UC Merced The Journal of California Anthropology Title Patterns of Chumash Names Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8zj4708q Journal The Journal of California Anthropology, 4(2) Author Hudson, Travis Publication Date 1977-12-01 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Patterns of Chumash Names TRAVIS HUDSON Dedicated in memory of Maynard Geiger, provide some insight into their culture? Would O.F.M., Mission Santa Barbara—Priest, there not also be an historical continuum be­ Writer, Historian, and Friend—who was ever tween famiUes then and now in regard to their so much a source of help and encouragement names? By what processes did their names on the Chumash. originate and take on meaning? How did they make a transition from aboriginal to modern HERE is one thing held in common by surnames within a time frame of less than 15 Tall of us in the way of identification—the decades or about seven generations? family surname. Handed down over gener­ Not unhke other researchers interested in ations, perhaps spanning several centuries or the Chumash, I too had taken Chumash more, these identity labels have become so surnames for granted, but then I began to ask commonplace in our everyday lives that we the above questions, searching lists of names often tal:e them for granted, particularly those for patterns and latent meanings, although not our own. Surnames are, however, an only taking a cursory look into the problem. important and often neglected key to the past. The results of this initial study are the subject European surnames are an example. of this paper. My findings are not offered as Dating back into the Middle Ages, they re­ "final," but rather "indicative" in that I have sulted from a growing need to more specifically not attempted a comprehensive analysis. I identify individuals. Such identifications were present them here, however, because of three often based upon place of residence (e.g., Hill, reasons I consider to be important in Cali­ Lake), occupation (e.g.. Baker, Cooper), or fornia Indian studies: (I) they provide some descriptive attributes of the individual (e.g., indication as to how Chumash personal names LongfeUow, Red). Some names were simply a were derived in aboriginal times; (2) they offer patronymical ending to a Christian nickname important insights into the post-Mission or byname (e.g., the "-son" ending to a nick­ period of acculturation (1830's-1870's), a name on my own English surname). Whatever subject about which we currently know little the names may have once meant, or however (Blackburn 1975:4); and (3) the patterns by they originated, it is obvious that an analysis of which post-Mission Hispanic names were de­ these names provides some insight into rived have applicability for other Mission European culture during the Middle Ages, as Indian peoples in California—something well as reflecting a historical continuum be­ which I hope my feUow researchers will find of tween families then and now. interest. But what about the Chumash Indians of SOURCES ON CHUMASH NAMES southern California? Would not their Indian personal names and modern Hispanic names Most of the names for this prehminary 260 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY study were extracted from the ethnoHnguistic logical sign?) it was born, the astrologer named notes of John P. Harrington (n.d.), or from the baby. He then advised the child's parents pubhshed sources based upon his notes. These on their responsibilities in insuring that the names are by no means all of those which infant developed into a good adult (Hudson et appear within his material. Criteria for se­ al. 1977:18-19). lection were: (1) recordings of multiple names A few examples of Chumash personal for a single individual, such as Indian personal names are provided in Table I, derived from names. Christian names, Hispanic bynames, Harrington's sources on canoes (Hudson, Tim­ surnames or nicknames; (2) some degree of brook, and Rempe n.d., coded C) or tra­ knowledge about the individual in the way of ditional history and ritual (Hudson etal. 1977, occupation, status, speciahzation, and so on; coded E). The list is obviously not a repre­ and (3) additional names which followed the sentative cross-section of Chumash names in patterns in Chumash naming as established general, since it reflects mostly high status under (1) and (2). Harrington's notes are also individuals in the culture—wot 'captains', and important source materials about the Httle members of the eHte 'antap cult and the known post-Mission period, and are of lin­ Brotherhood-of-the-Canoe. Also, the names guistic interest. are mentioned by only one informant— In addition to Harrington's materials, I Fernando Librado. Therefore, the list is biased have also extracted a few names from historic in terms of the community cross-section sources. The early record is composed of some known to him. Nevertheless, from an analysis church-related documents at Missions Santa of the meanings of the names, which Harring­ In6s, Santa Bdrbara, and San Buenaventura, ton attempted to record in conjunction with while the late record (1830's-1870's) is de­ their relative occupations or characteristics, we veloped around various Chumash censuses. are able to make a few general statements These data thus provide insight into the about the nature of Chumash personal names. patterns of Chumash names for three major First, it is evident from the table that periods: aboriginal. Mission, and post- Chumash personal names, at least among the Mission. elite, are rarely, if ever, derived from the place of their residence (Category I). The single ABORIGINAL NAMES possible exception is the name 'Alamshalaliw. Prior to Spanish contact, the Chumash In view of the rarity of this naming pattern, it is used a single personal name and probably a most likely that this particular individual's byname. Harrington's ethnographic data name is a nickname, probably associating him help to fiU up the previous void as to how with the village of 'Alamshalaliw (Richard these names were derived and used. Applegate, personal communication). According to one of Harrington's in­ Second, physical descriptions (Category formants, Fernando Librado Kitsepawit, only II) are also rare as personal names. In view of certain members of the elite 'antap cult were what win be said below for Categories III and qualified to name individuals. These 'antap IV, it is perhaps possible that the names officials were the astrologers, called "small" and "sleepyhead" have mystical associ­ 'alchuklash, and the cult leader. Upon the birth ations. of a chUd, the astrologer was summoned while Third, while Category III names (occu­ all the parents, relatives, and friends were still pational) are only shghtly more common than gathered. After observing the child and Category II, I suspect that a large number of through knowing under which "planet" (astro­ names with mystical associations belong here. PATTERNS OF CHUMASH NAMES 261 Table 1 Categories: I, place of residence; II, descriptive physical; III, descriptive occupational; and IV, descriptive mystical. (See text for source codes.) PERSONAL NAME AND CATEGORY OCCUPATION TRANSLATION SOURCE 'Alamshalaliw one that traverses a slope C;I71 (canoemaker) (Applegate 1975c:25) 11 Chukauyon' small E:25. {woi. 'antap) 11 Leqte woman C:172. (wot) (female) II Shu'nu sleepyhead E:89. ('antap) II Mateqai carpenter E:26. (wol. 'antap) II Mupi'ish bard E:26. (bard, 'antap) III Piliti baker of wild mescal E:27. (wol, 'antap) III Silkiset handy with a canoe E:27; C:I78. (wol, 'antap) III Talawiyashwit imitator (because he imitates fox in Fox E:28; E:90. {'antap) Dance); one who can quickly disappear and reappear far away IV 'Aliksaniaset that which is final and commences again, like E:25. ('antap) the mist or fog that comes and goes, but stands firm IV 'A liseyu continuation E;25. {'antap; canoeman) IV 'Alow white cloud E:88; C:I75. {'antap: canoeman) IV Chnawaway discoverer of profound mysteries C:180. (canoemaker) IV Halashu attraction E:ll, {wot) IV Kamuliyalset a beginning which always will be C:I78. (wol. canoemaker) IV Kipo'mo omnipotent E:13. ('antap astrologer) IV Konoyo always green C:I49. (canoeman) IV Malipuyaul respectable E:26. (wot. 'antap) 262 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY Table 1, Continued IV Pilu'law red sunset clouds E:89. ('anlap dancer) IV Piyokol humble man C:179. {'antap) IV Qoloq rib E:27; C:18l. i'aniap, canoemaker) IV Saqfele (Heiek) duck hawk (because CI56; C;176. (canoemaker) IV Seqpeweyol superior E:27. (wot, 'anlap) IV Shuluwish full of birds E:27. (wol. 'anlap) IV Sulwasunailsel very respected bear E:I5; E:28. (wot, 'anlap) IV Tilinawit principal E:ll. (WOI) IV Timiyaqaut patched man C:I49. (wol, canoeman) I cannot be certain, however, and hence their Finally, it is interesting that the common separate listing. Nonetheless, some occu- suffixes found in mission records for Chumash pationally related names seem to be among personal names are also present. The endings those in Category IV, names which are associ­ are -nait, -chet, -wit, -tset, -qaut, and so on. ated with mystical specialists in ritual or These occur only in Categories III and IV, and political roles. Some examples from wot and they are represented by only slightly less than 'antap members will illustrate this point: half the cases. Even so, it suggests the possi­ 'imitator', given to a Fox Dancer because he bility that a large number of Chumash person­ "imitates" the fox; 'attraction'; 'omnipotent'; al names in mission records are of Category III 'respectable'; 'superior'; 'very respected (bear)'; and IV types, though additional hnguistic and 'principal'. analysis is necessary before we can sort out Some Category IV names, because oftheir bynames and nicknames from these records.