that you could know a man role of wot—justo meaning a 'just and pious for his entire life and not know him by man.' Maria Pomposa is yet another wot with anything else but a nickname or byname. a surname reflecting her position. Pomposa Nevertheless, when we look at the 1928-1930 means 'pompous, magnificent' (Hudson et al. Chumash census, the Iberian surnames stand 1977:91-93). Others can be seen in Table 3, but out. It would seem from this that a very great at this time their identification in specific number of post-Mission Chumash adopted mission records is lacking. Iberian names, rather than coining Hispanic A comment should also be made in the case ones. They may have adopted surnames much of Fernando Librado, since his Hispanic sur­ Hke Black Americans in the South following name is completely different from that of his the War Between the States, taking names father, Josd Antonio Mamerto, although both from people they worked under (ranchers, men shared the same Indian personal name farmers, shopkeepers, etc.), or names from (Blackburn 1975:18). It seems to me that the individuals they respected in the community— surname differences here are probably the members of the "Gente de Raz6n" who were result of both having adopted their names weU estabhshed in the Santa Barbara area while adults. during the Mission period, such as CarriUo, Returning now to Table 3, a second con­ Cota, or Ortega. clusion can be made in regard to the types of A few names on the 1928-1930 census are, names selected by the post-Mission Chumash. however, Hispanic and not Iberian, and this It can be seen that about one-fourth or more brings us to our third conclusion concerning of the names fall within our Category I— how the names were derived. Some of these Iberian sunames, such as Alvarez, CarriUo, have been noted earlier—Sudon, Venadero, Garcia, Martinez, and so on. This percentage is Solares, Justo, and Pomposa—but when we probably quite low compared to what we can compare the pattern used to formulate these guess was occurring at the close of the Mission names we find that it is surprisingly similar to period. Edward OHvos (personal communi­ that used for selecting aboriginal names. In cation), himself a descendant of Rafael Solares other words, we again see that names stressing and who also has an Iberian surname, reported descriptive quaHties, either occupationally re­ to me that most Chumash are "masked by lated or mystical in meaning, are present Chicano surnames" within Santa Barbara (Categories III and IV, both Tables 1 and 2). County today. He cited the Cahfornia State The pattern also shows a lack of emphasis Indian Census, 1975, for the county, in which placed on names derived from geographical only those one-quarter or more Indian blood features or physical descriptions (Categories I are listed. Of the 1218 Indians Hsted, some 600 and II in Table 1, and Category II in Table 3). are Chumash, and of these, Mr. OHvos noted, The obvious question that arises is why this some 75% have "Chicano" surnames. similarity should exist. Were aboriginal Table 3 does reflect this overwhelming personal names translated by the Chumash "Chicano" emphasis, given that we do not into Hispanic meanings, or did they select new know the percentages of Chicano surnames names using aboriginal naming patterns? One attributed to a Hispanic or Iberian origin. solution to this problem would be to compare Moreover, we do not know if all ofthe names accurate translations of Chumash personal listed in Table 3 are surnames; some may be names with Hispanic ones for the same indi­ bynames, and it is possible that a few are vidual. At present such a comparison cannot 270 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

be made, since we have yet to construct a list of Hispanic surnames mattered Httle. Hispanic surname individuals who have Finally, I should like to point out that Indian personal names with known meanings. while Indian personal names were generally Only a single example can be used here—Jose avoided, a few were passed down among the Crespin Sud6n Kamuliyalset, whose Indian post-Mission Chumash as surnames. The name means 'a beginning which always wiU be', Chumash census of 1928-1930 lists two cases of while his Hispanic name is derived from his this (Heizer 1970:24, 27-28). In one the sur­ love for the sweathouse. From this, it would name was recorded as Now-we-nat and ap­ seem that the possibihty exists that the naming pears to be passed down for two (or more?) pattern is not a direct translation of an abo­ generations. Of interest also is the fact that the riginal name into a Hispanic one, although our census recorder, or the informant, provided Hmited data makes such a conclusion pre­ only a single name shared by man and wife. I mature. Certainly the avoidance of personal have previously noted this pattern for married name use would tend to support our limited women during the Mission period. The second evidence, but more importantly, it is nearly case concerns the surname Tamamait, which impossible to equate, on a single word basis, a had been handed down some two or three one-to-one correspondence between the two generations by 1930. I should Hke to add here completely different languages. Hence, I doubt that after a check of a local 1977 telephone that a direct translation is involved. directory, I found the surname to be still in use! The other possibihty pivots on the idea that Mr. OHvos (personal communication) assured the traditions surrounding the selection of me that there are other cases of modern names continued, at least among some Chumash using aboriginal surnames. segment of post-Mission Chumash, perhaps as CONCLUSIONS a mark of their connections to the past as weU as stressing their Indian identities within their From this brief and somewhat tentative own community. There is some support for examination of Chumash names, some con­ this view when we examine the occupations for clusions can be reached in terms of how names those with Hispanic names (see Table 3). Here were derived in aboriginal. Mission, and post- we find that the surviving Chumash ehtes— Mission times, what these patterns may sug­ wot and 'antap—retained a connection with gest in terms of understanding Chumash ac­ their past by continuing the traditions of culturation, and how these patterns might be stressing occupational roles with ritual or applicable to other Mission Indian ethno­ political overtones, or mystical names which graphic and historic data. suggest their involvement with supernatural Aboriginal names were given by members powers. The remaining majority of post- of the ehte 'antap cult, with each individual Mission Chumash were the non-eUtes who having at least two: a personal name given at tended to adopt Iberian names. Among the birth in accordance with astrological criteria, Cahfornio Spanish speakers, and particularly and a byname, probably given at puberty, Indians, such surnames provided a means by associated with a dream helper. Personal which one could retain Indian identity, while at names were avoided in speech; bynames, nick­ the same time being masked from racial preju­ names, and titles were not. The most frequent dices against Indians by having a Chicano form of address among relatives concerned surname. Certainly, for the incoming Ameri­ kinship terms. cans, who spoke little or no Cahfornio Personal names themselves were largely Spanish, the distinctions between Iberian and descriptive of one's occupational role or some PATTERNS OF CHUMASH NAMES 271 related mystical characteristic. Some names into Mission times. Other names were had more than one meaning. The general borrowed from ranchers, farmers, sheepherd- pattern was to avoid names linking individuals ers, shopkeepers, and so on. In the American to geographic features or to their physical period, such surnames enabled these people to characteristics. be masked within the general identity of The Mission period added Christian names Spanish-Mexicans, thus receiving less preju­ and bynames, with the Chumash viewing the dicial treatment directed toward Indians in role of the priest much like that of the astro­ general. loger before him—naming individuals in a Some of the elites of the period, however, ritual context, no doubt associated with an air retained a strong desire to be linked with their of supernatural abiHties. Most incoming neo­ Indian heritage. Rather than choosing to phyte Chumash appear not to have been adopt Iberian surnames, they followed their reluctant to provide the priest with their former naming traditions by coining words to personal names, though perhaps some were. reflect occupational roles or mystical attri­ Married gentile women were treated by the butes of an individual. The names, however, priest in these records as having the same were probably not a direct translation from Indian personal name as their husband's, their former, personal names, but rather new though there may be found some exceptions. names which continued the custom of By and large, however, the European bias of name use avoidance. By recourse to the Cah­ patriHneal surnames to indicate marriage was fornio Spanish spoken among them, they practiced by the friars. selected surnames which Hnked them to their Chumash personal names continued in use Indian past, but similarly masked themselves among some neophytes, no doubt with name within the general community of Spanish- avoidance still being practiced. It suited weU Mexicans. The distinctions were subtle and with the policy of the Church to ignore escaped the attention of foreigners, while "pagan" names to promote reductionism, since among the Spanish-Mexican-Indian com­ the neophytes could substitute their Christian munity, their identities were known and ac­ names and bynames in their place. Nicknames cepted. were also widespread at this time, and hke For modern anthropologists, the meaning aboriginal personal names, they too were and behavior behind these names, linked to descriptive of occupations. Such names were specific individuals, can provide some insight often hybrids created by acculturating into aboriginal. Mission, and post-Mission Chumash mixing their native words or syntax Chumash culture. An individual's name is, and pronunciation with that of Cahfornio indeed, a key to the past, not only as a Spanish. reflection of him and his ancestors, but also of Following secularization of the missions, the culture of which he was a part. Perhaps the surviving Chumash began to adopt sur­ other Cahfornia Mission Indians adopted names while retaining their Christian names, Hispanic surnames similar to the pattern noted some bynames, nicknames, and Indian person­ here for the Chumash. If so, we should learn al names. They thus had many identifying much that is new about their cultures too. names. The non-elites adopted names already established among themselves—Iberian names Santa Barbara Museum whose origins were in the Old World. These of Natural History they selected from respected individuals or families residing near them and dating back 272 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

NOTE Heizer, Robert F. 1970 A Chumash "Census" of 1928-1930. In 1. Later in this paper logical inferences con­ Papers on California Ethnography, pp. cerning the origin of Hispanic surnames among the 23-28. Berkeley: University of California Chumash will be discussed; but it is important at Archaeological Research Facility Contri­ this point to state that a check was made for these butions No. 9. names among the Iberian surnames Usted in Hudson, Travis Northrop's (1976) genealogical study of Spanish- 1976 Chumash Canoes of Mission Santa Mexican famiUes in early California. The results Barbara: the Revolt of 1824. Journal of indicated that the distinction between Hispanic and CaUfornia Anthropology 3(2):5-15. Iberian surnames, as used in this study, was valid. Hudson, Travis, and Ernest Underhay REFERENCES n.d. Crystals in the Sky: An Oddyssey into Chumash Astronomy, Cosmology, and Applegate, Richard Rock Art. Socorro, New Mexico: Ballena 1975 a The Datura Cult Among the Chumash. Press Anthropological Papers (in press). Journal of California Anthropology 2: Hudson, Travis, Janice Timbrook, and 7-17. Melissa Rempe 1975b Chumash Narrative Folklore as Socio- n.d. Tomol: Chumash Watercraft as De­ linguistic Data. Journal of California scribed in the Ethnographic Notes of Anthropology 2:188-197. John P. Harrington. Socorro: BaUena 1975 c An Index of Chumash Placenames. In Press Anthropological Papers (in press). Papers on the Chumash, pp. 19-46. San Hudson, Travis, Thomas Blackburn, Luis Obispo: San Luis Obispo County Rosario Curletti, and Janice Timbrook Archaeological Society Occasional Paper 1977 The Eye of the Flute: Chumash Tra­ No. 9. ditional History and Ritual as Told by Blackburn, Thomas Fernando Librado Kitsepawit to John P. 1975 December's Child: A Book of Chumash Harrington. Santa Barbara: Santa Oral Narratives. Berkeley: University of Barbara Museum of Natural History. California Press. Kroeber, Alfred Harrington, John P. 1925 Handbook of the Indians of California. n.d. Unpublished EthnoHnguistic Notes on Washington: Smithsonian Institution, the Chumash. Manuscript 6017, Box 745 Bureau of American Ethnology BuUetin Bundle 15, and Box 747 Bundle 10. 78. Washington: National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution. Northrop, Marie E. 1942 Culture Element Distributions: XIX, 1976 Spanish-Mexican FamiUes of Early CaU­ Central California Coast. University of fornia, 1769-1850. New Orleans: Poly- California Anthropological Records 7 anthos. (1).