Transylvanian Review

ransylvanian eview Vol. XXVI T R No. 3 /Revue de Transylvanie Autumn 2017

Contents/Sommaire Romanian Academy Chairman: • Paradigms Academician Ionel-Valentin Vlad Es ist die größte Torheit, mit vielen Worten nichts sagen: Eine inhaltliche, sprachliche und Center for handlungskommunikative Betrachtung über Transylvanian Studies Martin Luthers Sprichwörter und Redensarten 3 Director: Veronica Câmpian Academician Ioan-Aurel Pop La città di Cluj e la Riforma protestante nel XVI secolo 16 Ioan-Aurel Pop The Irenical Impact of David Pareus’ Work on the Hungarian Protestant Churches 38 Olga Lukács Under the Sway of Orthodoxy and the Reformation: Romanian-Saxon Confessional Relations in Transylvania between 1688 and 1848 54 Mircea-Gheorghe Abrudan • Focus Laudatio 72 Ioan-Aurel Pop Speech by His Royal Highness Charles, Prince of Wales 76 • Transsilvanica Dominikus, Bischof von Cenad (1360–1373) und Oradea (1373–1374), und sein Wirken vor der Bischofsweihe 80 Peter Labanc • Tangencies Revisiting Romania’s Regional Approach: Lessons from the Recent Past 94 On the cover: Horaþiu Sorin Dan ªerban Savu, Mircea Teodor Maniu Bertha as Saint Jerome (2017), oil on canvas, 192×157 cm • Communio The Birth of a Group: Two Roma Micro-Groups Transylvanian Review continues the in Bukovina and Transylvania 109 tradition of Revue de Transylvanie, founded by Silviu Dragomir, which Elena Marushiakova was published in Cluj and then in Sibiu Vesselin Popov between 1934 and 1944. The Rusyns in Romania: Transylvanian Review is published quarterly by the Center for Transylvanian A Minority Hidden in a Minority 124 Studies and the Romanian Academy. Marc Stegherr Editorial Board • Philosophy Cesare Alzati, Ph.D. Seduction, Communication and Leadership 137 Facoltà di Scienze della Formazione, Istituto di Storia Moderna e Contemporanea, Sandu Frunzã Università Cattolica, Milan, Italy • Book Reviews Horst Fassel, Ph.D. Institut für donauschwäbische Geschichte Sorin Mitu, De la Burebista la Iohannis: Istorii, und Landeskunde, Tübingen, Germany analize, satire Konrad Gündisch, Ph.D. Bundesinstitut für Kultur und Geschichte (reviewed by Florian Dumitru Soporan) 150 der Deutschen im östlichen Europa, Macarie Drãgoi, ed., Artisan of Christian Unity Oldenburg, Germany between North and East: Nathan Soderblom. Harald Heppner, Ph.D. Institut für Geschichte, Graz, Austria His correspondence with Orthodox personalities Paul E. Michelson, Ph.D. (1896–1931) Huntington University, Indiana, USA (reviewed by Iuliu-Marius Morariu) 154 Alexandru Zub, Ph.D. Academician, honorary director of A. D. Mihnea S. Stoica, Populismul în Europa: Xenopol Institute of History, Iaºi, Romania Dezvoltare istoricã, discurs politic şi susþinãtori Editorial Staff ai dreptei radicale Ioan-Aurel Pop Daniela Mârza (reviewed by Iulia Medveschi) 156 Ioan Bolovan Robert-M. Mihalache Raveca Divricean Alexandru Simon • Contributors 160 Maria Ghitta Florian D. Soporan Rudolf Gräf George State Virgil Leon Translated by Bogdan Aldea—English Liana Lãpãdatu—French Desktop Publishing Edith Fogarasi Cosmina Varga

Publication indexed and abstracted in the Correspondence, manuscripts and books should be sent to: Transylvanian Review, ® Thomson Reuters Social Sciences Citation Index Centrul de Studii Transilvane and in Arts & Humanities Citation Index®, (Center for Transylvanian Studies) and included in ebsco’s and elsevier’s products. 12–14 Mihail Kogãlniceanu St., Cluj-Napoca 400084, Romania. ISSN 1221-1249 All material copyright © 2017 by the Center for Transylvanian Studies and the Romanian Academy. Reproduction or use without written permission is prohibited. Printed in Romania by Color Print 66, 22 Decembrie 1989 St., [email protected] zalãu 450031, Romania Tel. (0040)260-660598 www.centruldestudiitransilvane.ro paradigms

Es ist die größte Torheit, mit vielen Worten nichts sagen Eine inhaltliche, sprachliche und handlungskommunikative Betrachtung über Martin Luthers V e r o n i c a C Âm p i a n Sprichwörter und Redensarten

Einleitung

artin Luther wird oft von der Fachliteratur als zen- M trale Figur der deutschen Sprachentwicklung angesehen und seine Bibelübersetzung hatte als Haupt- folge die Tatsache, dass man von dem Augenblick an von einer Vereinheitli- chung der deutschen Schriftsprache sprechen konnte. Luther gilt als gro- ßer Reformator in der theologischen Wissenschaft, wird aber auch für seine Lucas Cranach der Ältere, Porträt von Martin Luther (1529) Verdienste im Bereich der Sprache von den Philologen geschätzt. Veronica Câmpian Lektorin an der deutschsprachigen Linie der Abteilung für Kommunikation, 1. Ziel und Methode pr und Werbung innerhalb der Fakultät für Politik-, Verwaltungs- und Kommu- nikationswissenschaft der Universität ie Bedeutung von Luthers Babeş-Bolyai. Verfasser, unter anderen Werk ist heutzutage aktueller Beiträgen, des Buches Meinungsäuße- D als je zuvor und der vorliegen- rung durch Wort und Bild (2013). de Beitrag nimmt sich vor einen wich- 4 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) tigen Teil seines Schaffens in den Vordergrund zu bringen und zwar seine Samm- lung von Sprichwörtern, aber auch die Redensarten und die Sprüche, die ihn so bekannt gemacht haben. Die Arbeit kreist um die Untersuchung der Sprichwörter und der sprich- wörtlichen Redensarten und versucht die thematischen Schwerpunkte dieser zu beschreiben, aber auch ihre sprachlichen Merkmale zu identifizieren (stilistische, semantische und syntaktische Besonderheiten). Ein weiterer Schwerpunkt der Analyse ist die Untersuchung und Eingliederung der kommunikativen Hand- lungsarten durch welche sich diese Kurztexte charakterisieren nach den Eintei- lungskriterien der modernen Gesprächsanalyse. Als Korpus für den vorliegenden Beitrag gilt einerseits das Werk von Reinhard Dithmar (Luthers Fabeln und Sprichwörter), der 1995 Luthers Fabeln und die gesamte Sprichwörtersammlung veröffentlicht hat und andererseits das Buch von Frank Schumann (2016), der in seinem Band eine Auflistung der wichtigsten Redensarten und Sprüche gemacht hat, die sich in Luthers Predig- ten, Tischreden, in der Bibel und in anderen Schriften wiederfinden. In seinem Werk hat Schumann auch die 95 Thesen erwähnt, die ihren Wert und ihre Be- deutung bis heute nicht verloren haben. Die Untersuchung, die im Mittelpunkt dieses Beitrags steht, hat Beispiele aus beiden Quellen zitiert, um ein anschau- liches Bild von Luthers moralisierendes und kritisches Denken entstehen zu lassen. Die Beispiele wurden in der heutigen Schreibweise verfasst; es wurden keine Veränderungen im Satzbau ausgeübt.

2. Das Sprichwort: der Begriff und seine geschichtliche Entfaltung

ie Sprichwörter sind ein grundlegendes Identitätsmerkmal einer Na- tion, sie versinnbildlichen das Wesen und die Denkweise dieser, müs- D sen aber auch als ein „hohes Kulturgut“ (Kriwantschyk 2016, 9) eines Volkes betrachtet und verstanden werden. Sie haben eine hohe didaktische und erzieherische Funktion und haben als Hauptrolle den Wunsch die Weisheit und die Erfahrung vieler Generationen näher darzustellen. Laut Albrecht/Frey (2017, 3) kann ein Sprichwort „als scheinbar allgemein- gültiger Satz beschrieben werden, der sowohl individuelle, als auch kulturelle Erfahrung komprimiert“. Umurova (2005, 24) beschreibt das Sprichwort als „einen traditionellen, wiederholbaren, leicht einprägsamen, allgemein bekann- ten, anerkannten und volkstümlichen, sowie festgeprägten Satz, der eine Le- bensregel, oder Weisheit prägt und kurz zum Ausdruck bringt“. Paradigms • 5

Die Sprichwörter setzten ein „kollektives Einverständnis“ (Lobenstein-Reich- mann 2013, 147) voraus, sind „metaphorische Mikrotexte“ (ebd., 143) und „appellieren an Urteile und Vorurteile des Lesers und bestätigen diese, ohne dass sie […] einer kritischen und differenzierten Analyse unterzogen werden. Es sind in dem Sinne Stereotype, da sie Situationen, Handlungen und Verhaltenswei- sen auf anerkannte, nicht hinterfragte Standardformeln bringen“ (Lobenstein- Reichmann 2013, 147, zit. nach Koller 1977, 126). Der Gebrauch von Sprichwörtern und Redensarten und das Interesse dafür lassen sich bis in die Frühgeschichte der deutschen Sprache zurückverfolgen. Ein beachtlicher Teil dieser Volks- und Lebensweisheiten waren längst im mündli- chen und schriftlichen Umlauf zu bemerken, bevor sich die deutsche Sprache von der Germanischen herausentwickelte und kristallisierte (vgl. dafür Besch/ Betten/Reichmann 2003, 2559). In der Zeit der Reformation und des Humanismus gewann das Sprichwort als „herrenlos gewordenes Zitat“ (Lobenstein-Reichmann 2013, 140) eine gro- ße Bedeutung, denn das 15. und 16. Jahrhundert gelten als die Blütezeit des deutschen Sprichwortes und der Höhepunkt wird dann im 17. Jahrhundert erreicht. Was den Wert des Sprichwortes betrifft, geht er weit über den mündli- chen Sprachgebrauch hinaus und versinnbildlicht vor allem den Ausdruck einer Volksweisheit, die weit zurückliegt und nicht hinterfragt wird. Die Sprichwör- ter und Redensarten finden in fast allen wichtigen Werken dieser literarischen Strömungen ihren Weg. So finden wir sie bei Martin Luther, Hans Sachs, bei Grimmelshausen oder später bei Andreas Gryphius (vgl. ebd., 140).

3. Martin Luther und die Blütezeit der Sprichwörter und Redensarten

uther hat von Anfang an den didaktischen, pädagogischen, moralischen und politischen Wert der Sprichwörter und Redensarten bemerkt und L hat sie nicht nur in seinen Predigten eingeführt, sondern auch in den Streitgesprächen mit seinen Gegnern. Seit ungefähr 1530 arbeitete Luther an seine Sprichwörtersammlung, die er aber nie veröffentlichte, sondern sie wurde erst im Jahr 1900 von Ernst Thiele an die Öffentlichkeit gebracht und später wurde eine zweite Fassung von Reinhard Dithmar im Jahre 1995 veröffentlicht, dieses Mal zusammen mit Luthers Fabeln. Diese zweite Ausgabe dient als Quelle für den vorliegenden Beitrag. Die Sprichwörter und die sprichwörtlichen Redensarten haben, wie schon gesagt, eine zentrale Rolle in allen seinen Werken gespielt und auch aus seinen 6 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

Polemiken nie gefehlt: „Es kann behauptet werden, dass Polemik und Sprich- wörtergebrauch für Luther identisch sind. Es gibt kaum eine polemische Schrift aus seiner Feder, die auf Sprichwörter und Redensarten verzichtet und je pole- mischer der Ton wird, umso mehr wächst die Zahl der herangezogenen Sprich- wörter an“ (Lobenstein-Reichmann 2013, 144, zit. nach Moser 1980, 158). Walz (1993, 339) vertieft diese Idee und äußert, dass Luther das Sprichwort als „argumentatives Mittel“ dort eingesetzt hat, wo er überzeugen wollte: „in der Fabelmoral, im Gespräch, in Streitschriften und Predigten“. Mit seiner Bibelübersetzung (1522-1534) ermöglichte Luther besonders den biblischen Sprichwörtern eine große Verbreitung. Nun war die Zeit reif für deutsche Sprichwörtersammlungen, die von dem Lateinischen nicht mehr beeinflusst waren. Den Anfang machten Johannes Agricola im Jahre 1529 mit seinem Buch Dreyhundert Gemeyner Sprichwörter und Sebastian Frank in 1514 mit seinem Hauptwerk Sprichwörter (vgl. dafür Kriwantschyk 2016, 8). Wie schon erwähnt, hat auch Martin Luther selbst sehr früh die „Schlagkraft“ (Frey 2017, 7) eines Sprichwortes erkannt und erstellte deshalb um 1530 eine hand- schriftliche Sammlung 489 deutscher Sprichwörter und Redensarten auf, da er damit „das gemeine Volk“ (ebd., 8) erreichen und verstehen wollte. Aus diesem Grund studierte er die Sprache seines Volkes, denn er war der Meinung, dass nur „in der Volkssprache wahre Volksbildung“ (Gries 2008, 13) gedeihen kann. In seiner Bibelübersetzung und beim Verfassen seiner eigenen Werke griff Luther ständig zu dieser Liste zurück. Zweifelslos kann und muss der Reformator als „Liebhaber sprichwörtlicher Sprache“ (Besch/Betten/Reichmann 2003, 2562) angesehen und beschrieben werden. Seine Vorliebe für Sprichwörter und Redensarten hat aber nicht nur dazu ge- dient, um seine Sprache und seine Botschaft äußerst verständlich und anschau- lich zu gestalten, sondern hat auch regelrecht ihre praktische Anwendung und Bedeutung erweitert und vollendet (vgl. dafür Lobenstein-Reichmann 2013, 144).

4. Betrachtungen über die Sprichwörter und Redensarten

er vorliegende Beitrag nimmt sich vor, eine thematische Einstufung der Sprichwörter und Redensarten zu machen, aber auch die stilisti- D schen, semantischen und syntaktischen Besonderheiten dieser zu unterstreichen. Ein weiterer wichtiger Aspekt bezüglich der Sprichwörter und Redensarten ist ihre pragmatische Untersuchung, und zwar die Auflistung der Handlungsarten, die in diesen Weisheiten zu erkennen sind. Paradigms • 7

4.1. Thematische Eingliederung

ie Lektüre der Sprichwörter und Redensarten hat zur Entstehung mehrerer thematischen Kategorien geführt. Es handelt sich um fünf D Bereiche, die ich selber folgenderweise benannt habe: Sozialkritik, Ver- haltensregeln, Gott und die Religion, Familien- und Eheleben und Vorurteile bzw. Stereotype. Die meisten Sprichwörter und Redensarten finden ihren thematischen Platz in den ersten drei Kategorien. Im Weiteren werde ich einige Beispiele für jede Gruppe auflisten. Diese wurden so ausgesucht, dass sie am besten die thematische Kategorie beschreiben. Die Grenzen, der von mir unter- nommenen Gliederung sind jedoch fließend zu verstehen, denn ein Sprichwort oder eine Redensart könnte zu mehreren Kategorien gehören. Die Einteilung erfolgt nach dem thematischen Schwerpunkt jedes Kleintextes. Die ersten zwei inhaltlichen Kategorien sind unter den Namen Sozialkritik und Verhaltensregeln einzugliedern. Als Schwerpunkt ist die Nächstenliebe zu nennen, oder gewisse Richtlinien für ein harmonisches und ordentliches Leben, aber auch die Folgen, falls sie nicht beachtet werden. Andere Sprichwörter und Redensarten kreisen um grundlegende Werte, wie die Wahrheit, die Dankbar- keit, der Anstand oder die Bedeutung der Liebe. Die Arbeit und das fleißige Ar- beiten ist das Thema einiger Sprichwörter, die diese Tätigkeit als eine Säule und wichtige Komponente des menschlichen Lebens beschreibt. Eine bedeutende Rolle spielt in Luthers Sprichwörtern die Erziehung; man soll Respekt und vor dem Lehrer zeigen und die Schule richtig schätzen. Der Reformator übt aber an vielen Stellen auch eine scharfe Kritik aus. Er verurteilt negative Eigenschaften wie Neid, Hass, Habgier oder Gewissenslosigkeit, die viele Menschen charakterisieren. Einige Beispiele für diese Kategorien: (a.) Sozialkritik: Wo Gottes Wort nicht mehr gepredigt wird, wird das Volk wild; Anmaßung ist der Kopf der Schlange; Strafe hasst man, aber die Sünde liebt man; Es kostet hundertmal mehr, eine Lüge zu bestätigen, als die Wahrheit; Glück betört mehr Leute als Unglück; Armut ist in der Stadt groß, aber die Faulheit viel größer; Je weniger Wort, je besser Gebet. Je mehr Wort, je ärger Gebet; Die Gelehrten, die Verkehrten; Große Narren, große Schellen; Die Lüge ist wie ein Schneeball: Je länger man sie fortwälzt, je größer wird sie; Lustige Abendgesellschaften machen traurige Morgen... (b.) Verhaltensregel: Anstrengungen machen gesund und stark; Wo Glaube ist, da ist auch Lachen; Nur wer sich entscheidet, existiert; Wer nicht liebt Wein, Weib und Gesang, bleibt ein Narr sein Leben lang; Wenn man das Ende nicht sieht, so ist alles Leiden unerträglich; Tritt frisch auf! Tu’s Maul auf! Hör bald auf; Du sollst deines Nächsten Geld oder Gut nicht nehmen, sondern ihm sein Gut helfen bessern und behüten; Viele Hände machen leicht Arbeit; Dankbarkeit ist des Lebens größte 8 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

Freude. Das Menschen Herz ist wie Quecksilber, jetzt da, bald anderswo, heute so, morgen anders gesinnt. Zu der dritten thematischen Kategorie gehören die Sprichwörter und die Re- densarten, die als zentrale Stellung die Religion mit den Schwerpunkten Gott, das Evangelium, die Bibel, das Vertrauen zu Gott und der Glaube haben. (c.) Gott und die Religion: Ihr könnt predigen, über was ihr wollt, aber predigt niemals über vierzig Minuten; Pfaffen sollen beten und nicht reagieren; Das Wort Gottes ist eine Speise, wer die isst, den hungert immer mehr danach; Glaube ohne Liebe ist nichts wert; Allein der Glaube ist des Gewissens Friede; Die Wege Gottes sind wie ein hebräisches Buch, das man nur von hinten lesen kann; So wenig das Feuer ohne Hitze und Rauch ist, so wenig ist der Glaube ohne Liebe. Der Schwerpunkt der Kleintexte, die sich mit der Familie beschäftigen, ist die Rolle der Frau. Sie erscheint in der Hypostase als Ehefrau, Hausfrau oder Mutter. Die Ehe wird als Bindemittel zwischen Mann und Frau gesehen und die Kinder als die größte Freude und als ein Geschenk Gottes. (d.) Familie- und Eheleben: Will die Frau nicht, so komm’ die Magd; Die Ehe ist Heilmittel gegen geschlechtliche Zügellosigkeit und Hurerei; Die Frau soll dafür sorgen, dass ihr Mann gern nach Hause kommt, und er soll dafür sorgen, dass sie ihn nur ungern wieder gehen lässt. Die wenigsten Beispiele sind in der nächsten Kategorie zu nennen, doch sie ist mit Sicherheit eine besondere, denn sie wiederspiegelt die soziale und kulturelle Mentalität jener Zeit. Die Sprichwörter und Redensarten kreisen um Genderstereotype und Vorurteile, die hauptsächlich die Frauen im Mittelpunkt haben. Die wichtigste Idee, die aus diesen Kurztexten herausragt, ist die unter- geordnete Stellung der Frau dem Mann gegenüber. Diesbezüglich hatte Luther für die damalige Zeit eine innovative Einstellung gegenüber der Frau. (e.) Vorurteile und Stereotypen: Die Welt kann die Frauen nicht entbehren, selbst wenn die Männer allein die Kinder bekämen; Die große Ehre, die das Weib hat, ist allzumal, dass die Männer durch sie geboren werden; Der Mensch ist zur Arbeit geboren, wie der Vogel zum Fliegen.

4.2. Stilistische, semantische und syntaktische Betrachtungen

ls allgemeine Betrachtung ist zu erwähnen, dass die von Luther in den Sprichwörtern und Redensarten gebrauchte Sprache eine einfache, A leicht erinnerbare und deutliche ist. Bemerkenswert ist auch die Bildhaf- tigkeit dieser Kurztexte, die durch eine weite Palette an Stilfiguren gemalt wird. Metaphern, Alliterationen, Steigerungen oder parallele Strukturen haben den Weg in die Sprichwörter gefunden. Paradigms • 9

Es lassen sich mehrere sprachliche Einzigartigkeiten nennen, was Luthers Sprichwörter und Redensarten betreffen. Charakteristisch sind die häufigen Wiederholungen sowohl einzelner Wörter und Wortgruppen, aber auch der syntaktischen Konstruktionen. Thematische Reihen verdeutlichen den Inhalt und verleihen dem Ganzen mehr Verständlichkeit. Diese Reihenerscheinungen kom- men als Doppelformen vor, aber auch als dreigliedrige Formeln und bestehen in den meisten Fällen aus Substantiven (Gnade und Tugend; Sünde-Furcht; Das ist eigentlich des Glaubens Natur, dass er seine Kraft in Furcht, im Tode, in Sünden und allem, was einen Menschen furchtsam und verzagt macht, beweis), jedoch aber auch aus Adjektiven und Adverbien (Wie mag ein Herz traurig und unlustig bleiben). Eine wichtige Besonderheit sind die syntaktischen Stilfiguren. Wie schon er- wähnt, war es sehr wichtig für Luther, dass sein Schreiben von dem einfachen Volk verstanden wird. Aus diesem Grund gebrauchte er eine kraftvolle und aus- sagestarke Sprache und erwies sich als Meister der Stilfiguren. Sehr oft aufzu- finden, sind die Anapher und der Parallelismus im Satzbau. Mit Hilfe dieser Mittel gewinnt die Sprache an Dynamik, an Deutlichkeit und an Klarheit. Diese wörtliche Wiederholung des Anfangsteils bei aufeinander folgenden Sätzen hat als Absicht den Inhalt der Aussage im Kopf des Lesers besser haften zu lassen. Für Sprichwörter ist es besonders wichtig den Sinn der Wörter zu unterstreichen, um ihre Wirkung beim Leser zu verstärken (Allein durch die Gnaden, allein durch den Glauben; So wenig das Feuer ohne Hitze und Rauch ist, so wenig ist der Glaube ohne Liebe; Aus den Augen, aus dem Herzen). Beim Parallelismus handelt es sich um ähnliche oder gleiche Satzstrukturen und um syntaktisch gleichwertige Wörter, die sich in ihrer Bedeutung bestärken und somit die Bot- schaft verdeutlichen (Lieb ist Freud, Freud ist Liebe und Freud ist Leben; Strafe hasst man, aber die Sünde liebt man; Je weniger Wort, je besser Gebet, je mehr Wort, je ärger Gebet). Eine weitere oft von Luther eingesetzte Stilfigur ist die Alliteration (Glaub und Geist sind beisammen, aber der Geist ist nicht immer offenbar; Glaube ist ein Geschenk Gottes in unserem Herzen; Gleich und gleich gesellt sich gern; Bleib daheim mit deinen faulen Fischen; Schweren Stein kann man nicht weit werfen). Die Über- einstimmung im Anlaut zieht die Aufmerksamkeit des Lesers an und hilft beim Einprägen des Sachverhaltes. Aus diesem Grund ist die Alliteration ein sehr ef- fektives Stilmittel, aber auch ein sehr plastisches. Eine nennenswerte Anzahl an Beispielen ist auch für andere Stilmittel zu erwähnen, wie: die Tautologie (Welt ist Welt: sie liebt weder die Gerechtigkeit, noch duldet sie sie), der Klimax (Bittet, rufet, schreiet, suchet, klopfet, poltert. Und das muss man für und für treiben ohne Aufhören!), der Vergleich (Das passt wie die Faust aufs Auge; Man kann das Werk vom Glauben ebenso wenig scheiden, wie man 10 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) das Brennen vom Feuer trennen kann), die Steigerung (Der Wein ist stark, der Kö- nig stärker, die Weiber noch stärker, aber die Wahrheit am allerstärksten; Armut ist in der Stadt groß, aber die Faulheit größer), die Metapher (Die Heilige Schrift ist ein Fluss, in dem ein Elefant schwimmen muss und ein Lamm gehen kann; Die Sprachen sind die Scheiden, darin das Messer des Geistes steckt) oder die Inversion (Dankbar- keit ist des Lebens größte Freude). Luther gebraucht oft auch antithetische Bilder, also Gegenüberstellungen von Gegensätzen, um dem Leser noch expliziter seine Botschaft zu vermitteln (Mit- ten im Leben sind wir von Tod umfangen; Gott hat das Leben lieb, der Teufel hat den Tod lieb; Unser Glaube ist schwach und doch mächtig; Gleichwie ein allzu strenges Recht das größte Unrecht, also eitel Gnade, die größte Ungnade; Kalt und warm blasen; Sanfte und harte Strafe). Diese antithetischen Redeweisen haben eine zentrale Stellung bei Luther, denn die gegensätzlichen Fronten werden deutlich in den Vordergrund gebracht und die Sachverhalte somit in verständlichen Aus- drücken formuliert. Was dem Leser noch ins Auge springt, ist die dominante Zeitform der Sprich- wörter und Redensarten: sie stehen im Präsens und diese Tatsache unterstreicht ihre Aktualität und Gegenwartsbezogenheit. Da das Sammeln der Sprichwörter und Redensarten um das Jahr 1530 angefangen hat, kennzeichnet sich Luthers Syntax durch die Positionierung der infiniten Verbform in der Mitte des Satzes und nicht immer am Ende. Das ändert sich erst nach seiner zweiten Fassung der Bibelübersetzung im Jahre 1546. (Hier kann nicht sein ein böser Mut, wo da singen Gesellen gut.) Die in der heutigen deutschen Sprache herrschende strenge Stellungsregel des finiten und infiniten Verbs im Satz war zu jener Zeit noch nicht endgültig festgelegt, wie aus dem zitierten Beispiel hervorgeht. Der syntaktische Bau der Sätze kennzeichnet sich durch Einfachheit und Kürze. Zu bemerken ist der Gebrauch der Einfachsätze, aber auch die Anwesen- heit der Hypotaxe. Die Satzstruktur weist einen Hauptsatz auf, von welchem ein oder mehrere Nebensätze abhängen. (Der Glaube ist ein solcher Mut im Herzen, da man sich alles Guten zu Gott versieht.) Die Sprichwörter gewinnen an Überzeugungskraft mit Hilfe der „nicht- sondern“-Konstruktionen, die zur Verstärkung und Verdeutlichung der Aussage beitragen (Geld und Güter, Land und Leute haben, ist an sich selbst nicht unrecht, sondern Gottes Gabe und Ordnung). Der Fokus fällt auf die positive Aussage und die Aufmerksamkeit des Rezipienten wird darauf gelenkt. Nicht zu vergessen sind auch die elliptischen Satzstrukturen, die einerseits die Mündlichkeit des Stils unterstreichen und andererseits zur Vereinfachung der Sprache beitragen. Das Hauptanliegen Luthers war genau diese „hörerorien- tierte Syntax“ (Gries 2008, 15), die sich in den knappen und prägnanten Sätzen wiederfindet. Paradigms • 11

Es muss jedoch gesagt werden, dass nicht die schöpferische Kraft Luthers Hochleistung um die Sprichwörter und Redensarten war, sondern die sprachliche Form dieser, die zusammen mit der Bibelübersetzung und den anderen Schriften zu einer Vereinheitlichung der deutschen Sprache geführt haben und zur Herausbildung einer Nationalsprache.

4.3. Handlungsarten

n diesem Kapitel meines Beitrags möchte ich Luthers Spruchwörter und Redensarten mit Hilfe der Mittel der modernen Gesprächsanalyse unter I die Lupe nehmen. Das Sprichwort weist in seiner Satzform mehrere Hand- lungsarten auf. Dieser Satz kann verschiedenartig formuliert werden und somit eine unterschiedliche kommunikative Funktion in den Vordergrund stellen. Die Funktion entsteht jedoch erst in einer kommunikativen Handlung bzw. in einem kommunikativen Austausch. Frey (2017, 4) schlägt ein Analysemodell vor und erklärt, dass ein Sprichwort als eine Feststellung formuliert werden kann, eine Wertung oder ein Urteil beinhalten kann, eine Warnung aussprechen kann, oder als eine explizite bzw. implizite Aufforderung gestaltet werden kann. Ich bin der Ansicht, dass diese Aufforderung in vielen Sprichwörtern eher als Befehl zum Vollziehen einer gewissen Handlung angesehen werden soll. Handelt es sich um eine Feststellung, dann erscheint der Satz als eine Aussage im Indikativ, die dem Leser das Gefühl der Neutralität und der Allgemeingültig- keit vermitteln kann. Somit steigt auch die Aktualität des vorhandenen Inhaltes und das Sprichwort oder die sprichwörtliche Redensart scheinen regelrecht eine Sentenz zu sein. Eine Feststellung kann auch das Ergebnis oder die Folge einer Beobachtung sein. Zu dieser Kategorie gehören die meisten Einträge. Einige Beispiele in diesem Zusammenhang: Nichts wird langsamer vergessen, als eine Beleidigung und nichts eher als eine Wohltat; Glück betört mehr Leute als Unglück; Der Glaube ist der Anfang aller guten Werke; Man braucht sieben Lügen, um eine zu bestätigen; Es ist kein Mensch zu böse, dass nicht etwas an ihm zu loben wäre; Es ist besser mit eigenen Augen zu sehen, als mit fremden; Mitten im Leben sind wir vom Teufel umfangen; Er nimmt kein Blatt vor den Maul; Der Mensch hat die Hölle in sich selbst; Stille Wasser sind tief; Lang ist nicht ewig. Die Anwesenheit einer Wertung oder eines Urteils im Sprichwort erhöht seine Aussagekraft und hat als Intention die Entstehung einer „direkten Hand- lungsempfehlung“ (Frey 2017, 4) für den Rezipienten. Eine Wertung steht im engen Zusammenhang mit den Wertvorstellungen eines Individuums und hat als Folge einen impliziten Appell zum Vollziehen einer bestimmten kommunikativen oder sozialen Handlung. Die Anschaulichkeit solcher Sprichwörter 12 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) erreicht ihren Höhepunkt besonders dann, wenn gewisse Stilfiguren, z.B. der Vergleich oder die Steigerung, eingeführt werden, die die Botschaft zusätzlich vertiefen. Das Urteil ist schon eine zugespitzte Wertung und der Rezipient ist gefragt, die tiefe Bedeutung dieses richtig zu dekodieren. Nennenswert sind folgende Beispiele: Kein Irrtum ist so groß, der nicht seinen Zuhörer hat; Weißes erkennt man besser, wenn man Schwarzes dagegenhält; Wenn Gott mit seinen Gaben sparsam umginge, wären wir dankbarer; Ein Geiziger kann nichts Nützlicheres und Besseres tun, als wenn er stirbt; Hunde sehr bellen, die beißen nicht; Dieberei ist die gemeinste Nahrung von der Welt; Weisheit, Verstand, gelehrt sein und die Schreibfe- der, die sollen die Welt regieren. Die Sprichwörter und Redensarten, die um eine Warnung kreisen, lösen beim Empfänger eine gewisse Denk- und Handlungsweise wegen der Aufzäh- lung einer oder mehrerer möglichen Folgen dieser Aussage. Auch wenn der Satz im Indikativ Präsens steht, wirkt er wie ein verkappter Imperativ und hat die Intention dem Rezipienten sehr deutlich die Implikationen dieser warnenden Botschaft zu gestalten. Einige Beispiele: Ein williges Pferd soll man nicht zu viel reiten; Es ist keiner so geschwind, der nicht seinen Meister findet; Wer in den Ehestand geht, der geht in ein Kloster voller Anfechtungen; Wenn nicht geschehen wird, was wir wollen, so wird geschehen, was besser ist; Ich weiß drei böse Hunde: Undankbarkeit, Stolz und Neid. Wenn die drei Hunde beißen, der ist sehr übel gebissen; Wer das Ge- ringe verseht, dem wird das Große nicht; Was die Alten tun, das lernen die Jungen; Wenn die alten Hunde bellen, soll man hinaussehen. Eine geringere Anzahl an Sprichwörtern haben im Mittelpunkt eine Impera- tivform und drücken eine explizite Aufforderung oder sogar einen Befehl aus. In diesem Fall ist der kommunikative Appell an die Rezipienten unmissverständlich und der richtige Handlungsweg wird dem Leser fast vorschriftenartig gegeben. Die Aufforderung kann auch im Indikativ stehen, aber mit der gleichen Wir- kung. Folgende Beispiele bestätigen das: Iss, was gar ist, trink, was klar ist, rede, was wahr ist; Kümmere dich nicht um ungelegte Eier; Höret das Gras wachsen; Was nicht dein ist, das lass liegen; Viel wissen und wenig sagen, nicht antworten auf alle Fragen; Ihr könnt predigen, über was ihr wollt, aber predigt niemals über vierzig Mi- nuten. In diesem letzten Beispiel ist der vorschriftliche Charakter dieses Satzes sehr deutlich formuliert. Zusammenfassend ist zu bemerken, dass auch wenn wenige Sprichwörter eine Imperativform aufweisen, sie sich allgemein durch einen explizit oder im- plizit auffordernden Charakter beschreiben lassen, der als eine Empfehlung zur Handlung oder zur Entscheidung interpretiert werden muss. Paradigms • 13

5. Schlussbetrachtung

artin Luthers Verdienst für die deutsche Sprache ist zweifelslos riesig und seine Bemühung eine allgemein gültige Schreibnorm ein- M zuführen ist seine größte Leistung. Seine in den Texten gebrauchte Sprache ist ein Bespiel für Klarheit, Verständlichkeit, Einfachheit und Prägnanz. Was sie besonders macht, ist ihre Lebendigkeit, Bildhaftigkeit und Aussagekraft. Sein Hauptanliegen war, dass der einfache Mensch seine Werke versteht und aus diesem Grund hat er sich stark von den Merkmalen der gesprochenen Spra- che beeinflussen lassen. Dem Volk aufs Maul zu schauen, hat sich bewährt. Die Sprichwörter und die Redensarten sind ein Spiegelbild der Gesellschaft und sind stellvertretend für die Mentalität und die Denkweise einer Nation. Sie gelten aber auch als ein Stempel der Zeit, denn sie wiederspiegeln, was gedacht und wie geschrieben wurde, aber auch was gelobt und was abgestoßen wurde. Die Analyse hat mehrere thematische Besonderheiten der Sprichwörter her- vorgehoben: viele kreisen um soziale Schwachpunkte, um Fehler, die der Mensch bekämpfen muss und sich von diesen loszusagen hat. Andere formulieren Richt- linien zum guten Leben und raten dem Menschen seinen inneren Frieden und den Weg zu Gott zu finden, aber auch menschenoffen und hilfsbereit zu sein. Um die wichtige Rolle der Erziehung und der Arbeit drehen sich auch eine besondere Anzahl an Sprichwörtern und Redensarten. Die Beziehung zwischen Mann und Frau steht im Mittelpunkt einiger Kleintexte: die Frau wird in ihren drei Hypostasen dargestellt, als Hausfrau, Mutter und Ehefrau und stereotypen- voll wird die Hochstellung des Mannes der Frau gegenüber präsentiert. Was die sprachlichen Besonderheiten der Sprichwörter und Redensarten betrifft, hat die Untersuchung besondere stilistische, semantische und syntaktische Merkmale herausgefunden. Stilistisch betrachtet, kennzeichnen sie sich durch die Anwesenheit einer großen Anzahl an Stilfiguren: die Alliteration, die Ana- pher, die Steigerung, der Vergleich, der Klimax, die Inversion oder auch die Tautologie sind in diesem Zusammenhang zu nennen. Sie veranschaulichen den Inhalt und lassen ihn deutlich und verständlich für den Leser werden. Sie tragen auch zur Formelhaftigkeit der Texte bei. Im Bereich des Semantischen bemerkt man thematische Reihen und inhaltliche Doppelungen, aber auch eine Vielzahl an antithetischen Bildern. Die Reihungserscheinungen vertiefen die Hauptidee des Sprichwortes und die Ge- genüberstellung der Gegensätze möchte das Positive und das Richtige in den Vordergrund stellen und die Botschaft somit unmissverständlich für den Leser gestalten. 14 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

Die syntaktische Ebene weist auch gewisse Besonderheiten auf: die Syntax ist allgemein eine einfache und klare, die dem Gesprochenen naheliegt. Das Verb kommt größtenteils im Präsens vor und die Sprichwörter erscheinen entweder als Einfachsätze, oder als Satzgefügen. Kennzeichnend für die Syntax sind auch elliptische und parallele Satzstrukturen. Zu bemerken waren auch gewisse syntaktische Konstruktionen, die zur Verdeutlichung des Inhaltes mitwirken, aber auch zur Hervorhebung der zentralen Botschaft des Sprichwortes und der Redensart. Was die Handlungsarten betrifft, konnte bemerkt werden, dass die Sprich- wörter und Redensarten verschiedene kommunikative Funktionen haben und den Leser zum unterschiedlichen Handlungsvollzug einladen: es geht um die Feststellung, dem Urteil, der Warnung und der Aufforderung. Der Leser erkennt sie und weiß, wie er zum Text stehen muss und, wie er kommunikativ und sozial handeln soll. Allgemein ist ein Gleichgewicht der Handlungsarten zu bemerken und es gibt Beispiele für alle Kategorien. Der Kurztext fordert unmissverständlich den Leser dazu, unterschiedliche Reaktionen auf die textim- manente Botschaft zu haben. Zusammenfassend ist zu bemerken, dass sich Luthers Sprichwörter und Re- densarten durch die Aktualität und die Gegenwartsbezogenheit kennzeichnen, aber auch durch die Mündlichkeit des Stils, um von einer weiten Leserschaft erreicht zu werden. Auffallend ist der Klang der Sprache, der besonders mit Hilfe der Stilfiguren geschaffen wird, aber auch die Klarheit im Ausdruck dank einfa- cher syntaktischen Konstruktionen und der Anwesenheit des Verbs im Präsens. Luthers Sprichwörter und sprichwörtliche Redensarten sind ein Spiegelbild der Gesellschaft, ein Reichtum für die Sprache und haben eine große Bedeutung für das Kulturgut des deutschen Volkes. In diesen Kurztexten stecken die Weis- heiten, die Wahrheiten und die Erfahrung vieler Generationen. Ihre gedankliche Tiefe, aber auch die Witzigkeit, die aus den pointierten Ausdrücken entspringt, verleiht ihnen eine besondere Bedeutung. Meiner Meinung nach sind Luthers Sprichwörter, aber auch die sprichwörtlichen Redensarten eine Fundgrube, sowohl für die Philologen, aber besonders für die Parömiologen. q

Literaturliste

Albrecht, Julia/Frey Dieter (2017). Sprichwörter und Psychologie. Eine Annäherung. In: Frey, Dieter (Hrsg.). Psychologie der Sprichwörter; Weiß die Wissenschaft mehr als Oma? Berlin: Springer Verlag. Besch, Werner/Betten, Anne/Reichmann, Oskar (Hrsg.) (2003). Sprachgeschichte. Ein Handbuch zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und ihrer Erforschung. 3. Teilband. Berlin: de Gruyter Verlag. Paradigms • 15

Dithmar, Reinhard (Hrsg.) (1995). Luthers Fabeln und Sprichwörter. Berlin: Insel Ta- schenbuch Verlag. Frey, Dieter (Hrsg.) (2017). Psychologie der Sprichwörter; Weiß die Wissenschaft mehr als Oma? Berlin: Springer Verlag. Gries, Katharina (2008). Die Sprache Martin Luthers. Ihre Bedeutung für die Entwicklung der deutschen Schriftsprache. München: Grin Verlag. Koller, Werner (1977). Redensarten. Linguistische Aspekte, Vorkommensanalysen, Sprach- spiel. Tübingen: Niemeyer Verlag. Kriwantschyk, Wassyl (2016). Syntax und Semantik deutscher Sprichwörter. München: Grin Verlag. Lobenstein-Reichmann, Anja (2013). Sprachliche Abgrenzung im späten Mittelalter und der frühen Neuzeit. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter Verlag. Moser, Dietz-Rüdiger (1980). „Die welt wil meister klueglin bleiben…“ Martin Luther und das deutsche Sprichwort. In: Muttersprache. Zeitschrift zur Pflege und Erfor- schung der deutschen Sprache, 90, 1980, S. 151-166. Schumann, Frank (Hrsg.) (2016). Ein trefflich Wort von Martin Luther. Berlin: Neues Leben Verlag. Thiele, Ernst (Hrsg.) (1900). Luthers Sprichwörtersammlung. Weimar: Hermann Böh- laus Nachfolger. Tschirch, Fritz (1969). Geschichte der deutschen Sprache. Band II: Entwicklung und Wandlungen der deutschen Sprachgestalt vom Hochmittelalter bis zur Gegenwart. Berlin: Erich Schmidt Verlag, Umurova, Gulnas (2005). Was der Volksmund in einem Sprichwort verpackt… Moder- ne Aspekte des Sprichwortgebrauchs anhand von Beispielen aus dem Internet. Band 24. Bern: Peter Lang Verlag. Walz, Herbert (Hrsg.) (1993). Martin Luther. In: Füssel, Stephan. Deutsche Dichter der frühen Neuzeit 1450-1600. Ihr Leben und Werk. Berlin: Erich Schmidt Verlag.

Abstract The Greatest Folly: To Say Nothing with Many Words: An Analysis of Martin Luther’s Sayings and Idioms Regarding Their Content, Language and Communicative Purpose

The present study aims to highlight a significant part of Luther’s work, i.e. his collection of sayings but also the idioms that have become so famous. This paper focuses on analyzing sayings and proverbial idioms and attempts both to describe their thematic emphases and to pinpoint their linguistic features (stylistic, semantic and syntactic particuliarities). The analysis and grouping of communicative activities as inferred from these short texts according to the criteria of discourse analysis represents another focal point of our endeavor.

Keywords Martin Luther, Martin Luther's sayings and proverbial idioms, discourse analysis, linguistic features La città di Cluj e la Riforma protestante

I o a n -A u r e l P o p nel XVI secolo

A Cluj non si parla tanto Introduzione. La città di Cluj prima del Cinquecento di ecumenismo, quanto lo si pratica in silenzio, secondo la er capire quanto sia antica la 1 lezione di vita locale, risalente città di Cluj dobbiamo andare P lontano nel tempo, fino a più di a mezzo millennio fa, sulla due mila anni fa, quando sul posto c’e- ra un insediamento dei Daci, chiamato quale la Riforma protestante Napuca. La conquista del Regno della ha lasciato la sua impareg Dacia da parte dei romani, in modo definitivo nel 106 d. C., e la creazione giabile impronta. della provincia romana imperiale Da- cia cambiarono anche il destino dell’insediamento sopramenzionato. Napuca diventa Napoca, ed è trasformata rapidamente in municipium – all’inizio del regno di Adriano (117-138) –, e poi in colonia – verso la fine del II secolo, sot- to Marco Aurelio (161-180) oppure Ioan-Aurel Pop Commodo (180-192). L’abbandono Professore ordinario e rettore dell’Univer- della Dacia nord-danubiana da parte di sità Babeº-Bolyai di Cluj-Napoca; membro Aurelio (270-275) non fermò la vita titolare dell’Accademia Romena, dell’Ac- urbana nelle zone vicino al grande fiu- cademia europea delle scienze e delle arti me, ma la rese più insicura all’interno di Salisburgo, dell’Accademia Nazionale Virgiliana di Mantova e membro corri- dell’arco dei Carpazi, soprattutto dopo spondente dell’Accademia europea delle la seconda metà del IV secolo. Lenta- scienze, delle arti e delle lettere di Parigi; mente, la popolazione daco-romana, direttore del Centro di Studi Transilvani in parte cristianizzata, si ritirò nelle dell’Accademia Romena. zone collinari e di montagna, piene di Paradigms • 17 boschi, a riparo dalle incursioni dei nuovi arrivati (Goti, Unni, Gepidi, Avari, Slavi ecc.). Le formazioni politiche della fine del primo millennio, all’interno delle quali i Romeni ebbero un ruolo importante, accanto agli Slavi e ad altri migratori, erano fondate sulla vita rurale e sulle fortificazioni di terra, con fos- sato e con palizzata. La conquista della Transilvania2 da parte del Regno d’Un- gheria, in più tappe, nei secoli XI-XII, creò le condizioni per l’insediamento e la colonizzazione in questi luoghi di alcune popolazioni allogene, quali i Magiari (fino-ugrici), gli Szekler o i Siculi (dal latino medievale) – Székely (turcici) e i Sassoni (germanici). Nei secoli XII-XIII, sono attestate dal punto di vista ar- cheologico e, in pochi casi, da un punto di vista documentario e letterario una serie di insediamenti (di cui alcuni fortificati), della popolazione locale e degli “ospiti” (hospites) sassoni, ma anche il monastero benedettino di Cluj-Mãnãºtur (all’epoca un villaggio vicino alla fortezza, oggi un quartiere della città di Cluj- Napoca). Ci sono vari argomenti per fissare la residenza o la fortezza del duca (voivoda) Gelou, “un certo Romeno” (quidam Blacus), che regnava sui “Romeni e sugli Slavi” (Blachi et Sclavi) intorno all’anno 900, sia nella fortificazione di Cluj-Mãnãºtur, sia proprio nel vecchio castro romano di pietra di Napoca (con mura ancora forti), entrambi siti in riva al fiume Someº (Samus).3 Il nome medievale dell’insediamento urbano che vi si sarebbe poi sviluppato, sulle rovine di quello antico, è stato Cluj, attestato prima come Clus, e poi Klausenburg e Clu- suar (ulteriormente, in magiaro, Kolozsvár). Intorno al 1260, “il duca” Stefano di Transilvania – il futuro re Stefano V d’Ungheria (1270-1272) – colonizza a Cluj un gruppo di “ospiti” tedeschi, dotati di privilegi (libertà). Questi portano nella regione il modello occidentale del borgo circondato da mura e chiamato civitas. Fino al 1350, tutte le circa 150 città (civitates) situati sul territorio del Regno d’Ungheria avevano intra muros una popolazione esclusivamente o prevalentemente tedesca.4 In questo modo, anche la città di Cluj rimase una città tedesca tra le sue mura per quasi tutto il periodo medievale, anche se sotto la tutela del Vescovato della Transilvania. I Magiari e i Romeni abitavano nelle periferie, seb- bene i primi, essendo cattolici, stessero penetrando timidamente e gradualmente dentro le mura. Nel 1316, si libera dal dominio feudatario e diventa, grazie al privilegio dato da Carlo Roberto d’Angiò (1308-1342), una città libera regale. I Tedeschi di Cluj ottengono nel 1349 un privilegio papale per edificare la loro chiesa parrocchiale in pietra, dedicata a San Michele, ultimata solo dopo più di un secolo (l’ultima fase della costruzione va dal 1410 fino al 1487). Oggi, la chiesa di Cluj è uno dei monumenti più importanti di arte gotica nell’Europa sud-orientale. Trattandosi del luogo di nascita di Mattia Corvino, re d’Ungheria (1458-1490)5 – vi nacque nel 1443 –, la città godette di un’attenzione speciale da parte del sovrano sopramenzionato. Fino al Cinquecento, l’intera popolazione all’interno delle mura era cattolica – tedesca e magiara –, i Romeni ortodossi 18 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) vivevano extra muros, nei sobborghi o nei villaggi circostanti, dove avevano il permesso di edificare le loro chiese in legno, ritenute “scismatiche”. Alla fine del Duecento, ma soprattutto nel Quattrocento, l’Ungheria, “regno apostolico”, si assunse la missione di combattere, anche tramite la crociata, i “pagani, gli eretici e gli scismatici”. Per “gli scismatici” che stavano all’interno del regno, “il combattimento” significava la loro esclusione dall’esercizio del potere, la limita- zione delle manifestazioni del loro culto e la loro conversione, quest’ultima con risultati notevoli solo nel caso dell’élite. In questo modo, nel Medio Evo, il paese era guidato da tre stati o gruppi privilegiati cattolici, che comprendevano circa un terzo della popolazione. Questi erano la nobiltà ungherese, i Sassoni e gli Szekler, chiamati sempre di più, dopo il 1500, nationes. I Romeni ortodossi erano solo “ammessi” (accettati, tollerati) a vivere (senza privilegi) per il buon fun- zionamento della vita della provincia (produzione del cibo e sfruttamento delle ricchezze, difesa dai nemici, pagamento delle tasse ecc.). La penetrazione della Riforma protestante in Transilvania avvenne concomitantemente allo smembra- mento dell’Ungheria, occupata, nel 1541 dagli Ottomani (la sua parte centrale) e dagli Asburgo (la parte del Nord e quella dell’Ovest). La regione orientale dell’ex Ungheria, cioè il Voivodato della Transilvania e le Parti Occidentali (Partium), arrivano a costituire un principato autonomo (quasi libero), sotto l’egemonia (la “suzeraineté”) del sultano. Praticamente, dopo la “catastrofe” di Mohács (1526), in Ungheria non c’era più un’autorità centrale forte, in grado di mantenere il vecchio ordine e di opporsi all’“eresia” che avanzava velocemente.

La penetrazione in Transilvania delle idee della Riforma

e idee della Riforma protestante arrivano in Transilvania poco dopo il 1517, ma non senza aver avuto un preambolo già dal Quattrocen- L to, quando, in seguito al movimento ussita (1402-1434), una serie di “eretici” della Boemia attraversarono il voivodato intracarpatico diretti verso la Moldavia.6 Le critiche generali rivolte alla Chiesa cattolica acquistarono in Tran- silvania dei connotati particolari, legati alla situazione locale. Lo stato precario della diocesi transilvana, con residenza ad Alba Iulia (Bãlgrad, Gyulafehérvár, Weißenburg), era connesso ad alcuni fattori specifici: il grande numero dei fedeli orientali (ortodossi) che non pagavano, tranne che in alcuni casi, la decima ecclesiastica; la rivalità storica, lunga e grave, tra il Vescovato della Transilvania e l’Abbazia benedettina di Cluj-Mãnãºtur, il regime di autonomia della Preposi- tura dei Sassoni, ufficializzata nel 1191 e subordinata, invece che al vescovo della Transilvania, direttamente alla Santa Sede tramite l’Arcivescovato primaziale di Strigonio (Esztergom, Gran), le dispute tra la comunità dei sassoni transilvani Paradigms • 19

(Universitas Saxonum) e i vescovi della Transilvania di Alba Iulia ecc. In questo contesto, la Riforma avrebbe avuto un rapido successo in Transilvania, e le sue idee vi sarebbero arrivate con una certa velocità, tramite vari canali: gli studenti sassoni, che studiavano nell’ambiente tedesco e tornavano raramente a casa, mantenevano rapporti epistolari con le famiglie ecc.; i commercianti transilvani che andavano spesso in Germania; i viaggiatori del Sacro Romano Impero che venivano in Ungheria e in Transilvania; i libri con i nuovi insegnamenti rapidamente penetrati nella regione intracarpatica ecc. Gli studenti sassoni della Ger- mania portarono molto presto a casa i lavori di Lutero, ma la vera propaganda religiosa protestante sarebbe cominciata solo dopo il 1530, anno della proclama- zione della confessione luterana ad Augusta. Le idee della Riforma furono, quindi, accolte quasi immediatamente da due dei tre stati o nazioni politiche – i Sassoni e la nobiltà ungherese – e persino dal principe (“re”) Giovanni Sigismondo, che ebbe, lungo l’arco della sua vita, quattro confessioni: cattolica, luterana, calvinista e unitariana (antitrinitaria).7 Il fatto, tolto dal contesto, potrebbe sembrare veramente spettacolare. Tuttavia, questi passaggi in quegli anni erano quasi impercettibili, dato che le frontiere tra queste confessioni non erano rigide, poiché né esse né le chiese adiacenti erano ancora pienamente costituite. Si osserva che, prima di diventare confessioni con le loro chiese a sé stanti e ben radicate in Transilvania, i culti protestanti o riformati erano piuttosto correnti di pensiero teologico, idee in dibattito e in contrasto, proposte di nuove letture e interpretazioni della Bibbia.8 Era dunque naturale che molte persone aperte al dialogo e desiderose di cambiamenti oscil- lassero per un tempo, partecipando a molteplici dibattiti e aderendo alle nuove idee, man mano che queste venivano formulate e argomentate. Ecco perché il caso del principe Giovanni Sigismondo poteva essere, e lo è in effetti, piuttosto insolito per un capo di stato, ma era uno comune all’epoca nel panorama confessionale della Transilvania, diventato un vero e proprio spazio delle iniziative e delle dispute religiose. I Sassoni, che avevano stretti legami con la Germania e rapporti tesi con la gerarchia cattolica, furono i primi ad accettare la Riforma luterana9, grazie soprattutto agli sforzi di alcuni pastori educati, come Johannes Honterus (1498-1549) e Valentin Wagner (circa 1510-1557). Il primo centro della Riforma (luterana o evangelica) fu la città di Braºov (Kronstadt, Brassó, Corona), la capitale eco- nomica dei sassoni (“l’emporio di tutta la Transilvania”, la più ricca, la più dinamica e la più grande città del paese), grazie, prima di tutto, al ruolo maggiore di Honterus (con il lavoro Reformatio ecclesiae Coronensis, 1543) e alla grande mo- bilità degli abitanti della fortezza. I Sassoni di Braºov, acerbi critici, da un certo momento in poi, degli “errori cattolici”, conoscevano sia il mondo ortodosso sia quello dell’islam, erano in grado di fare paragoni e tirare conclusioni riguardo 20 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) alla varietà delle confessioni e alla validità di alcune idee direttrici generali. Il loro passaggio fu abbastanza tranquillo, tanto che le prime comunità evangeliche si ritenevano ancora parte della “Chiesa universale” cattolica romana (come aveva creduto per un po’ anche Lutero), anche se da molte chiese erano spariti le icone, gli abiti talari, l’altare e il latino. All’inizio, fino alla metà del Cinquecento, lo stesso Honterus e i preti che avevano aderito alle nuove idee consideravano che la loro diocesi facesse ancora parte della Chiesa romana. Tendevano a mantenere anche altri elementi della Chiesa romana, come l’altare centrale e le vesti litur- giche. Il centro del luteranesimo diventò poi la città di Sibiu (Hermannstadt, Nagyszeben, Cibinium), la capitale politica della “Terra Sassone”. In parallelo con i Sassoni, la nobiltà, prima di tutto quella delle parti occidentali e del Banato, passò anch’essa al luteranesimo, organizzando la propria gerarchia, diversa da quella dei Sassoni. Tra il 1555 e il 1557, l’affermazione del luteranesimo raggiunse il suo apogeo rispetto al cattolicesimo, anche se, sempre allora, si vedeva come esso fosse in forte concorrenza con il sacramentarismo (calvinismo o la religione elvetica). Intorno al 1555-1556, la Chiesa romana in Ungheria e in Transilvania crollò, i grandi prelati rimasti in vita si rifugiarono presso gli Asburgo dove vissero a spese di questi ultimi.10 In breve tempo, il calvinismo si sarebbe ampiamente diffuso in Transilva- nia, soprattutto tra i nobili luterani e la gente comune magiara.11 Il centro del calvinismo arriva ad essere la città di Cluj (Klausenburg, Kolozsvár, Clusium), la più importante cittadella nobiliare nel paese, chiamata con orgoglio “la Città Tesoro”.12 Molto presto (in alcuni decenni) quasi tutta la nobiltà del principato (la nazione nobiliare) sarebbe diventata calvinista. Un ruolo importante nella diffusione del calvinismo e nell’organizzazione della Chiesa calvinista della Transilvania ebbero alcuni abitanti tedeschi del luogo, quali Kaspar Helth (in ungherese Gáspár Heltai) e Francesco David (in ungherese Ferenc Dávid), ini- zialmente appartenendo entrambi alla fede luterana e operando a Cluj. Quest’ultimo, Francesco David, dopo essere diventato il capo della chiesa luterana (chia- mando se stesso “vescovo delle Chiese magiare”) e poi di quella calvinista, passa all’unitarianismo (antitrinitarianismo), come il principe del paese e come molti altri, e organizza la nuova Chiesa unitariana, che rifiutava de plano la Santissima Trinità.13 Paradigms • 21

L’ufficializzazione dei culti protestanti

ra il 1542 e il 1571, le nuove confessioni si organizzano in modo più rigoroso e sono riconosciute in modo ufficiale durante le assemblee della T Transilvania. L’ufficializzazione aveva due o tre tappe: si riconosceva prima di tutto la libertà di esercitare il culto in questione e poi il regime di parità, sua e della chiesa adiacente, con le altre confessioni e chiese “ammesse”.14 Tali uf- ficializzazioni venivano fatte, innanzitutto, nell’ambito dei sinodi e, ulteriormente, nell’ambito delle diete del paese. Le decisioni delle diete erano capitali per la libera attività dei culti e delle chiese in questione. La prima misura laica di libertà confessionale, nel contesto della Riforma, fu adottata dalla dieta di Turda, il 22 giugno 1550, cinque anni prima della famosa misura analoga di Augusta (1555). Essa permetteva ai luterani15 di esercitare pubblicamente la loro fede, ma senza turbare in alcun modo la religione cattolica: “ognuno deve restare nella fede data da Dio, ma nessuna delle confessioni deve turbare in alcun modo l’altra”.16 Al sinodo di Aiud (Angetn, Straßburg am Mieresch, Enyed) del 1564 fu deciso il destino del calvinismo, staccato definitivamente dalla Chiesa evangelica e orga- nizzato ora separatamente.17 Nel 1564, “la religione di Cluj” (il calvinismo) e quella più vecchia “di Sibiu” (il luteranesimo) vennero dichiarate nell’assemblea del paese (di Turda) “religioni libere o ammesse”. Durante il regno di Giovanni Sigismondo, la politica religiosa di accettazione arrivò all’apice con le decisioni delle diete di Turda del 1568 e di Târgu-Mureº del 1571, quando fu riconosciuta la terza religione protestante, l’unitarianismo. Nel 1571, arriva alla guida della Transilvania il voivoda/principe Stefano Báthory, di confessione cattolica. Nel 1572, la dieta riconobbe nuovamente le confessioni ufficializzate sotto il regno dell’ex principe, vietando per il futuro qualsiasi altra “innovazione” religiosa.18 La Riforma, soprattutto nella sua veste calvinista e unitariana, si diffuse abbastanza timidamente anche presso gli Szekler che rimasero però, alla fine, in maggior misura, cattolici. Le confessioni e le chiese riformate non nacquero in concomitanza, a una certa data e non apparsero pienamente formate in Transil- vania. In questo modo, il calvinismo si staccò dal punto di vista dell’organizzazione dal luteranesimo, e l’unitarianismo dal calvinismo. Anche se esiste, da una prospettiva storica, una certa successione cronologica dell’affermazione di questi culti e chiese, molte delle idee protestanti di tipo luterano, calvinista e unitariano circolarono in parallelo, si confrontarono in lunghe dispute, si sovrapposero persino nelle menti di molti, prima di cristallizzarsi. Ci furono slanci e ripiega- menti, predominanze e ritirate, egemonie temporanee ecc. Questa situazione fu addirittura teorizzata da alcuni riformatori protestanti radicali che, nonostante i divieti di ulteriori innovazioni (decretati da varie diete), sostenevano il rinnovo permanente della fede (sempre reformare), il prolungamento dell’effervescenza, per non arrivare a idee e chiese fossilizzate. 22 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

Confessioni e nazioni in Transilvania

a città di Cluj, antica fortezza tedesca (tra le mura), arriva ad essere, dalla metà del Cinquecento, la cittadella nobiliare della Transilvania, diventa L cioè il centro dello stato (della nazione) nobiliare ungherese. Anche se la Riforma si manifestò pienamente anche in altri posti – Braºov, Sibiu, Bistriþa, Sighiºoara o Târgu-Mureº – il vero fermento delle confessioni protestanti fu la città di Cluj. Rispetto alle città e ai borghi menzionati, in cui aveva predomi- nato un’unica confessione protestante (al massimo due), Cluj fu il centro delle tre confessioni nate attraverso la Riforma. Si tratta di una grande località, di 8 000-8 500 abitanti, la seconda città per grandezza della Transilvania.19 Sotto aspetto etnico, la città, per eccellenza tedesca, intra muros nel Medio Evo, arriva ad essere, nel Cinquecento, tedesco-magiara. Si considera che, dal 1570 circa, i Magiari raggiungessero lo stesso numero dei Sassoni, se non li avevano già leggermente superati. All’epoca, il potere si esercitava in città – la prima città libera regale della Transilvania – tramite un sistema paritario, da parte delle due nationes, i Sassoni e i Magiari, nel senato, nel centumvirato e anche al livello dei giudici amministrativi: se il giudice della città era sassone, allora quello regale era ungherese, mentre l’anno seguente doveva essere il contrario. Il luteranesimo e il calvinismo si imposero in qualche modo pacificamente, anche se non senza certe convulsioni nella comunità di Cluj. La dieta del paese del 1556 decise la secolarizzazione (la confisca) di tutto il patrimonio della Chiesa cattolica, in modo che i due vescovati di Alba Iulia e Oradea avevano praticamente smesso di esistere, in mancanza dei poderi, della decima ecclesiastica ecc. Di conseguenza, i monasteri cattolici di Cluj, Târgu-Mureº e Oradea diventano scuole protestanti.20 Sempre nel 1556, il governatore Pietro Petrovici fa abbattere l’altare centrale della Chiesa di San Michele a Cluj.21 Nel tentativo di difendere la chiesa del convento francescano di Cluj (fondato dal re Mattia Corvino), aveva perso la vita un monaco, considerato ulteriormente martire. Nel 1557, si riunì a Cluj un sinodo con la partecipazione di 3 vescovi e 22 pastori luterani, tramite il quale i calvinisti erano dichiarati eretici.22 Alla fine di giugno 1557, Francesco David – il Sassone che predicava anche in ungherese – diventa vescovo evangelico della Chiesa luterana magiara (lui aveva cercato in precedenza di diventare il titolare di un vescovato comune magiaro-sassone, ma i Sassoni di Sibiu vi si opposero, scegliendo da soli il proprio vescovo).23 La vittoria dei luterani di Cluj fu le- gittimata in ambito europeo, secondo la tradizione, da alcune università della Germania e della Svizzera. Le confessioni nate tramite la Riforma non sono specifiche a determinate nazioni e non ricalcano sin dall’inizio determinate etnie. Al contrario, esse furono aperte ufficialmente a tutte le “lingue” (popoli). Questo fatto fu evidente anche Paradigms • 23 in Transilvania, dove il luteranesimo si diffuse al principio in ambito sassone e poi, abbastanza presto, tra gli Ungheresi e perfino tra gli Szekler, mentre l’unitarianismo fu accolto sia dagli Ungheresi che dagli Szekler e anche da alcuni Sasso- ni ecc. Allo stesso modo, c’erano Magiari luterani, calvinisti, unitariani ecc. Tut- tavia, le cose cambiano gradualmente, una volta accentuato il ruolo dell’etnia, e man mano si cammina verso la modernità. Ma, già dall’inizio, possiamo notare una certa rivalità magiaro-sassone. Il sacramentarismo si diffuse rapidamente tra la gente comune, perché la nuova confessione veniva chiamata sempre più spesso da parte delle élites “la religione magiara”. Poiché i Sassoni erano ormai luterani, mentre i Romeni continuavano ad essere ortodossi, la differenziazione per l’uso di questa denominazione ebbe l’effetto scontato.24 In più, alcuni venti- lavano anche la minaccia dell’assimilazione dei Magiari da parte dei Sassoni, se i primi non avessero scelto di passare al calvinismo. La “religione” luterana o “di Sibiu” diventa, pertanto, un emblema della popolazione tedesca della Transilvania, ed è denominata anche “sassone”, mentre la “religione” calvinista o “di Cluj” è connotata da alcuni con il denominativo di “ungherese”. Molti dei nobili ungheresi abbandonarono il luteranesimo per aderire ad una “religione” specifica alla propria nazione: queste confessioni si adeguano quindi anche a criteri etnici. Si può chiaramente vedere che, a livello dell’assemblea del paese, il culto calvinista (con più correnti) era chiamato “ungherese”, mentre quello luterano era chiamato “sassone”. Nel Seicento, man mano che si veniva affermando il principato calvinista, la sovrapposizione di questa confessione con la nazione magiara diventa sempre più evidente. In questo modo, le confessioni della Transilvania si separano, anche se non in maniera categorica, su criteri nazionali. E visto che i Romeni venivano già in precedenza confusi con l’ortodossia, nello stesso spirito, dal Seicento in poi, il termine “valacco” diventa sinonimo “ortodosso” (di fede orientale o bizantina), così che dire Romeno era uguale col dire ortodosso, e viceversa. Poco a poco, nonostante alcune riprese, il calvinismo finisce per rappresentare sul palcoscenico della Transilvania, per molto tempo, la religione magiara, il luteranesimo – la religione tedesca (sassone) e l’ortodossia – la religione (“la legge”) romena.

Le controversie religiose a Cluj. L’unitarianismo

uando sembrava che la varietà confessionale fosse arrivata all’apice, dopo che la “setta sacramentaria” era stata nuovamente proibita, sia Q dalla dieta di Turda che dal sinodo riunito nello stesso luogo (1558), appare in Transilvania, a Sibiu e a Cluj, l’esotico predicatore Francesco Stancaro, 24 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) che contestava la trinità (“Cristo è stato un essere umano, non Dio”) spianando, di fatto, la strada all’unitarianismo. Da poco riconosciuta, la Chiesa luterana, che stava combattendo contro il calvinismo, non era interessata ad accettare un’altra chiesa, seppur protestante, e vedeva in questa iniziativa un attentato alla sua sicurezza e all’integrità dei beni che aveva ricevuto dalla Chiesa cattolica. Nel 1559, al sinodo di Mediaº, i luterani di Cluj – membri della nazione sassone – Gáspár Heltai e Francesco David passano apertamente dalla parte dei calvinisti. In questo modo, il calvinismo diventa una causa nazionale, in quanto “religione magiara”. La dieta del paese, del giugno 1564, di Turda, riconosce ufficialmente il calvinismo e specifica: “Poiché tra i sovrintendenti25 e i preti delle Chiese di Cluj, ossia quella magiara, e di Sibiu, ossia quella sassone, ci sono state varie polemiche, controversie, lotte e divergenze di opinione riguardo alla religione, ma soprattutto sul tema dell’eucaristia26, per far cessare i contrasti e per rappacificare le coscienze di entrambe le parti, e per la pace degli abitanti del paese, è stato deciso che, nel futuro, entrambe le parti abbiano il permesso di professare e seguire tanto la religione e la concezione di fede di Sibiu, quanto quella di Cluj.”27 Il te- sto della decisione della dieta sancisce la divisione delle due confessioni su criteri nazionali: “la religione” del vescovato di Sibiu è evangelica di nazione sassone, mentre quello di Cluj è calvinista di nazione magiara. Nel 1565, il principe del paese, Giovanni Sigismondo (che era prima passato al luteranesimo), i magnati e numerosi Magiari comuni erano già calvinisti. Queste idee etniche si aggra- vano col passare del tempo e si diffondono anche tra le masse. In questo senso, intorno al 1573, i garzoni degli argentieri di Cluj sospendono l’attività per pro- testare contro il fatto che i mastri di Sibiu non volevano più assumere (per più di due settimane) garzoni magiari (che provenivano, di solito, da Cluj); il motivo dello “sciopero” è legato alle divergenze dei garzoni sassoni di Sibiu “riguardo alla religione” con i loro omologhi magiari di Cluj, contaminati dall’“eresia” e recalcitranti con i loro padroni.28 L’intreccio dell’etnia e della confessione in questo caso è significativo per le ulteriori evoluzioni nazionali.

I Romeni della Transilvania e la Riforma

n problema delicato era però, in fin dei conti, quello dei Romeni e della loro fede bizantina, perché questi Romeni e la loro confessione, U eliminati da tanto come gruppo dal “sistema costituzionale” del Voivo- dato della Transilvania, si ritrovavano ora marginalizzati anche rispetto al recen- te fondamento politico-confessionale del Principato.29 E non c’era nessun’altra possibilità, dato che i privilegiati ritenevano i Romeni inferiori, indegni di essere Paradigms • 25 presi in considerazione, per sempre sottomessi, “sporchi”, “pigri” e “inclini al male”. I nuovi statuti del paese, della seconda metà del Cinquecento, non fecero altro che rendere ancora più forte l’esclusione dei Romeni ortodossi, proprio in un momento in cui, in teoria, c’era la possibilità di rinnovamento anche in questo ambito. Le diete del 1566, con decisioni severissime contro i non-protestanti (obbligati ad abiurare o a lasciare il paese), contengono testi espliciti, in forma di legge, di divieto ed esclusione, riferiti agli ortodossi o “Valacchi”:

Per ciò che riguarda la religione è stato deciso, come già prima, in unanimità, che ogni cristiano avesse davanti agli occhi una cosa cristiana da portare, secondo i pre- cedenti articoli, affinché l’annuncio del Vangelo non fosse ostacolato presso nessuna delle nazioni, e non venisse meno il rispetto verso Dio e la sua gloria, ma, al contrario, venissero allontanate e fermate tutta l’idolatria e la blasfemia (la calunnia); e, perciò, è stato deciso, che tali idolatrie fossero cancellate presso tutte le nazioni, e la parola di Dio venisse liberamente annunciata, soprattutto presso i Romeni, i cui pastori, in quanto ciechi, avevano portato anche la povera comunità alla perdizio- ne. A quelli (tra i Romeni e i loro preti) che non vogliono sottomettersi alla verità, Sua Maestà ordina di sostenere una disputa (disputazione, dibattito) in base alla Bibbia e arrivare in questo modo alla conoscenza della verità; e quelli che non si vorranno sottomettere alla verità così raggiunta dovranno essere allontanati, che si tratti di un vescovo, di un prete, o di un monaco. E tutti (quelli rimasti) devono seguire solo l’unico vescovo Gheorghe, il sovrintendente, e tutti i preti scelti da lui; e quelli che non daranno retta a loro, andranno puniti per la loro infedeltà.30

Vale a dire i Romeni avevano solo due alternative, se volevano rimanere nella loro fede: andare via o sopportare le punizioni preparate per gli “ostinati”. La partenza o le ripetute punizioni erano soluzioni poco realiste, perché senza i Ro- meni non poteva funzionare l’economia del paese, non potevano essere raccolti i frutti della terra, così necessari ai privilegiati, e non poteva essere difeso dal punto di vista militare il paese. Non restava altro che attirarli al protestantesimo, però non come nazione distinta, ma come massa inferiore all’interno delle nazioni già esistenti. Una delle possibilità era la calvinizzazione, il loro vescovo era già stato istruito ad essere “sovrintendente” e aveva già ricoperto tale incarico, durante un breve periodo nella seconda metà del Cinquecento. Di conseguenza, fu creata per i Romeni una gerarchia temporanea calvinizzante (circa 1566- 1582). Non fu possibile mettere totalmente in pratica le decisioni ferme, come quelle previste dalle sopra ricordate diete del 1566, ma esse crearono una certa corrente e una certa tendenza di discriminazione dei Romeni, di essere trattati con disprezzo, come “idolatri”, “incolti”, “stupidi”, “inclini alle rapine”, renden- do ancora più grave la loro vita di povertà e insicurezza. 26 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

L’impossibilità di mettere in pratica queste decisioni radicali non significò l’abbandono dell’idea di attirare i Romeni verso il protestantesimo. Vennero applicati nel tempo, già dal Cinquecento, anche altri metodi di conversione, soprattutto al calvinismo, abbastanza insistenti, ma senza successi notevoli, per varie ragioni: la Riforma era in essenza pensata per i cattolici, non per gli ortodossi. In secondo luogo, c’era una grande sfiducia tra i Romeni riguardo a qualsiasi cambiamento. In terzo luogo, le dottrine della Riforma erano incom- prensibili per i Romeni. Cosa dovevano capire i Romeni da questioni come la rinuncia al primato papale, l’accettazione del matrimonio dei preti, l’abolizione del fasto dalle chiese e delle ricchezze delle chiese, il ripudio delle indulgenze ecc., dal momento che i Romeni non dipendevano da alcun papa, avevano solo preti sposati e chiese semplici, piccole e povere, non avevano mai conosciuto le indulgenze? In quarto luogo, il loro grado di istruzione era molto ridotto, fatto per cui i Romeni, insiemi ai loro “popi” erano profondamente disprezzati. Come sarebbe stato possibile commentare, in ambienti romeni, i sottili passi biblici sulla redenzione e sull’eucaristia, spesso raddoppiati da sapienti controversie filologiche, quando la maggior parte dei Romeni erano analfabeti e potevano solo “orecchiare” le Sante Scritture e i libri liturgici? Ma, naturalmente, quasi nessuno dei dignitari si chiedeva come e perché erano finiti i “Valacchi” in una simile condizione, e quelli che se lo chiedevano avevano una risposta comune, e cioè la loro “inferiorità” nativa. In quinto luogo, i Romeni erano disprezzati per la loro fede senza norme precise, per “gli scongiuri e le superstizioni”, per i loro digiuni lungo tutto l’anno, per il culto dei santi e dei morti, delle icone, per le candele, per certe cerimonie ritenute pagane ecc. Ma nella mente di questi “Valacchi” poveri e incolti non contava tanto il dogma, che capivano vagamen- te, ma ritenevano inamovibile, dato da Dio, intoccabile, quanto le formule e le forme della fede, le icone, le preghiere, l’onorare i santi e i morti, le candele, le cerimonie con substrato pagano, le loro feste con nomi e con radici romane. Tutti questi aspetti esterni erano per loro l’essenza stessa della fede, ed era quello che volevano abolire e distruggere i calvinisti. La fede religiosa, come l’avevano ereditata dai loro antenati, era per i Romeni chiamata “legge”, persino “legge romena”, mentre la rinuncia a questa “legge” era sinonimo con la corruzione, con lo smarrimento, con la perdita dell’identità, del loro essere collettivo. Questi Ro- meni sapevano per esperienza che le innovazioni erano state per loro delle dis- grazie, delle trasgressioni o delle gravi deroghe dall’ordine costituito. Ecco per- ché, i nuovi insegnamenti, anche se spiegati in lingua romena, urtavano, presso i Romeni, contro un muro, quindi la Riforma ebbe flebili echi tra i Romeni comuni. Un po’ più ricettiva fu invece la piccola nobiltà romena, diventata nel frattempo cattolica, ma si trattava di una quantità trascurabile in rapporto alla massa servile del popolo romeno. Infine, si opponevano alla “riformazione” dei romeni Paradigms • 27 proprio gli stati, poiché l’atto rischiava di modificare l’intero edificio politico del paese. Una volta passati in massa al calvinismo, i Romeni sarebbero diventati automaticamente detentori del potere, rischiando di sopraffare numericamente la prevalenza dei vecchi privilegiati. Venne tuttavia creata, nella seconda metà del Cinquecento, una gerarchia temporanea calvinista per i Romeni, che però non era riuscita ad attirare le masse.31 D’altra parte, dalla loro prospettiva “missionaria”, i protestanti guardarono con una certa simpatia storica questo cristianesimo orientale, anche perché alcune delle innovazioni della Riforma venivano da anni praticate dagli ortodossi (che non credevano neanche loro nel papa). Si riteneva, secondo una logica semplificata al massimo, che gli ortodossi, dato che applicavano sin dall’inizio alcune delle esigenze della Riforma, fossero una preda facile sul terreno della conversione. Del resto, a cominciare da Lutero, la fede bizantina fu contrapposta al cattolicesimo e considerata una confessione cristiana legittima (accanto a quelle che non riconoscevano il primato papale) e non come uno “scisma” in rapporto con Roma.32 Da questo punto di vista, la tentazione era evidente: mentre per i cattolici i Romeni non erano stati altro che degli “scismatici”, spesso volutamente confusi con gli “eretici”, i protestanti riconoscevano la confessione orientale, anche se la criticavano per i suoi “errori”. Ma i Romeni non erano tuttora auto- rizzati a risiedere nelle città (civitates), dove non avevano neanche il permesso di avere i propri luoghi di culto, trattandosi di una confessione ufficialmente non riconosciuta.

L’organizzazione del culto e della Chiesa unitariana di Cluj

el frattempo, l’unitarianismo guadagnava terreno, grazie all’atteggia- mento di Francesco David (che negava la divinità del Figlio e chiedeva il battesimo in età adulta), sullo sfondo delle idee di Lelio e Fausto N 33 Socini (o Sozzini), Francesco Stancaro, Nicola Paruta, Giorgio Biandrata. Dal 1565, le idee unitariane vennero apertamente diffuse a Cluj, nella Chiesa di San Michele, tramite il rifiuto dell’eucaristia, della Santissima Trinità ecc. In questo momento, si può osservare un’intolleranza della Chiesa calvinista verso gli unitariani. Progressivamente, l’unitarianismo si impone tramite le sue idee espresse in varie tappe: l’eliminazione dalla vita della chiesa dei termini non biblici (in- trodotti ulteriormente, tramite la tradizione); la contestazione della divinità di Gesù e dello Spirito Santo; il rifiuto del battesimo dei bambini e poi del sacra- 28 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) mento del battesimo. Le controversie alimentavano nuove controversie e non rimanevano solo a livello teorico. Il proselitismo di David (il pastore della città) guadagnava rapidamente nuovi seguaci nel seno della popolazione ungherese, ma era fortemente contrastato da Gáspár Heltai e dagli altri predicatori della co- munità tedesca.34 I centumviri prendevano decisioni, come quella del 1566, per tranquillizzare le masse: “La città prende nota dell’enorme e terribile agitazione causata dalla rivalità tra il signore pastore e i signori predicatori, che predicano gli uni contro gli altri, un’agitazione che si è estesa e continua a estendendersi giorno dopo giorno anche sulla plebe.”35 Di conseguenza, i centumviri chiedo- no l’interruzione degli attacchi pubblici tra i predicatori, che si “sbranavano” reciprocamente dal pulpito. Queste circostanze sono simili a quelle di Ginevra, avvenute tre decenni prima, quando il consiglio della città aveva reagito all’insediamento di Giovanni Calvino. Ma, nonostante le misure prese dall’amministra- zione della città – spaventata da tanti disordini – l’antitrinitarianismo guadagnò sempre più terreno, a seconda della dinamica delle idee, che cambiavano sempre più in fretta. Intorno al 1565-1567, gli antitrinitari transilvani erano servetiani36, intorno al 1567-1571 erano diventati sociniani37, perché poi, dopo aver definito lo specifico locale della nuova confessione, si facessero chiamare “davidisti”. Nel gennaio 1568, la dieta del paese aveva concesso agli unitariani la libertà di culto (senza riconoscere esplicitamente la nuova chiesa). Nello stesso anno, il sinodo di Alba Iulia aveva segnato la vittoria dell’unitarianismo, definitivamente staccato dal calvinismo. Il protagonista di queste evoluzioni fu Francesco David, di Cluj, nato cattolico, diventato luterano, passato al calvinismo e ora metamorfo- satosi in unitariano. La sua parola d’ordine era semper reformare, cioè “riformare continuamente”.38 Gli abitanti intra muros di Cluj aspettarono David nel centro della città e lo portarono sulle spalle, come se fosse stato un eroe. In una predica esaltata e piena di ammaestramenti, questo riformatore radicale conquistò il ceto basso della città che era passato all’unitarianismo. Quindi, intorno al 1570 quasi tutta la città di Cluj (intra muros) era unitariana. Francesco David svolse un lavoro difficile di organizzazione amministrativa e dogmatica della Chiesa unitariana di Cluj, la prima di questo tipo in Europa. I pastori calvinisti magiari e sassoni furono obbligati ad abbandonare la città. Il “Trias” (Il Padre è l’unico Dio, Cristo è l’uomo perfetto e lo Spirito Santo prende origine da tutti e due) aveva preso il posto della “Trinitas”. Nel 1568, passarono all’unitarianismo le città/i borghi Dej (Desch, Deés), Aiud, Alba Iulia e Abrud (Großschlatten, Abrudbá nya, Colonia Auraria Maior). Alla fine del secolo della Riforma, Cluj aveva sei comunità unitariane. La tipografia del principe di Alba Iulia e quella privata di Cluj, di Gáspár Heltai, erano, dal 1567, a disposizione degli unitariani. Su invi- to del principe, arrivarono in Transilvania l’unitariano radicale Johannes Som- Paradigms • 29 mer, accanto ad altri come Giacomo Paleologo, Niccolò Paruta, Adam Neuser.39 Tutti vissero anche a Cluj ed ebbero un’importante influenza nella diffusione della nuova fede. Mentre in Occidente, le persecuzioni religiose erano all’apice, in Transilvania la forma più radicale del protestantesimo arrivava ad essere una confessione privilegiata o “ammessa”. Il fatto non è difficile da spiegare, dal momento che il principe era unitariano, mentre la dieta era dominata dalla nobiltà unitariana. La dinamica delle idee unitariane di Cluj risulta dalla lettera (del 28 febbraio 1571)40 di un cappellano o predicatore tedesco – Elias Gezmidele – scritta dalla Polonia a Gáspár Heltai, dove era fuggito a causa delle sue idee troppo radicali, esposte a Cluj. Queste idee, come desunte dalla lettera e predi- cate da Gezmidele dal pulpito, erano: la comunione dei beni (“i cristiani devono avere tutto in comune e nessun cristiano deve dire con la coscienza tranquilla che il bene è mio”); la questione dell’autorità pubblica (“il Turco è l’autorità su- prema sulla terra; di conseguenza nessuno deve fare la guerra contro i Turchi”); i coniugi non sono obbligati ad essere fedeli nel matrimonio l’uno all’altro, per- ché non devono prestare il giuramento di fedeltà; dal momento che “Dio è una causa dei peccati”, allora gli adulteri o i dissoluti devono rimanere come tali e “lasciarsi punire qui, in questa vita, e nell’aldilà, in quella eterna”.41 Queste idee radicali, che alimentano in qualche modo l’atmosfera delle controversie religiose nella città di Cluj degli anni 1570, hanno la loro origine nell’anabattismo (la creazione della comunità dei beni; l’accettazione dell’autorità ottomana; il divieto di prestare giuramento in qualsiasi circostanza, dal matrimonio fino ai processi; l’accentuazione dell’interiorizzazione/spiritualizzazione della fede) e il libertinis mo (il peccato viene da Dio; l’essere umano non ha la responsabilità morale per i suoi peccati).42 La comunità dei beni rappresentava una componente delle idee anabattiste, senza che ci fosse unità di opinione a riguardo né tra i “Fratelli della Moravia”, né tra gli anabattisti dello spazio tedesco propriamente detto. Elias Gezmidele, come i suoi omologhi moravi, raccomandava la propaganda pacifica e l’adesione benevola alla comunità dei beni.43 Il fatto di non combattere con le armi i Turchi – tanto stigmatizzati dalla “Repubblica Cristiana” guidata dalla Santa Sede – deriva da una vecchia speranza degli anabattisti legata alla possibili- tà che gli invasori di Costantinopoli provochino il crollo del Sacro Romano Im- pero con tutti i suoi mali. Gli anabattisti austriaci nutrivano speranze del genere sin dal 1528, già prima del primo assedio di Vienna (1529).44 Il libertinismo, diffuso all’epoca della Riforma soprattutto nei Paesi Bassi, la Francia, la Svizzera e l’Italia, era un movimento sincretico, senza unità dottrinaria (formato da spiri- tualismo panteista, sensualismo, idee di anarchia morale ecc.). La più importante tesi libertina ripresa da alcuni unitariani era l’assoluzione dell’essere umano dalla sua responsabilità per il peccato, compresa la fedeltà tra i coniugi, dal momento che tutte le azioni dell’uomo nascevano dalla volontà divina.45 Naturalmente, 30 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) idee del genere non si misero in pratica, ma segnarono l’esistenza della comunità cittadina di Cluj e crearono delle reazioni contrarie, prevalentemente da parte dei protestanti ma anche degli unitariani moderati. Alcuni fattori di potere inter- ni ed esterni considerarono che la “riformazione perpetua” in Transilvania avesse preso una piega sbagliata e cercarono delle soluzioni per rimediare la situazione.

L’autunno dell’unitarianismo dopo l’ascesa al potere della dinastia cattolica

n questo contesto, nel 1571, sale al potere in Transilvania il principe cattolico Stefano Báthory, futuro re della Polonia. Da quel momento, tutte I le innovazioni religiose si fermarono, mentre le diete successive al 1571 avevano quasi ossessivamente ripetuto questo divieto. Il nuovo principe, anche se cattolico era antiasburgico o, piuttosto, a favore di una più larga autonomia della Transilvania, che poteva essere assicurata dalla benevola egemonia (“suze- raineté”) ottomana. Il suo nemico Gáspár Békés, anche se unitariano, era filo- asburgico. Nel confronto militare tra i due, l’ultimo fu duramente sconfitto a Sânpaul, nel 1575, e così ebbe inizio la crisi o addirittura il crollo dell’unitarianis mo. La vittoria del principe cattolico portò a un vero e proprio massacro nella piazza centrale di Cluj, dove erano cadute le teste dei più influenti magnati unitariani. Anche se la Dieta di Mediaº, del 1576, aveva ufficializzato la creazione del Vescovato unitariano (staccato dal Vescovato magiaro calvinista), con sede a Cluj, il nuovo culto conobbe un certo ripiegamento. Nel 1577, la Dieta di Cluj prende delle misure molto severe contro l’unitarianismo radicale, predicato da Sommer, da Paleologo, da Vehe Glirius e soprattutto da David. Le loro idee fondamentali erano sempre più preoccupanti per le autorità: Dio è uno solo e non si molteplica; la redenzione non dipende dalla predestinazione, ma dalla vita secondo i comandamenti di Dio; Gesù non è Dio e non va adorato e neanche invocato; Gesù sta nel cielo, non ci regala nulla e non possiamo chiedergli nulla; possiamo adorare e invocare solo il Padre; il battesimo e l’eucaristia non hanno validità ecc. Alcuni tra i più radicali, come Glirius, diventato lettore presso la scuola di Cluj, diventano giudaizzanti, praticando una teologia sabbatariano- giudaizzante. Le idee unitariane (divise in varie correnti, una delle quali, chiamata sabbata- rianismo, era giudeo-cristiana) – la maggior parte molto radicali – nonostante il grande successo iniziale, rimangono ulteriormente con meno seguaci, soprattut- to tra le masse povere di lingua ungherese di Cluj, Turda (Torda, Thorenburg) e Arieº (Aranyos, Aureus). I loro seguaci sostengono l’unicità della persona e Paradigms • 31 della natura di Dio, l’inesistenza della Santissima Trinità, la natura umana di Gesù Cristo, la falsità dei sacramenti (matrimonio, battesimo, eucaristia ecc.), della tradizione della chiesa, del culto della Vergine Maria, dei santi ecc. La negazione della divinità di Gesù Cristo portò a due precetti radicali o principi, manifestamente affermati: 1) questo non doveva essere adorato (nonadoramus o il non adorantismo); 2) questo non doveva essere invocato (noninvocando). Que- ste idee unitariane erano respinte e criticate non solo dai cattolici, ma anche dagli altri culti protestanti. Tuttavia, esse, accanto ad altri insegnamenti antitrinitari, conobbero una certa fortuna, e furono accolte dall’élite nobiliare, ma soprattutto dal basso ceto ungherese. Cluj diventa tra il 1566 e il 1570 una città unitariana, il centro principale dell’antitrinitarianismo, il luogo di fondazione e di affermazione di questa confessione. La radicalizzazione di Francesco David sulla via della riformazione continua lo aveva portato non solo alle idee “rivoluzionarie” sopra menzionate, ma anche alla negazione dell’immortalità dell’anima e dell’ispirazione divina delle Sacre Scritture. Giorgio Biandrata (unitariano moderato), Fausto Socini (Sozzini) e altri cercarono, tra gli anni 1578-1579, di temperare il grande riformatore, ma senza successo. Di conseguenza, venne arrestato (marzo 1579) e poi impri- gionato (giugno 1579) nella fortezza di Deva (Schlossberg, Déva), dove morì (novembre 1579), non prima che i suoi fedelissimi di Cluj provassero a libe- rarlo. L’unitarianismo, con il centro a Cluj, entrato in un’irrimediabile declino, era diventato religione di “stato” e minacciava lo statuto delle altre confessioni. Di conseguenza, il mondo locale e quello occidentale si coalizzarono contro la Transilvania unitariana, e l’instrumentum regni fu, in questo caso, la mano del principe Stefano Báthory.

Conclusioni

uttavia, la Transilvania del Cinquecento e, in particolare, la città di Cluj, rimasero dei modelli per il successo pacifico della Riforma prote- T stante e persino per la “tolleranza”, intesi secondo i sensi che la rispettiva epoca dava alla nozione. Senza delle vere e proprie guerre di religione, le confessioni protestanti furono, nella Transilvania del Cinquecento, man mano lega- lizzate, tanto dal punto di vista religioso (grazie ai sinodi regionali), quanto da quello laico (tramite le assemblee generali del paese o le diete). Le controversie o le “disputazioni” religiose (discussioni in contraddittorio) iniziarono, nel 1538, a Sighiºoara (Segesvár, Schäßburg) e si conclusero a Cluj, nel 1578-1579. Quale risultato, furono, tra il 1550 e il 1576, ufficialmente riconosciuti dei nuovi culti cristiani, che avevano trasformato la Transilvania nel “paese delle tre nazioni 32 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) riconosciute e delle quattro religioni ammesse”, creandosi in questo modo un sistema di tolleranza inedito e unico in Europa. Quali sono i significati di questa tolleranza, allora ed oggi? 1. Il successo, relativamente pacifico e rapido, delle nuove confessioni si spie- ga con un fatto semplice: l’intera élite cattolica del paese, che rappresentava circa un terzo della popolazione, passò senza grandi travagli alla Riforma, sicché le assemblee sinodali e le diete, formate da protestanti ex cattolici, non avevano fatto altro se non approvare se stesse, riconoscere se stesse, dopo aver abbandonato il cattolicesimo. 2. Un ruolo in questo processo può averlo giocato anche il rapporto di vassal- laggio verso la Sublime Porta ottomana, che in conflitto e avverso agli Asburgo cattolici favoriva o almeno non osteggiava la Riforma. 3. In Transilvania non c’era mai stata un’opposizione cattolica (poiché quasi tutti i cattolici erano diventati protestanti), in grado di ostacolare le nuove confessioni, bensì una grande disputa tra le diverse confessioni protestanti, che si erano formate successivamente e avevano agito in concomitanza l’una contro l’altra: i luterani si opposero al calvinismo (che si era staccato dal luteranesimo), poi i luterani e i calvinisti contrastarono con forza l’unitarianismo (che si era staccato dal calvinismo). 4. Le grandi polemiche religiose della Transilvania e di Cluj – che fu il loro centro – non si svolsero tra il cattolicesimo e i culti riformati, ma tra queste nuove confessioni: tra luteranesimo e calvinismo (sacramentarismo), tra calvinismo e unitarianismo, tra luteranesimo e calvinismo, da una parte, e unitarianismo, dall’altra ecc. Ci furono però alcuni casi, unici in Europa, a testimoniare il passaggio di una determinata persona, nell’arco della sua vita, per tutte le quattro confessioni, cioè cattolicesimo, luteranesimo, calvinismo e unitarianismo (il caso del principe, di Francesco David, di Gáspár Heltai ed altri). 5. La Chiesa romano-cattolica conservò lo statuto di religione ammessa, però, fino al 1571 (la presa del potere da parte del principe Stefano Báthory), questo riconoscimento fu soltanto formale, poiché essa fu contrastata da: con- versioni forzate, blasfemie, esecuzioni, espropriazioni, sia di luoghi di culto che di proprietà terriere o introiti, espulsione dei propri sacerdoti, divieti di svolgere gli uffici divini ecc. 6. La stragrande maggioranza della popolazione transilvana, formata da Ro- meni ortodossi, restò esclusa dal sistema di tolleranza menzionato; le delibere delle diete del 1566, di Cluj e di Sibiu, misero al bando tanto il cattolicesimo, quanto l’ortodossia, minacciando l’intero edificio confessionale del paese. 7. La differenza essenziale tra il cattolicesimo transilvano discriminato e l’ortodossia transilvana completamente emarginata resta una essenziale: mentre il cattolicesimo rimase, nonostante tutto, ufficialmente mantenuto tra le religiones Paradigms • 33 receptae nelle delibere dei sinodi e delle diete, l’ortodossia continuò a non essere riconosciuta, ma solo “tollerata” fintanto che sarebbe durato il “beneplacito del principe e dei cittadini” (usque ad beneplacitum principum et regnicolarum). Per i capi del paese era naturale che fosse così, poiché i pochi cattolici rimasti faceva- no parte delle nazioni ufficiali (in particolare gli Szekler), mentre gli ortodossi erano “Valacchi”, ossia non-cittadini, non-regnicoli (non abitanti di diritto del paese), vale a dire basso popolo. Ma per i Romeni della Transilvania, la Rifor- ma ebbe anche degli effetti positivi significativi, dall’introduzione della lingua romena nella chiesa fino all’approvazione di alcuni elementi di razionalizzazione della confessione. 8. La tolleranza transilvana del XVI secolo fu una sui generis, senza corri- spondenza né con il razionalismo del Secolo dei Lumi, né con la democrazia del Secolo delle Nazioni. Essa dimostrò che, tra privilegiati, senza la pretesa di una democrazia moderna, si poteva arrivare ad un’intesa. Del resto, l’epoca della Riforma protestante transilvana rappresenta un misto sui generis di accettazione ed esclusione, di uguaglianza e discriminazione, di pace e violenza. 9. Le idee religiose della Riforma (con le loro ricadute a livello socio-politico) nella Transilvania della seconda metà del Cinquecento presentano delle analo- gie con quelle europee e, in particolare, con quelle dei paesi vicini, la Polonia e l’Ungheria. Tramite la vittoria ufficiale dell’unitarianismo, i più noti teologi antitrinitari dell’Occidente, messi al bando quasi dappertutto, poterono liberamente operare, in certi periodi, a Cluj. Nel Seicento, la Transilvania, seppur conservando il sistema delle tre nazioni e delle quattro confessioni legali, sarebbe diventata, grazie ai suoi principi, un principato calvinista. L’imposizione della dominazione austriaca in Transilvania, nel 1688, avrebbe di nuovo portato il cattolicesimo in una posizione importante, ripristinato l’equilibrio delle forze confessionali del principato, attirato una parte dei Romeni al cattolicesimo e creato le premesse del movimento di eman- cipazione nazionale dei Romeni, la maggioranza assoluta della popolazione. La città di Cluj, nonostante abbia, nei nostri giorni, una stramaggioranza romena di rito bizantino, è rimasta una città dall’aspetto cosmopolita, multietnico e pluriconfessionale. La città è tuttora la sede di tre vescovati protestanti (uno calvinista, uno luterano e uno unitariano), a cui si aggiunge una sede metropolitana ortodossa, un’eparchia greco-cattolica e un vicariato romano-cattolico. L’università della città, fondata nel 1581 – da parte dei padri gesuiti, nello spirito della Controriforma – ha quattro facoltà teologiche: ortodossa, greco-cattolica, cattolica romana e protestante. Dentro la città, si può notare un paesaggio unico nel suo genere: accanto ad una chiesa ortodossa in stile bizantino sorge una cattolica in stile gotico, collocata a un centinaio di metri da una calvinista in stile barocco, confinante con una unitariana e con una luterana, tutte situate a poche 34 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) centinaia di metri da una sinagoga. Per Natale, nella cattedrale metropolitana, si riuniscono i cori di tutte le confessioni cristiane, che, in presenza delle proprie gerarchie e dei propri fedeli, cantano canti natalizi di tutti i generi, in varie lingue: romeno, latino, ungherese, tedesco, inglese, francese o italiano. A Cluj non si parla tanto di ecumenismo, quanto lo si pratica in silenzio, secondo la lezione di vita locale, risalente a mezzo millennio fa, sulla quale la Riforma protestante ha lasciato la sua impareggiabile impronta. q

Note

1. L’odierna Cluj è la seconda città per grandezza della Romania (intorno a 400 000 abitanti), capitale della Transilvania storica, provincia che, nel senso ampio del termine, rappresenta circa 40% del territorio e della popolazione della Romania contemporanea. 2. Per il passato di questa regione storica in tempi più remoti si vedano Ioan-Aurel Pop, Thomas Nägler (edd.), The History of Transylvania, vol. I (until 1541), Cluj-Napoca 2005; Ioan-Aurel Pop, Thomas Nägler, András Magyari (edd.), The History of Tran- sylvania, vol. II (from 1541 to 1711), Cluj-Napoca 2009. 3. Tudor Sãlãgean, Þara lui Gelou. Contribuþii la istoria Transilvaniei de Nord în secolele IX-XI, Cluj-Napoca 2006, pp. 177-190. 4. Jenø Szðcs, The Peoples of Medieval Hungary, in Ethnicity and Society in Hungary, a cura di F. Glatz, Budapest 1990, p. 17. Si veda anche György Györffy, A Case Study of Historical Geography: Hungary in the Árpádian Age, Budapest 1990, p. 4. 5. András Kubinyi, Matthias Rex, trad. Andrew T. Gane, Budapest 2008. 6. Maria Crãciun, Protestantism ºi ortodoxie în Moldova secolului al XVI-lea, Cluj-Napoca 1996. 7. Ioan-Aurel Pop, Bisericã, societate ºi culturã în Transilvania secolului al XVI-lea. Între acceptare ºi excludere, Bucarest 2012, passim. Una versione inglese di questo lavoro è Ioan-Aurel Pop, Cultural Diffusion and Religious Reformation in Sixteenth-Century Transylvania: How the Jesuits Dealt with Orthodox and Catholic Ideas, with a Foreword by Norman Housley, Lewiston-Queenston-Lampeter 2014. 8. Nella maggior parte delle lingue, il termine di “riformato” è sinonimo con quello di “protestante” e si riferisce a qualsiasi confessione nata (fondamentalmente dal cattolicesimo) tramite la Riforma protestante. In ungherese, a seguito di un’evoluzione semantica specifica, il termine “riformato” (református) significa esclusivamente “calvinista”. In questo lavoro, useremo gli stessi termini nello spirito delle lingue europee. 9. Il luteranesimo, sintetizzato come un nuovo insegnamento cristiano da Martin Lutero (1483-1546) e dai suoi seguaci e incluso, nelle sue linee fondamentali, nella Confessione di Augusta (1530), considera come elemento essenziale per la salvezza la fede e non il culto religioso, che viene molto semplificato; proclama l’autorità Paradigms • 35

esclusiva della Bibbia, rifiuta la tradizione sacra e riconosce, alla fine, solo due dei sette sacramenti tradizionali (nel XVI secolo ne aveva accettato tre, il battesimo, l’eucaristia e la confessione con l’assoluzione dei peccati), vale a dire il battesimo e la comunione (eucaristia, Santa Cena), quest’ultima con piccole modifiche (la dottrina di consustanziazione invece di quella di transustanziazione). L’insegnamento tradizionale sull’eucaristia sostiene che il corpo e il sangue del Signore siano effetti- vamente presenti nei sacri doni ovvero che il pane e il vino si trasformino veramente nel corpo e nel sangue del Signore. 10. Béla Vígh, Disputele sinodale lutherano-calvino-unitariene în Transilvania secolului al XVI-lea, tesi di dottorato, Sibiu 2009, p. 42. 11. La dottrina protestante calvinista, fondata da Giovanni Calvino (1509-1564) a Gi- nevra e formulata nell’Istituzione della religione cristiana (1536), accetta come unica fonte della fede la Bibbia, conserva dai sacramenti solo il battesimo e la comunione, che viene però svuotata dal suo antico contenuto (tramite il rifiuto della transustanziazione cattolica) e apporta un elemento nuovo (tramite il rifiuto della consustanziazione luterana); riconosce la predestinazione assoluta (il destino di ogni individuo è deciso sin dall’inizio) e la grazia divina irresistibile; sostiene il ritorno al primo cristianesimo e rifiuta la gerarchia ecclesiastica (nella sua forma cattolica). 12. Samuel Goldenberg, Clujul în sec. al XVI-lea. Producþia ºi schimbul de mãrfuri, Buca rest 1958, passim. 13. Si veda E. M. Wilbur, A History of Unitarianism in Transylvania, England and Ame rica, Cambridge-Massachusetts 1952, pp. 1-90. 14. Di solito, l’organizzazione e il riconoscimento della chiesa di un nuovo culto protestante era l’ultimo atto, preceduto da altri due, vale a dire la libertà del culto e, rispet- tivamente, la sua parità con le altre confessioni “ammesse”. 15. Friedrich Teutsch, Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Siebenbürgen, vol. I-II, Her- mannstadt (Sibiu) 1921. 16. Monumenta Comitialia Regni Transsylvaniae, redattore Sándor Szilágyi, vol. I (1540- 1556), Budapest 1875, p. 259 (d’ora in avanti mcrt). 17. Graeme Murdock, Calvinism on the Frontier: International Calvinism and the Re- formed Church of Hungary and Transylvania, c. 1600-1660, Oxford 2000. 18. L’organizzazione propriamente detta della Chiesa unitariana avvenne un po’ più tar- di, l’istituzione fu riconosciuta di diritto solo tramite la dieta di Mediaº, del 28 gennaio 1576. La Chiesa chiamata “magiara”, con sede a Cluj, non ebbe sind all’inizio un’unità dottrinaria, c’erano luterani, calvinisti e unitariani. Solo nel 1574, una parte degli unitariani e soprattutto i radicali guidati da Francesco David ottennero il diritto di fare sinodi separati. Dopo che la chiesa unitariana si era staccata, la denominazione di Chiesa ungherese diventò un problema, poiché anche gli unitariani erano (in gran parte) sempre Magiari. Si veda B. Vígh, Disputele sinodale, pp. 219-220. 19. Francisc Pall, Frãmântãrile sociale ºi religioase din Cluj în jurul anului 1570, «Anuarul Institutului de Istorie din Cluj», V (1962), pp. 9-10. 20. mcrt, vol. II (1556-1576), Budapest 1876, pp. 74-75. 21. B. Vígh, Disputele sinodale, p. 50. 22. Ibid., pp. 55-58. 36 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

23. Karl Reinert, Die Gründung der Evangelischen Kirchen in Siebenbürgen, Wien 1979, p. 238. 24. József Pokoly, A református egyház megalakulása Erdélyben, «Protestáns Szemle» (Bu- dapest) 1902, p. 69. 25. Dirigenti, con ruolo di vescovi, nelle chiese protestanti iniziali. 26. Il sacramento tramite cui si fa la comunione dei fedeli con pane e vino, che poi si trasformano, grazie alla potenza dello Spirito Santo, nel corpo e nel sangue del Si- gnore. Martin Lutero ha accolto quasi in forma immutata tale sacramento (insieme ad altri due dei sette), ma i protestanti hanno generalmente respinto l’eucaristia o hanno accettato in quest’ambito solo una presenza spirituale (nel calvinismo) di Gesù Cristo. 27. mcrt, vol. II, pp. 231-232. 28. F. Pall, Frãmântãrile sociale ºi religioase, p. 12. 29. Petre Filimon, Protestantismul ºi românii din Ardeal, Arad 1938. 30. mcrt, vol. II, p. 326; B. Vígh, Disputele sinodale, pp. 119-120. 31. Adrian Niculescu, Avatarurile protestantismului românesc. Reforma. Reformele, «Da- coromania» (Cluj-Napoca), n. s., IX-X (2004-2005), p. 53. 32. I.-A. Pop, T. Nägler, A. Magyari (edd.), The History of Transylvania, vol. II, p. 236. 33. Si veda Domenico Caccamo, Eretici italiani in Moravia, Polonia, Transilvania, Firen- ze-Chicago 1970. 34. F. Pall, Frãmântãrile sociale ºi religioase, p. 13. 35. Ibid. 36. Dal nome di Michele Serveto, scopritore della circolazione pulmonare del sangue, colui che aveva combattuto la Santa Trinità. In piena Inquisizione, espresse e argo- mentò la convinzione che il Padre, il Figlio e lo Spirito Santo siano delle manifestazioni di Dio, non persone separate e distinte. Nel 1553, in seguito alla denuncia di Giovanni Calvino, fu condannato e bruciato sul rogo a Ginevra. Si veda Vincent Schmidt, Michel Servet. Du bûcher à la liberté de conscience, Paris 2009. 37. Il socinianesimo è una forma di antitrinitarianismo, che prende nome da Lelio Socini/Sozzini (morto a Zurigo nel 1562) e da suo nipote Fausto Socini/Sozzini (morto in Polonia nel 1604). La dottrina dei sociniani si basa esclusivamente sulla razionalità e sul rifiuto dell’insegnamento relativo alla Trinità e alla divinità di Gesù. In più, loro credevano che l’onniscienza di Dio fosse limitata a ciò che era neces- sariamente vero nel futuro (a ciò che sarebbe successo con certezza), e non si appli- casse alla verità contingente (a quello avrebbe potuto immediatamente succedere). Mentre gli ariani credevano in un Cristo preesistente, i sociniani non credevano che il Figlio di Dio fosse esistito anche prima di essere nato uomo. Le loro congre- gazioni si trovavano soprattutto in Transivania, in Polonia (“i Fratelli polacchi”) e in Olanda. Si vedano J. Gailhard, The True Character of the Spirit and Principles of Socinianism, Drawn Out of Their Writings. With Some Additional Proofs of the Most Holy Trinity, of Our Lord’s, and of the Holy Ghost’s Divinity, Holborn MDCXCIX (1699); Marian Hillar, Laelius and Faustus Socinus Founders of Socinianism: Their Lives and Theology, Part 1, «Journal from the Radical Reformation. Testimony to Biblical Paradigms • 37

Unitarianism», vol. 10, nr. 2 (2002), pp. 18–38; Part 2, vol. 10, nr. 3 (2002), pp. 11–24. 38. Mentre si diffondevano tali ardue idee, a Cluj si svolgevano dei processi per stre- goneria come quelli del 1565, 1568, 1570 ecc. Si vedano Antal Pirnát, Kolozsvár Dávid Ferenc évtizedeiben, in Az Eötvös Loránd tudományegyetem évkönyve, 1955, Bu- dapest 1956, p. 109; F. Pall, Frãmântãrile sociale ºi religioase, p. 28, n. 58. 39. Adam Neuser era un antitrinitario radicale rifugiato da Heidelberg in Polonia (1571) e poi a Cluj (1572). Fu predicatore della comunità sassone nella città transilvana, con cui entrò in conflitto, dopo di che si convertì all’islam e morì a Costantinopoli nel 1576. Si vedano A. Pirnát, Die Ideologie der Siebenbürger Antitrinitarier in den 1570er Jahrer, Budapest 1961, pp. 119-125; F. Pall, Frãmântãrile sociale ºi religioase, p. 29, n. 61. 40. S. Goldenberg, Frãmântãri sociale ºi religioase la Cluj oglindite într-o scrisoare din 1571, «Anuarul Institutului de Istorie din Cluj», I-II (1958-1959), pp. 371-373; F. Pall, Frãmântãrile sociale ºi religioase, pp. 17-30. 41. F. Pall, Frãmântãrile sociale ºi religioase, pp. 20-21. 42. Ibid., pp. 21-30. 43. J. Loserth, Der Communismus der Mährischen Wiedertaufer, «Archiv für österreichi sche Geschichte», 21 (1895), p. 238; F. Pall, Frãmântãrile sociale ºi religioase, p. 22. 44. Ibid. 45. Trechsel-Choisy, Libertiner, in Realencyclopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche, XI, Leipzig 1902, pp. 458, 460-461.

Abstract The City of Cluj and the Protestant Reformation of the 16th Century

The ideas of the Reformation reached Transylvania immediately after the year 1517 and were embraced by the Saxons in the form of Lutheranism (with its center at Sibiu), and by the Hungarian nobility in the form of Calvinism (with its center at Cluj). The new denominations organized their structures and received official recognition between 1542 and 1571. The Unitarian (Anti-Trini- tarian) ideas began to spread out of Cluj in 1565, and by the end of that decade the city had become the main center of this denomination. Nowadays, Cluj remains a cosmopolitan, multiethnic and multiconfessional city, home to three Protestant bishoprics, an Orthodox Metropolitan See, a Greek-Orthodox eparchy, and a Roman-Catholic vicarage, while hosting a university (founded in the year 1581) with for faculties of theology.

Keywords Reformation, Transylvania, Lutheranism, Calvinism, Unitarianism, Francis David The Irenical Impact of David Pareus’ Work on the Hungarian Protestant

O l g a L u k á cs Churches

The impact of the conciliatory policy initiated by Philipp Melanch- thon, which was later called “Philip- pism,” was felt in Wittenberg until 1575.1 The movement was replaced by the Formula Concordiae, drafted in 1577 and accepted by the Lutheran Churches, which launched a Lutheran dogmatic thinking in Germany that rejected the Confessio Augustana Variata accepted by the Lutherans in 1540. By the 17th century, in the European context, the “legacy of Philippism” was only continued in Calvinist theology in the work of Zacharias Ursinus, in the Heidelberg Catechism, the Ireni- cism of David Pareus and generally in Portrait of David Pareus (1548–1622), the Pfalz-Heidelberg theology, which in Bibliotheca chalcographica, text by Jean-Jacques Boissard, engravings by proves that the conciliatory trend that Theodor de Bry (1652–1669). began in the Reformation era was only continued by the Reformed side. It is known that the Calvinist theology in Transylvania acquired an eccle- Olga Lukács siastical framework especially among Associate professor at Babeº-Bolyai Uni- the Hungarians, while the Lutheran versity of Cluj-Napoca, specializing in theology shaped the Church of the the history of the Reformed Church in Transylvanian Saxons.2 Thus, the two Transylvania. Protestant Churches of Transylvania Paradigms • 39 became increasingly estranged from one another also because of their national backgrounds, despite the fact that the pursuit of unity was present within both of them. The Melanchthon–Ursinus–Pareus theology also played an important role in the Transylvanian Saxon Church until the mid–17th century.3 For example, it can also be noted in the case of Bishops Matthias Hebler and Lukas Unglerus, who fostered the independence of Transylvanian Saxon Lutheranism.4 The irenical movement that started at the beginning of the 17th century corresponded to the situation of the Transylvanian Reformed and Lutheran Churches of 1566–1570 regarding their interdependence and doctrinal community. Lukas Unglerus formulated the Formula Pii Consensus that was adopted by the Mediaş Synod on 22 June 1572, which “in its Melanchthonian formulation is a clear summary of the legacy of the Reformation.”5 The importance of the document is also reflected by the fact that the Saxon Church stated in this document that its teaching was the same as that of the Confessio Augustana. Their intention with this document was to prove to the whole of Europe that—contrary to popular opinion—not all Transylvanian Protestant Churches had become Antitrinitarian.6 Article IX of the creed condemns “sacramentarians,” who deny the real presence of Christ in the Eucharist.7 The importance of the Melanchthonian heritage became even more evident due to the events occurring at the turn of the 16th– 17th centuries—by this we mean the re-Catholicization. The religious policies of István (Stephen) Báthory, prince of Transylvania, intensified this relationship, as he entrusted the restoration of the common superintendency of the Hungarian Reformed and Lutheran Churches to the Lutheran Dénes Alesius.8 The organization of church services in the mother tongue of the congregation, in those places where this was also linked to confessional divisions, strengthened the popular character of the measure. However, denomination cannot be considered a factor of assimilation. Péter Bod and consequently István Juhász both believe that in places with a Hungarian majority the confessional community assimilated the German minority, while in places with a German majority it assimilated the Hungarian minority.9 Education was the foundation of a new era. The works published by people of lower social condition, who made up the majority of the peregrinators, and who were preparing for a career in teaching, respectively ministry, reflect legal, historical, political, and military interests.10 The Protestant ministers and teachers, who completed their studies abroad and especially at Heidelberg University, represented a group with highly specialized knowledge in the 17th century.11 A real peace among the Protestant confessions was unattainable, for it was believed that Calvinists should stop the practice of Calvinism and should accept the Augsburg Confession and the Formula Concordiae. Knowing this, we may 40 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) note that peace and religious cooperation were separate matters. This means that the Evangelical believers rejected the religious unification, but accepted to jointly confront the Counterreformation, i.e. a political cooperation in this regard. The irenical movement in general, the sum of the ideas propagating the unity of faith of the Protestants and proposing their institutional reunification, was a theological system of thought and a church policy movement that originally came into being during the development of German Protestantism.12 The theorist of the 17th century irenical movement was David Pareus (1548– 1622), a professor at Heidelberg University, who taught the Old Testament and the New, and had a great impact on students at the time of religious polemics.13 The irenical aspirations of Pareus can also be noted in his earlier works,14 but they are formulated into clear theses in his work called Irenicum, published in 1615.15 The short summary of the Irenicum is the following: everyone who accepts the articles or branches of faith that are necessary for salvation is a member of the Church of Christ. The articles were divided into two parts: common articles of faith and theological articles of faith (articuli theologici). To achieve salvation it is enough to know the common articles, i.e. to believe in the crucified Jesus Christ, to keep the laws of God and know the Ten Commandments, the Apostles’ Creed, the Lord’s Prayer and the doctrine of the Sacraments. In addition, of course, the absolute authority of the Holy Scripture had to be accepted. According to irenical authors, these were the fundamentals that everyone had to know and observe in order to achieve salvation. The foundation of unity was considered to be an agreement concerning the basic teachings and the respect of the distinct features of the religious denominations. This does not mean a uniform thinking, but tolerance and unity amid diverse opinions. According to Pareus, all other issues on which the denominations were argu- ing (even that of the Eucharist) were in fact irrelevant, mere questions of detail. Pareus believed that the disputes between Calvinists and Lutherans could be settled with a syncretic Eucharist formula.16 This could be discussed at a syncretic council. Pareus also argued that the world’s Protestant leaders should have then followed the collaboration and religious peace of theologians, which would have had consequences in political terms as well.17 In his view, the unio civilis and the unio ecclesiae were inseparable.18 Pareus’ work dealt not only with the theology of Lutheran and Calvinist Churches and tolerance issues, but also with the political implications of church teachings. The roots of the irenical movement should be viewed in relation with religious policy, and thus we can clearly speak of peace among religions.19 The Formula Concordiae was drawn up because of the pursuit of unity. The second aim of the irenical movement was to oppose the Counterreformation through Paradigms • 41 a Protestant collaboration. It is no coincidence that Article 165 of the Formula presented the consenting views of Protestants against those of the Catholics. János Heltai discussed in detail the polemic of the Hungarian supporters of Pareus, and highlighted the significance of its impact on the irenical views of the era.20 Heltai states in his research concerning the peregrination of Heidelberg students that Pareus had a great impact on Hungarian students as well, and more than 170 Hungarian peregrinators went to Heidelberg between 1595 and 1621.21 Our research has proven that Irenicism can usually be viewed only as a local, community-based manifestation.22 Despite the fact that Pareus’ students were appointed to office at the royal court, e.g. Péter Alvinczi or Albert Szenczi Molnár, their impact was localized, the irenical trends were only carried out for a short time, and mainly meant a common approach, a united front against the Catholic Church. The irenical documents only circulated in certain erudite religious circles. In the Transylvanian Reformed Church, we can find the ideas of the irenical movement at an institutionalized level in the measures taken by Bishop István Geleji Katona (1589–1649) towards the Orthodox Romanians in Transylvania.23 In the Transylvanian area, the two Protestant Churches had separated into a Saxon and a Hungarian Church, due to national reasons. However, in the 17th century the union of the two Churches resurfaced at a theoretical level. In the following we shall look at those members of the irenical movement whose work towards unity had an impact on the Principality of Transylvania. One of David Pareus’ most outstanding Hungarian students was Péter Alvinczi (1570–1634). We often find the indicator Enyedinus attached to the name of Péter Alvinczi, referring to his place of origin. He also inherited a man- sion in Enyed, which he bequeathed to his son, the young Péter Alvinczi.24 In terms of his studies, Alvinczi stood at the boundary between two generations. Due to his studies in Wittenberg, he was bound to the intellectuals having a Melanchthonian and later humanist education. Heidelberg, however, connected him to the generation of Reformed Orthodoxy.25 In addition, it can be assumed that he gained a thorough knowledge of Law and History at one of the universities of Northern Italy. Thus, it was no coincidence that he became the preacher of Várad (Oradea).26 Alvinczi is the most prominent religious writer of the early 17th century. In 1605, following his studies in Heidelberg and in Wittenberg, he became a priest in Košice, which is when his real career started. Alvinczi had a confidential relationship with István (Stephen) Bocskai and Gábor (Gabriel) Bethlen, princes of Transylvania. This confidential relationship is important because Alvinczi was brought up with irenical ideas, thus he could have an impact on the rulers’ anti- 42 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

Habsburg policy. As a true follower of the irenical movement, he tried to make peace between the Reformed and the Evangelicals in Košice. He wrote several pamphlets, many of which were lost, but we can infer their contents from the responses of his opponents. On the Catholic side, Péter Pázmány proved to be such an opponent. The first work clearly reflecting the irenical spirit, i.e. the Itinerarium Catholicum (Debrecen, 1616) was ascribed to Alvinczi.27 This work was actually written by Dániel Szegedi, who was also a student of Pareus. In the Itinerarium, Szegedi proved the continuity of the Protestant doctrine since the ancient Christians. By this, he aimed at achieving unity within the fight against the Catholics.28 Alvinczi is, however, the author of the work Az Úrnak szent vacsorájáról való rövid intés (A short exhortation concerning the Eucharist), an irenical example of preaching and teaching published in Košice in 1622. In this work, Alvinczi reflected upon an internal debate of the Reformed. The prelude to this debate was that in 1619 the National Assembly was held in Bratislava, and the Lord’s Supper on Christmas was given to the participating aristocrats by Alvinczi and János Kanizsai Pálfi, the preacher of Pápa, who was also a student of Pareus. Ac- cording to the Pentapolitana Confessio,29 i.e. the agreement that was valid for the Reformed congregation of Košice, and in order to maintain its unity, Alvinczi provided the Sacrament with host (altar-bread), as he usually did in Košice, while Kanizsai used bread according to the general Calvinist tradition. Alvinc- zi was then slandered at Kanizsai’s initiative because of using altar-bread.30 In spite of the fact that Prince Gabriel Bethlen himself communed with altar-bread, Alvinczi was obliged to justify his actions. Alvinczi’s lengthy works, as well as his collection of sermons published in two volumes (Postilla, Košice, 1633–34) are characterized by a dry didactic style adjusted to the formal, logical and theological constraints of Protestant church literature.31 However, he had a great impact on his contemporaries with other works written in a political oratorical style, e.g. Querela Hungariae, which was published in 1620 and in which he defended Gabriel Bethlen, prince of Transylvania. Many consider Alvinczi’s political rhetoric similar to Pázmány’s early Baroque elo- quence, but this may have been the result of his schooling in Várad (Oradea).32 Alvinczi’s works unite two facets, the appropriate theology for irenical teachings, which support unity, and the endeavors towards political freedom. In the aims of his political endeavors he explained that the only valid option for the Hungarians was national unity, this being the only way for them to achieve religious and political independence from the Turks and the Habsburgs. Alvinczi’s works reflect the situation of 17th-century Hungarian Protestantism; they promote the emergence of national culture. We consider Alvinczi’s role in political Paradigms • 43 life since the time he made his debut next to Stephen Bocskai, namely, when he became the court priest of the prince. The abovementioned confidential relationship is also due to this development. He got to know the political situation of the country in greater depth during his time as a court priest, since he was the one to hold the festive worship services at the Hungarian National Assemblies, and he was also a member of the church district deputation at these Assem- blies. Alvinczi was the author of Apológia (Apology), written to defend Stephen Bocskai, when he was accused of Arianism. Nevertheless, researchers are divided in two groups when it comes to his authorship in the Apológia: there are those who deny Alvinczi’s authorship, while others believe that the apology of Bocskai displays a line of thought which is characteristic to Alvinczi’s other works as well. We encounter the first such unit of thought in the title of the work: Adversus iniquissimas Monacho-Iesuitarum criminationes. He also opposes the Jesuits in the Machiavellisatio, the authorship of which Alvinczi assumed by a statement, as well as in the Resultatio and especially in the Defensio, which defended the Quere- la by Adversus corruptelas Jesuiticas.33 The main criterion of Alvinczi’s authorship lies in the uniform ideological image found in his works, indicating a theological, historical, political culture and education above the average. The Apológia, of course, does not contain irenical thoughts in a direct manner. He simply states that the vast majority of Hungarians belong to the Helvetic Confession, and only a few counties and free cities claim to belong to the Augsburg Confes- sion; however, there are still relations of peace and Christian love with the latter. There are Unitarians only in Transylvania, but their numbers are decreasing.34 Following the death of Bocskai, Alvinczi permanently became a member of the Hungarian high society. He gained vineyards, bought a house in Košice to which his family life is also connected, and Matthias II granted him a title of nobility. In Košice, Alvinczi prevented the return to the Catholic religion, which means the purest realization of his irenical ideas, as it resulted in the free practice of the Reformed religion and strengthened the Calvinist principles against the Counterreformation. Alvinczi was therefore greatly respected, and because of his proximity to the prince, his work became known abroad as well. This was also aided by his testamentary work carried out at the princely court, which linked him to politics.35 Alvinczi’s work was known abroad thanks to the active publishing activity of Albert Szenczi Molnár. This is how his work became known to both Europe in general and David Pareus in particular. Nevertheless, the Reformation did not bring composure to the believers, as it was a time of debates and accusations. It did not create a new world order, nor a universal religious concordia. It was an attempt to explain the truths of faith by reason. 44 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

Alvinczi’s politically oriented preaching activities did not end after the death of Bocskai. At Bocskai’s court Alvinczi met Prince Gabriel Bethlen, with whom he maintained a close friendship.36 Although he was not in the immediate proximity of the prince, he became his counselor in matters of religion and school development. Alvinczi also provided help in instructing the peregrinators studying abroad. Furthermore, Alvinczi was entrusted with the supervision of the educa- tors of young Stephen Bethlen. Alvinczi was also actively involved in political life; thanks to his knowledge of German he attended the peace negotiations of Nikolsburg as a diplomat. Gabriel Bethlen also sought Alvinczi’s opinion in strategic matters, and he founded a royal library in Gyulafehérvár (Alba Iulia) following the example of King Matthias. The relationship between the monarch and the renowned professor was shaped by the Hungarian students of Heidel- berg, who presented Bethlen to the European intellectual elite as the protector of the true religion and a generous patron of culture. Bethlen also got to know Pareus’ ideas and thinking through his diplomats and preachers, and they even corresponded with the help of Szenczi and others.37 Bethlen zealously attempted to create a diversified liturgy full of gradual songs, and was committed to involving the artistic church choir and the organ in the life of the Reformed Church.38 David Pareus, a professor at the University of Heidelberg, regularly sent complimentary copies of his works to the royal library.

ther students from Heidelberg also took part in the theoretical justi- fication of Bethlen’s Transylvanian reign and role in Hungary.39 After O Bethlen’s death Alvinczi’s political activity ceased. He tried to fulfill the will of the prince of Transylvania, i.e. to prevent the counties that were attached to Transylvania from falling under Catholic Habsburg rule, but this was—as we know from historical events—an impossible task. In the last years of his life Alvinczi wrote volumes of sermons.40 Above we mentioned the name of Albert Szenczi Molnár (1574–1634), who was also a peregrinator in Heidelberg and a great admirer of David Pareus’s work.41 Despite the fact that Szenczi brought Pareus’ letters to his Hungar- ian followers,42 or that in 1611 Lukács Szijgyártó asked Molnár to send him Pareus’ works,43 and despite the fact that Pareus wrote a poem for Albert Szenczi Molnár’s wedding,44 we find no reason to discuss the irenical ideas of Szenczi Molnár, as no works of his obviously support them. At times, paradoxical situations developed around irenical documents, when an anti-Catholic pamphlet received criticism within Protestant circles. Such was the case of the irenical work of István Tolnai Pap, the court priest of György (George) Rákóczi. In 1632, István Tolnai Pap translated in the Calvinist spirit the consolation sent by Wittenberg University to the Czech-Moravian brothers persecuted because of their religion.45 The aim of the work was the consolation Paradigms • 45 of the Czech-Moravian brothers settled in Transylvania, who were persecuted because of their religion. This work assured them of the compassion of the Cal- vinists. This was written in a kind of anti-Catholic tone, as they had had to flee because of the Catholics. The translation was challenged by Royal Judge Ferenc Nádasdy in his letter of 9 March 1636, in which he claimed that Tolnai’s work was full of errors and lies. He wrote that he himself would translate the original work, however, there is no information on the publication of such a book.46 Thus, the Calvinist irenical work written against the Catholics received a reme- dial response from the Evangelicals.47 The Lutheran and Reformed denominations mutually influenced each other, all the more so because they started out from a common basic rite. An example in this respect is the work of Gál Huszár Az keresztyén gyülekezetben való isten dicsérete és imádságok (The praise of God and prayers in the Christian congregation) (Komjáti, 1574), in which he follows Luther’s Formula Misse in its en- tirety, with minor modifications, thus actually following the Lutheran antiphon type of mass. Even after their separation, the two Churches retained the same liturgical framework. In the early 17th century there were no significant differences in the exterior, interior and inventory of a Lutheran and a Calvinist church. The Re- formed churches contained an altar or a table of the Lord. Consenting to Vilmos József Kolumbán’s opinion, we may say that despite the attempts of the followers of the Reformation and despite the synod deci- sions, the 16th-century Transylvanian Reformed Church did not have a unified worship regime providing it with an institutional character, as they took up the abovementioned “cleaned” Catholic mass.48 Despite the efforts of the Reformed, in the 1620s it seemed like the Lutherans had turned away from the idea of the two Churches approaching one another. Nevertheless, the Reformed did not give up. This is evidenced by the work Mag- yar Harmónia (Hungarian harmony) by János Samarjai (1585–1652), the Re- formed superintendent of the Upper Danube area, published in 1628 in Pápa.49 In his work Samarjai combines the ideas of the Swiss Théodore de Bèze (1519– 1605) and those of David Pareus. Théodore de Bèze considered it sufficient for a rapprochement between the churches to print the creed of the various Protes- tant denominations in a single volume, as he believed that these were already in harmony concerning the issue of salvation.50 Starting from this point of view, Samarjai placed the relevant articles of the Augsburg Confession and the Second Helvetic Confession next to each other, and, as an appendix, he added the reasons for reconciliation from Pareus’ Irenicum, chapter XXVIII. The considerable similarity between the external elements of the mass listed in the Magyar Harmónia was also surprising. Both churches rejected the priestly alb, the cope, the stole, the decoration of altars, church images, daytime candle 46 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) lighting, church singing accompanied by the organ or violin, polyphonic church songs, and the carrying of the cross in funeral processions. According to Samarjai, there was only one difference between the rites of the two Protestant churches, namely regarding the Eucharist: the Calvinists used leavened bread, while the Lutherans used altar bread.51 However, even this difference sometimes disappeared, since in the early decades of the 17th century many Reformed churches used altar bread for the Lord’s Supper. Such was the case of the Nagyszombat (Trnava) congregation—thus it is not a coincidence that he dedicated his book to one of the leading members of the Reformed congregation of Trnava, Orsolya Écsy, the wife of Gáspár Szegedi.52 Thus it can be concluded that the dual congregations of the Upper Danube District of the Reformed Church were veritable centers of the unification attempts. Samarjai’s aspirations were based on an earlier synod, which was convened on 17 June 1615 in Ujlak (Ilok) by Miklós Pálházi Göncz, an Upper Dan- ube Lutheran bishop. The aim of the synod was that the representatives of the Lutheran and Reformed Churches discuss the common way of taking the Lord’s Supper, which was the foundation of the union.53 We shall not go into details with regard to the synod—at which Samarjai probably also participated—but only say that it was unsuccessful because of the Lutheran representatives’ stern- ness. Therefore, the council was adjourned to 8 September 1615, and was held in Komját (Komjatice). The Komját synod achieved tangible results, as the representatives of the two Churches agreed on a four-point formula concerning the Eucharist. This formula is noteworthy because this is how David Pareus’ union- ist perception of the Eucharist gained contour in Hungary for the first time. The Consensus of Komját proved to be ephemeral. Nevertheless, conceptually it was of great importance because, as Géza Kathona puts it, “the honest wish for a union begins to emerge in the case of both Churches.”54 Just like other such works,55 Samarjai’s initiative was unsuccessful among the Lutherans. Examples include the work of István Lethenyei, the Csepreg preacher, called A kálvinisták magyar harmóniájának meghamisításában (The fal- sification of the Calvinists’ Hungarian harmony) published in 1633.56 In this work he pointed out the differences between the Reformed and the Lutheran creed in 21 articles. Finally, he concluded: “We do not accept the Calvinists as our spiritual brothers, nor do we ever want to.”57 A similar tendency towards a rapprochement is reflected in Bishop János Samarjai’s agenda of 1636. Ilona Ferenczi also clearly evaluates this agenda as an attempt at a union.58 Samarjai’s agenda is little different from the agenda “inherited” from Luther and from the basic principles of the Lutheran service called Ordnung des Gottesdienstes in den Gemeinden (Order of worship in the communities),59 respectively from the 16th-century model in general,60 and one can even find Catholic elements in it.61 Paradigms • 47

The agenda written according to the Rituale Strigoniense showed a significant Catholic and Lutheran impact, mainly concerning its content. As an example, we emphasize the teaching of the agenda concerning the sanctuary. Samarjai believed that the sanctoarium was named like this because “the Sacrament of the Lord’s holy body and blood is handed out and taken there.”62 This trait is clearly built on Catholic doctrine, according to which Catholics look towards the altar in the sanctuary with the highest respect, as they believe that Christ is physically present in the altar’s holiness.63 In this respect Samarjai’s belief neared Roman Catholic teachings, as he considered a part of the church “holier” than its other parts. With his mind’s eye he could permanently see the sacrament worthy of “adoration” in the church sanctuary. In Samarjai’s agenda only the items of the liturgy contained Helvetic characteristics. According to Kolumbán, Samarjai’s agenda “did not become popular and is still just an interesting element of the history of liturgy”64 because of its syncretism. Two Transylvanian bishops, János Keserði Dajka and István Katona Geleji, also belonged to the circle of Pareus’ followers. The first one was influenced by Pareus’ irenical approach, but his works do not contain practical results in this respect. The name of István Katona Geleji can be mentioned in connection with the Romanian Reformation. His work transcends politics, as he sought to approach the Romanian Orthodox Church due to his irenical beliefs. István Geleji Katona’s irenical efforts are also proven by the presence of Pareus’ Irenicum in his library,65 as well as by the response letter guided by him that was written in 1634 to John Dury (Duraeus), who was pleading for a Protestant union. John Dury was a Scottish Presbyterian minister, serving in Germany, who acted as a mediator in order to unite the two Protestant denominations and visited universities, kings and princes for this purpose. During his research in the British Museum in London, Mihály Révész found three of his letters related to Hungary. He published the letters in the Magyar Protestáns Egyházi és Iskolai Figyelø (Hungarian Protestant Church and school observer), booklets V–VI, in 1887. Mihály Révész considered that Duraeus foreshadowed the ideas propounded 200 years later by Schleiermacher, who presented his thoughts on the union in a question-answer form according to the style of the era. He then sent his work to the Transylvanian church leaders, so that they could express their views in this respect.66 The questions are connected to liturgy, church discipline, theological education, the way of holding titles in the church, and he concluded with a statement whereby the church he addressed could contribute to the implementation of the “peace among Churches” in order for “that to be the ordinary and practical manifestation of Christian brotherhood built on the fundamental chapters of the doctrine . . . We believe that peace and brotherhood will be permanent.”67 48 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

It is quite clear from his reply to Duraeus that István Katona Geleji, as a main supporter of Protestant Orthodoxy, would have especially agreed to the general things concerning the union and did not address doctrinal issues. He showed willingness to negotiate, but mostly according to Reformed criteria. In the letter Geleji assures Duraeus that he would do everything in his power to convince George Rákóczi I, the prince of Transylvania, to support the Protestant union.68 Regarding the correspondence, József Kurta concludes that the liturgical issues were not included in the basis of negotiation because at that time the worship ceremonies of the Transylvanian Lutherans and Calvinists were the same.69 At the end of the letter he states that he would want a union with the Sax- on Evangelical Church, all the more so because in addition to the Catholics there were a number of other denominations around the two Churches, and this would strengthen the common brotherhood.70 It is interesting to note that the letter was drafted in Gyulafehérvár (Alba Iulia), and was signed by eighteen people, including then-famous professors of the Alba Iulia Collegium Academi- cum: Johann Heinrik Alstedius, Ludwig Piscator, Johann Henrik Bisterfeld, Dean Tamás Tiszabecsi, and Dean György Csulai.71 István Geleji Katona, together with Pareus’ other main supporters, Péter Alvinczi, and István Tolnai, tried—as promised—to convince the prince of Transylvania to support the cause of the union. However, due to the historical events taking place, he adopted a passive approach. In conclusion it can be noted that the stage of the Transylvanian and Hun- garian irenical movement that we have primarily examined covered the time period from about 1604 to the early 1630s. During this period, a socially and sociologically well-defined group of Reformed preachers, who graduated from Heidelberg University, held leadership positions in the Reformed Church, and they had a decisive ideological impact on the Transylvanian royal court as well as on the aristocratic circles in Hungary. The union was present as a desideratum, however, due to the historical context and the Thirty Years’ War, the attempts in this respect were unsuccessful. This also proved the need for a military alliance, as a joint Protestant front was to be created against the Catholics. q

Notes

1. Cf. Heinz Scheible, Melanchthon in seinen Schülern (Wiesbaden, 1997). 2. Cf. Géza Nagy, A Református Egyház története 1608–1715 (Budapest, 2008); id., Akik køsziklára építettek (Cluj, 1938); id., Fejezetek a magyar református egyház 17. századi történetébøl (Budapest, 1985); Katalin Péter, Papok és nemesek: Magyar mðvelødéstör- téneti tanulmányok a reformációval kezdødø másfél évszázadból (Budapest, 1995); Jenø Paradigms • 49

Zoványi, A magyarországi protestantizmus története 1895-ig (Budapest, 2004); Imre Révész, A magyar protestantizmus problémája (Cluj, 1914); id., A magyarországi protestantizmus története (Budapest, 1925). 3. Dezsø Buzogány, “Melanchton úrvacsoratana levelei alapján,” Erdélyi Református Egyháztörténeti Füzetek (Budapest, 1999), 94. 4. Edit Szegedi, “Konfessionsbildung und Konfessionalisierung im städtischen Kon- text: Eine Fallstudie am Beispiel von Kronstadt in Siebenbürgen (ca. 1550–1680),” Berichte und Beiträge des Geisteswissenschaftlichen Zentrums Geschichte und Kultur Ost- mitteleuropas an der Universität Leipzig (2006): 126–297; id., “The Reformation in Transylvania: New Denominational Identities”; “Confessionalization,” in The History of Transylvania, vol. 2 (from 1541 to 1711), eds. Ioan-Aurel Pop, Thomas Nägler, and András Magyari (Cluj-Napoca, 2009), 229–254; id., “Hungarian and Saxon Culture in the Sixteenth Century,” in The History of Transylvania, 2: 273–279; id., “Saxon Culture in the Seventeenth Century,” in The History of Transylvania, 2: 299–304. 5. Gerhard Schullerus, “A püspökí hivatal az erdélyi szász ágostai hitvallás szerinti evan- gélikus egyházban,” in A püspöki intézmények kialakulása és fejlødése Erdélyben 1740-ig I., eds. Nicolae Bocºan, Dieter Brandes, and Olga Lukács (Cluj-Napoca, 2010), 91. 6. Mihály Balázs, “A hit hallásból lészön: Megjegyzések a négy bevett vallás intézmé- nyesüléséhez a 16. századi Erdélyben,” in Tanulmányok Szakály Ferenc emlékére (Bu- dapest, 2002), 51–73; id., Az erdélyi antitrinitarizmus az 1560-as évek végén (Bu- dapest, 1994); Edit Szegedi, “Un oraş unitarian în epoca principilor reformaþi/Az unitárius Kolozsvár a református fejedelmek idején,” in Oraşe şi orãşeni/Városok és váro- slakók, eds. Ionuþ Costea, Carmen Florea, Judit Pál, and Enikø Rüsz-Fogarasi (Cluj- Napoca, 2006), 431–437; Olga Lukács, “Apologia et Protestatio,” Hadtörténelmi Kö- zlemények (Budapest) 4 (2004): 1259–1272; János Kénosi Tözsér and István Uzoni Fosztó, Unitario-Ecclesiastica Historia Transylvanica II (Budapest, 2002); Sándor Kovács, “Az erdélyi unitárius egyház rövid története,” in Az erdélyi egyházak és val- lási közösségek rövid története, eds. Dieter Brandes, Vasile Grajdian, and Olga Lukács (Cluj-Napoca, 2008), 153–163; id., “Az erdélyi unitárius püspökség kialakulásának története,” in A püspöki intézmények kialakulása és fejlødése Erdélyben 1740-ig I. 7. Dezsø Buzogány, “Együttélés a felekezetek és etnikumok között a 17–18. századi HunyadZarándi Református Egyházmegyében,” in Vallás és etnikum Közép-Eu- rópában (Pécs, 2008), 57–69; András Juhász, “Ökumenikus törekvések az Erdélyi Református Egyház XVI. és XVII. századi történetében,” Református Füzetek (Cluj- Napoca) 1994: 31. 8. Schullerus, 88. 9. This vacillating relationship is outlined by Péter Bod in his Latin Church history. This work was used as a source by András Juhász and István Juhász in their works presenting the coexistence of the Saxon and Hungarian churches. Péter Bod’s perceptions are characterized by the Reformed confessionalism, which considered it natural that Szászváros (Orãºtie), Vízakna (Ocna Sibiului), Kóbor (Cobor) became Reformed, or that the Reformed in Fogaras (Fãgãraº) should rule over Bethlen (Beclean) and Sárkány (ªercaia). However, he considered the conversion of some Hungarian churches in the Saxon area into Lutheran churches the result of the impatience of 50 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

17th-century Lutheran orthodoxy. He does not correlate this with the feudal power of the Saxon Universitas carried out at the level of religions in the case of Køhalomszék (Rupea seat) or Brassó (Braºov), but with the spirit of the Formula Concordiae that had become dominant in 1659. István Juhász, however, has presented the coexistence of the Hungarian and German churches in the Saxon area based not only on matters of faith, but also on Church law and social issues. He concludes that the separation end- ing the debates on the Eucharist strengthened the religious peace, which provided the religious community of the Reformed and Lutheran Churches with a variety of traditions and local elements. Cf. István Juhász, A reformáció az erdélyi románok között (Cluj, 1940); id., “Nyugati missziós törekvések a románoknál,” in Magyarok és Románok I–II, eds. József Deer and László Gáldi (Budapest, 1943). 10. Janos Heltai, Alvinczi Peter es a heidelbergi peregrinusok (Budapest, 1994), 9. 11. Cf. János Heltai, “Adattár a heidelbergi egyetemen 1595–1621 között tanult mag- yarországi diákokról és pártfogóikról,” in Az Országos Széchényi Könyvtár Évkönyve (1980); András Szabó, “A heidelbergi egyetem levéltárának magyar vonatkozású iratai (1560–1622),” in Nem sðlyed az emberiség: Album amicorum Szörényi László LX. Szülétésnapjára (Budapest, 2007), 1413–1421. 12. Heltai, Alvinczi Peter, 50. 13. Cf. the doctoral dissertation of János Heltai, Irénikus eszmék és törekvések Magyaror- szágon a XVII. század elsø harmadában (Budapest, 1980). 14. Wilhelm Holtmann, Die pfälzische Irenik in Zeitalter der Reformation (Göttingen, 1960), 213–222. 15. Irenicum: sive de unione et synodo evangelicorum concilianda liber votivus paci ecclesiae et desideriis pacificorum dicatus (1615). 16. Heltai, Alvinczi Peter, 51. 17. Günter Brinkmann, Die Irenik des David Pareus (Hildesheim, 1972), 69. 18. Judit Vásárhelyi, Eszmei áramlatok és politika Szenczi Molnár Albert életmðvében (Budapest, 1985), 27. 19. Ibid., 26. 20. János Heltai, Mðfajok és mðvek a XVII. század magyarországi könyvkiadásában, 1601– 1655 (Budapest, 2008), 156–175. 21. János Heltai, “A heidelbergi egyetemjárás 1595–1621,” in Régi és új peregrináció, eds. Békési Imre et al. (Budapest–Szeged, 1993), 540–549. 22. Buzogány, “Együttélés a felekezetek,” 57–69. 23. On 24 September 1640 István Geleji Katona wrote to George Rákóczi I that except for a few superficial issues there were no significant differences concerning the religious- theological essence between the Orthodox and the Protestant religions: “Apart from the veneration of the saints and the images and the origin of the Holy Spirit, I can hardly see any difference between the true Greek religion and us regarding the branches of faith; the differences are only in the external ceremonies, which can only be set aside by shaping a new ecclesia like the Popish one.” Ágoston Ötvös, “Geleji Katona István élete s levelei,” Új Magyar Múzeum (Budapest) 9, 1 (1859): 215. Geleji clearly stated that in terms of fundamental elements the Protestant and the Orthodox Church are not different from one another. The differences (i.e. the ceremony, the veneration of sacred images, the teachings on the origin of the Holy Spirit) do not belong to the Paradigms • 51

fundamental (i.e. ordinary) branches of faith, thus a union with the Orthodox Church is not impossible, because they also belong to Christ’s Church, opposing the Catholic Church, which is the Antichrist. Geleji thus claims that the liturgical differences are insignificant, and the ignorance of the priests and the superstitions do not stand in the way of the Reformation. If we look at the legal situation of the Romanian Orthodox Church in the age of the Principality, the Approbatae Constitutiones violated the obvi- ous right of the Romanian people and of the Orthodox believers to be represented in the Transylvanian ecclesiastical landscape. Geleji’s program contains the teachings of the Heidelberg Catechism, church services in the Romanian language, the consideration of sacred images only as decoration, the establishment of Orthodox schools, and the fact that with regard to organizational issues the Romanian bishop should take into account the position of the Reformed superintendent. See István Juhász, “Az erdélyi egyházak XVII. századi együttélésének kérdései a fogarasi vártartományban,” in Hitvallás és türelem: Tanulmányok az Erdélyi Református Egyház és teológia 1542–1792 közötti történetébøl (Cluj-Napoca, 1996), 133–149; László Makkai, ed., Bethlen Gábor emlékezete (Budapest, 1980), 143. 24. Kálmán Révész, Százéves küzdelem a kassai református egyház megalakulásáért, 1550– 1650 (Budapest, 1894), 86. The book is available at http://www.archive.org/details/ szzveskzde00rv. 25. Cf. Gábor Incze, ed., Alvinczi Péter 1570–1634 (Budapest, 1934). 26. Heltai, Alvinczi Peter, 100. 27. The whole text can be found in the book edited by Gábor Incze, and it is attributed to Alvinczi. The same way, Géza Nagy believes it to be Alvinczi’s work: Akik køszik- lára építettek, 118. 28. Heltai, Mðfajok és mðvek, 162. 29. Based on the disputes concerning the year of drafting of the Confessio Pentapolitana, as well as on recent studies, it can be concluded that the Confessio was signed in 1560 at the synods of five cities: Bardejov, Prešov, Košice, Sabinov and Levoča. The creed was the key to unity. They wanted to resolve the existing Lutheran-Calvinist dissen- sion. They tried to keep the Lutheran orthodoxy, but some clauses on issues affecting the Catholic Church were carefully formulated, allowing Protestant practices in Upper Hungary. Why didn’t the cities take up the Augsburg Confession without any changes? The answer to this question was given by Ferdinand I personally: the Confessio Augustana is the creed of the German Protestant provinces, which could not have been joined by Hungarian cities even if they wanted to since it was only valid up to the border of Germany, therefore, they had to form a new independent alliance. Cf. Zoltán Csepregi, “A Confessio Pentapolitana újabb datálási kíséretei,” Lelkipásztor 79, 8–9 (2004): 300–303. 30. Only the title of the Kanizsa pamphlet is known: Sárvári konyhárul Lethenyei Istvántól Pápára némely csemege-kívánóknak . . . küldetett fekete lében føtt nyúlhúsnak abálása. 31. Imre Bán and Tibor Klaniczay, eds., A Magyar Irodalom Története 1600-tól 1772-ig II (Budapest, 1964). 32. Incze, 40–54. This volume also contains the whole text. 33. Heltai, Alvinczi Péter, 102. 34. Ibid., 103–104. 52 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

35. “Péter Alvinczi was not only the leader of Bocskai during his life, but did the testamentary work after his death . . . He intruded in the estate of Széplak, he seized the house of the Prebend of Eger in Košice and he got so many of the wandering cattle, that his beautiful golden swords are hanging on the coat-peg even now.” Pázmány Péter Összes Mðvei 2: 578 (http://www.ppek.hu/k600.htm). 36. Makkai. 37. Cf. János Herepei, Bethlen Gábor kiválasztottjai (Cluj, 1939); Sándor Tonk, “Erdély- iek egyetemjárása a korai újkorban 1521–1700,” in Fontes Rerum Scholasticarum IV (Szeged, 1992). 38. Nagy, Akik køsziklára építettek, 272. 39. Dezsø Buzogány, “Bethlen Gábor és a vallási türelem,” in Studia Doctorum Theolo- giae Protestantis (Cluj-Napoca) 6 (2015): 239–248; Heltai, Alvinczi Péter, 155. 40. Nagy, Akik køsziklára építettek, 123–124. 41. Judit Vásárhelyi, Eszmei áramlatok és politika Szenczi Molnár Albert életmðvében (Budapest, 1985). 42. Lajos Dézsi, ed., Szenczi Molnár Albert naplója, levelezése és irományai (Budapest, 1898), 106, 292. 43. Ibid., 370. 44. Ibid., 371. 45. “Az wittenbergai académiának az evangelika religióért számkivetést szenvedø cse- hökhöz és morvaiakhoz küldött vigasztalása...” (Gyulafehérvár/Alba Iulia), 1632, Régi Magyarországi Nyomtatványok 1636–1655 (Budapest, 2000) (hereafter cited as rmny), 1534. 46. Dániel Havrán, “Irodalomtörténeti adalékok,” Magyar Könyvtörténeti Szemle (Buda- pest), 1899: 368–369. 47. Heltai, Mðfajok és mðvek, 164. 48. Vilmos József Kolumbán, Törvényhozó egyház (Cluj, 2002), 45. 49. Magyar Harmónia, azaz az Augustana és a Helvetica Confessio artikulusainak egyezø értelme, melyet Samaraeus János . . . rendölt összve, hogy az artikulusokban fundamen- tumos ellenközés nem lévén az két confessiot követø atyafiak is az szeretet által egyesek legyenek. Ez mellé Pareus David D. Irenicumjából XVIII. Rágalmas artikulusokra való feleletek és az egyeségre kétféle indító okok adattanak (Pápa, 1628), rmny, 1419. 50. Harmonia confessionum fidei orthodoxarum et reformatarum ecclesiarum, quae in . . . Europae regnis . . . profitentur (Genevae, 1581). 51. József Szathmáry, “A ref. templomi énekeskönyv története,” Protestáns Szemle (Buda pest), 1892: 325–327. Javasolva az egyzséget, amely’ Lutherus és Zwinglius között lett Marburgumban anno 1529. A wittenbergi, egyezsége, mely Luther Márton és a helvetiai városokban levi evangélikusok között köttetett (Pápa, 1628). 52. Magyar Harmónia, Introduction letter to the readers. Letters 5/b-6/a. 53. Géza Kathona, “Samarjai János gyakorlati theologiája,” Theológiai Szemle (Budapest), 1939: 24. 54. Ibid., 26. 55. Imre Pécseli Király’s Catechism was published in 1624 and 1634 as a synthesis of the Heidelberg Catechism and Luther’s Catechism, in which he tried to reasonably approach disputed issues. Paradigms • 53

56. Csepreg, 1633, rmny, 1560. 57. Az Calvinistac magyar harmóniájának, azaz az augustana és Helvetica confessiók ar- ticulusainak meghamisítása, melyet a Szentírás megmagyarázása lutheránus doctorocnak közönséges írásokból magyar nyelven világra bocsátott (Csepreg, 1633). 58. Cf. Ilona Ferenczi, “Kísérlet a liturgia egységesítésére az Erdélyi Fejedelemségben (a 17. század elsø felében),” Magyar Egyházzene (Budapest) 1 (1993/94): 22. 59. Luther published this document in 1523. Here he stated that at the Sunday worship and at religious celebrations the whole congregation participated, while on week- days only a small part was present at the so called “Kleiner Haufen” (small mass). 60. Mihály Bucsay, Der Protestantismus in Ungarn 1521–1978. Ungarns Reformations kirchen in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Pt. 1, Im Zeitalter der Reformation, Gegenrefor- mation und katholischen Reform (Vienna–Cologne–Graz, 1977), 209; id., A protestantizmus története Magyarországon 1521–1945 (Budapest, 1985), 132–133. 61. Kathona, 324–544. 62. Rituale Strigoniense, seu formula agendorum in administratione sacramentorum ac ceteris Ecclesiæ publicis functionibus, 11, 1.II.7. 63. Kathona, 57. 64. Kolumbán, 55. 65. József Koncz, “Geleji Katona István könyveinek lajstroma,” Magyar Könyvtörténeti Szemle, 1899: 271. 66. Mihály Révész, “Protestáns unió és az erdélyi reformátusok,” Protestánt Lap (Buda- pest), 1887: 168. 67. Ibid., 171. 68. Ibid., 181. 69. József Kurta, Az Öreg Graduál századai Erdélyben (Cluj-Napoca, 2002), 100. 70. révész, 181. 71. Ibid., 182.

Abstract The Irenical Impact of David Pareus’ Work on the Hungarian Protestant Churches

The irenical movement was the sum of the ideas concerning the unity of faith of the Protestants and proposing their institutional reunification. The theorist of the 17th century irenical movement was David Pareus (1548–1622), a professor at Heidelberg University, whose irenical aspirations are formulated in the work called Irenicum. During the Transylvanian and Hungarian irenical movement (from about 1604 to the early 1630s) a socially and sociologically well-defined group of Reformed preachers, the followers of Pareus, held leadership positions in the Reformed Church, and had a decisive ideological impact on the Transylvanian royal court and the aristocratic circles of Hungary. The union of the two Transylvanian Protestant Churches was circulated as a possibility but, due to the unfolding historical events, the attempts in this respect were unsuccessful.

Keywords David Pareus, Philippism, Irenicism, Calvinist theology in Transylvania, Itinerarium Catholicum Under the Sway of Orthodoxy and the Reformation Romanian-Saxon Confessional

M i r c e a -G h e o r gh e Relations in Transylvania A b r u d a n between 1688 and 1848

Introduction

ver the centuries, several peoples lived alongside each O other in Transylvania and, following the Reformation, the region became home to a number of Chris- tian denominations. The tolerant coexistence of these different nations and denominations has been praised by many historians, while others took a more nuanced view or even denied The Patent of Toleration (1781) it, in keeping with the spirit of their times, their ethnic origin, or their religious affiliation. However, the nations Mircea-Gheorghe Abrudan and denominations of Transylvania Researcher at George Bariþiu Institute experienced this “tolerance” rather of History, Romanian Academy. Author, differently. For instance, until 1848, among others, of the book Ortodoxie ºi for the Romanians it meant exclusion luteranism în Transilvania între Revo from political life, marginalization, and luþia paºoptistã ºi Marea Unire: religious persecution, despite the fact Evoluþie istoricã ºi relaþii confesionale (Orthodoxy and Lutheranism in Transyl- that they were the majority population vania between the Revolution of 1848 and in Transylvania. the Great Union: Historical evolution and The present study outlines the con- interdenominational relations) (2015). fessional relations between the Ortho- Paradigms • 55 dox Romanians and the Lutheran Saxons in Transylvania, from the end of the 17th century and until the Revolution of 1848. These ethno-confessional relations were influenced by a number of political factors and by the social, national, cultural and conceptual changes brought about by the Modern Era. Thus, the period can be divided into two: from the Habsburg conquest of Transylva- nia until the reforms introduced by Emperor Joseph II (1688–1781) and from Joseph II to the Revolution of 1848. Inhabiting the same territory but enjoying different rights and living conditions, the Romanians and the Saxons had frequent contacts, but their intensity varied according to the spirit of the time. Thus, relations between the Roma- nian and the Saxon elites, secular or ecclesiastical, ranged between cordiality and disagreements, and conflicts sometimes broke out.1 The Christian spirit of both nations, mutual respect, and especially their affiliation to two and respectively three different denominations played a decisive role in the history of the two ethno-confessional entities. When it comes to the religious evolution of the two nations in question, we notice the absence of aggressive proselytizing and of polemical exchanges, of the kind that occurred throughout the 17th century between the Orthodox Romanians and the Hungarian Calvinists,2 or between the Hungarian Calvinists or Unitarians and the Catholic Szeklers.3 Both Saxon4 and Romanian5 theologians of the previous century were keen to highlight the “spirit of tolerance” defining the relations between the two nations and denominations, disregarding the conflicts between them and insisting on Transylvania’s ecumenism.6

From the Conquest of the Principality until the Reforms of Joseph II (1688–1781)

he annexation of Transylvania by the Habsburg Empire led to significant religious changes, with the Court in Vienna an ardent supporter T of the Counterreformation. However, in Transylvania Catholicism was the weakest of the four officially sanctioned denominations, and in Leopold’s Diploma the Habsburgs had pledged to respect the political and religious status quo in the principality. During the entire Habsburg rule, very few Protestants returned to the Catholic faith, as the Saxons remained faithful to their Augustan confession and most of the Hungarians kept their Helvetic one. In what the Ro- manians were concerned, the Greek-Catholic (Uniate) Church was established and the Orthodox one was suppressed until 1759, when Maria Theresa issued a Patent of toleration and accepted the appointment of an Orthodox “substitute bishop” of Transylvania, in the person of the Serbian Bishop of Buda, Dionisije 56 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

(Dionysius) Novakovic´, who took up residence at the Church of St. Nicholas in the ªchei district of Braºov on 4 September 1761. Consequently, between 1700 and 1761 in Transylvania the Orthodox faith was represented de jure only by the communities of Sibiu, Fãgãraº, Braºov and the Land of Bârsa, recognized as such by the authorities in Vienna, while all the other Romanians were deemed to be Uniate, despite the clear evidence to the contrary.7 The episcopal activity of Dionysius Novakovic´ (1761–1767) and of Sophronius Kirilovic´ (1770–1774) was marred by uncertainty, as the institutional revival of the Orthodox Church was exclusively at the mercy of the Imperial Court. The latter had imposed upon the two bishops a number of 11 and 13 restrictions, respectively, strictly regulating their activity. Both were reminded that their appointment had been merely a gesture of “goodwill” and that, should their abuse their powers, they would be removed from their positions “without any successors,” “because in Transylva- nia, according to the constitution of the country, there are only four recognized religions . . . and the non-Uniate clergy is merely tolerated.”8 In the 18th century the concepts of “tolerated” and “tolerance” differed considerably from the current ones: as Emperor Joseph II explained in 1773, the word was to be understood as “abiding” (Duldung), in the sense of living on the fringes of society at the mercy of the dominant nations and through the goodwill of the imperial house.9 As such, the Romanians did find themselves on the fringes of society, most of them being either serfs, in the counties administered by the Hungar- ian aristocracy, or free peasants, in the area known as Fundus Regius (Royal Land) and inhabited by Saxons. This latter territory, established following King Andrew’s Diploma (1224), corresponded to the geographical area settled by the German colonists who had arrived in Transylvania in the 12th–13th centuries and was divided into 9 seats (Orãºtie, Sebeº, Sighiºoara, Cincu, Mediaº, Nocrich, Sibiu, Miercurea, and Rupea) and 2 districts (Braºov and Bistriþa). The population consisted of Romanians, Saxons, and Szeklers, but only the Saxons—or indeed those of the Evangelical confession of faith—enjoyed citizenship rights. The area was under the legal jurisdiction of the Saxon University (Universitas Saxonum), located in the town of Sibiu, which operated as a political and administrative body and was led by the Saxon comes.10 Romanians and Saxons lived together on this territory from the Middle Ages until the contemporary era, when most Saxons departed following the retreat of the German army in 1944 and later the fall of the communist regime. As opposed to the rural environment, where they lived either in mixed villages or in separate settlements, in the urban environment those who did not belong to the Saxon nation—namely, the Ro- manians, the Hungarians, and the members of other ethnic groups—were not allowed to purchase real estate in keeping with a legal provision that remained in force until Joseph II issued the Rescript on concivility on 4 July 1781. Paradigms • 57

The final report of Emperor Joseph II concerning his visit in Transylvania provides valuable information on the situation of the Transylvanian Romanians in the second half of the 18th century and on their relations with the Hungarian aristocracy and the Saxons.11 In the document in question, drawn up in Sibiu between 1 and 10 July 1773, the emperor indicated that many Romanian families had migrated to Moldavia or Wallachia, driven by famine, inflation, “the endless labor obligations,” “the appalling behavior of their aristocratic masters,” and sometimes by “religious fanaticism.” According to the co-regent, both the Hungarian nobles and the Saxon patricians “are seeking to maintain their privileges and revenues intact, and wish to be able to treat their subjects as they see fit.” In the opinion of Joseph II, the Romanians were exploited not so much by the Saxon commoners—“peasants or urban craftsmen,” described as “the most industrious and loyal subjects of the dynasty”—but rather by the 60 or 70 Saxon patrician families, “all magistrates and officials” whose appetite for wealth, privileges and benefits drives them to arbitrarily regulate and freely oppress the communities under their jurisdiction, from Saxon burgesses to Romanian peasants. From direct meetings with the peasants and from the complaints received from them, Joseph learned that they are the object of “widespread legalized brutality,” expressing outrage at the fact that “the manner in which the Saxons treat the Romanians who took up residence and live alongside them” was, in his opinion, simply “unbelievable,” because the Saxons “consider them local people and tolerate them only until a member of the magistracy or another Saxon begins to covet that land. Then they drive them away or cause them so much grief and trouble that they are forced to leave. These unfortunate Romanian subjects, who are undoubtedly the oldest and most numerous inhabitants of Transylvania, are so tormented and mistreated by both Saxons and Hungarians that their fate, if you begin to look into it, cannot but touch one deeply; nonetheless, it is surprising that so many of these people are still here and that not all of them have decided to emigrate.”12 The notes and the observations of Joseph II give us a pretty clear picture of the status enjoyed by the Romanians and of the manner in which they were treated by the Hungarian nobles and by the Saxon patricians. The harsh treatment applied to the Romanians is also illustrated by other foreign and domestic sources, by the accounts of foreign travelers who visited Transylvania, and by the Saxon historiography of the 19th century.13 Despite all this, when it comes to the confessional situation of the Orthodox Romanians, in the Fundus Regius the Saxon domination had positive effects, because “the Saxons and the vast majority of the Hungarians who embraced the Reformation are always of one mind . . ., especially when it comes to opposing and preventing the spread of the Catholic faith,” as Count Lacy, the chairman of the Imperial War Council, reported to Maria Theresa on 12 September 1773.14 58 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

The following year, the Court in Vienna received a note from the Gubernium of Transylvania regarding the Catholics living in the Saxon seats, which made reference to the arbitrary treatment applied to them by the Saxon authorities and which asked the Court to demand denominational parity or equality in the administration and the civil service, once again revealing the firm opposition of the Saxons to the policies effected by Vienna.15 Of course, the anti-Catholic stance of the Saxons was doubly motivated. On the one hand, it had to do with the defense of their own Lutheran denomination and, on the other, it had a pragmatic, socio-political dimension, as it also opposed the political, social, and religious emancipation of the Romanians living in the Fundus Regius. It must be noted in this regard that, in keeping with the medieval Transylvanian legislation, all peasants living in the Fundus Regius, regardless of ethnicity or denomination, had to pay the tithe (decima) to the Lutheran Saxon parish priests for all revenues obtained from farming, beekeeping, and sheep breeding, a tax that was levied until the year 1848.16 Without any exceptions, this tithe was paid by the Orthodox Romanians living in the Saxon seats and districts to the Lutheran Saxon parish priests, from the Middle Ages until the Revolution of 1848, and sometimes even the Orthodox priests had to pay it. After the reforms introduced by Maria Theresa, the Catholics were exempt from the payment of this tithe, and their payment was instead transferred by the imperial fiscal authorities to the Roman-Catholic bishop of Alba Iulia. Consequently, the conversion to Catholicism of the Orthodox believers would have entailed a drastic reduction in the revenues collected by the Lutheran clergy and by the Evangelical Church in Transylvania. Hence their opposition to the conversions to Catholicism and implicitly the failure of the Uniate Church with the Romanians living in the Fundus Regius,17 where throughout the 18th–19th centuries the Orthodox Church managed to achieve the highest demographic density.18 Even so, the Roma- nians in the Fundus Regius who did embrace the Uniate confession were not automatically exempt from their medieval obligations. Their attempts to achieve social emancipation by means of religion led to some tragic incidents between Romanians and Saxons—for instance at Vermeº, Tonciu, Petriº, Sângeorzul Sãsesc, Dumitriþa, and in other villages in the region of Bistriþa—on account of certain medieval obligations and restrictions imposed upon the Romanians in the Fundus Regius, who had to celebrate the Saxon feasts, were not allowed to erect churches, needed permission to freely practice their religion or to take up residence in certain communities, had fiscal obligations, required approval to set up cemeteries and erect parochial houses, and needed special exemptions for the Uniate priests. Quite illustrative of the Saxon attitude towards the Uni- ate Romanians and, by extension, towards the Orthodox are the bitter conflicts with the township of Bistriþa and with the Saxons in the neighboring villages, Paradigms • 59 which lasted throughout the entire 18th century. Despite the imperial order of 1743, later reissued on several occasions, the Saxon authorities did not observe the rights of the Uniate priests to the canonical shares of the common lands, to parochial houses or churches, and did not allow them to receive the ecclesiastical contributions or church duties from their own parishioners.19 In what concerns the obligation of the Romanians to celebrate the Saxon religious feasts, it must be said that the Synod of the Evangelical Church of Au- gustan Confession of the year 1649 ruled that the Romanians were no longer obligated to take part in these Saxon religious feats, as opposed to all the other inhabitants of the Fundus Regius, for fear that they might leave the territory and thus deprive the Saxon parish priests and parishioners of some of their revenue. In the year 1708 the synod once again turned to the issue and ruled that the participation of “Wallachians in Saxon feasts” was to be limited to those situations in which their failure to participate would have negatively impacted the feast. The observance of these feasts by the Romanians essentially meant the suspension of certain agricultural activities or household chores likely to disturb the peace in the village or disrupt the Evangelical religious service. However, the measure that utterly baffled the Romanians, because of its utter disregard for the popular Orthodox piety, was the decision taken in 1712 by the same Evangelical synod whereby “no crosses were to be erected in the Fundus Regius.”20 We do not know to what extent the measure was actually enforced, but it was unlikely to have visible effects in Transylvania after the defeat of the Kurutz uprising and the reassertion of Catholic Habsburg domination. The decision of the Saxon synod to ban the Romanian roadside crosses, widespread throughout the whole of Transylvania, may however indicate a sharp increase in their presence, forcing the synod of the Evangelical Church to intervene and tone down the religious fervor of the Romanians, who were deeply attached to the cult of the Holy Cross.21 As to the towns, they remained closed to the Orthodox Romanians until the aforementioned decree of Joseph II. This is why the first Orthodox and Uniate places of worship began to be built within or in the immediate vicinity of the Saxon towns only after the Rescript on concivility was issued in 1781.

From Joseph II to the Revolution of 1848

fter the death of Maria Theresa in 1780, Joseph II found himself completely in control of the Habsburg Empire. He quickly began to imple- A ment the reforms he had been envisaging for years, in an attempt to transform the empire in the spirit of the Enlightenment. The main directions were centralism, the unification and harmonization of the provinces, the re- 60 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) organization of the administration, the introduction of German as the official language in state administration, the improvement of social relations by way of clear regulations regarding the obligations of the serfs and by limiting the abuse of the aristocracy, a reduction in the power of the Catholic clergy, which had to be subordinated to the interests of the state, and not to the Pope, the dissolution of the contemplative monastic orders and the secularization of monastic assets, the transformation of the monastic clergy into an active priesthood which, according to him, had to be not just the religious and moral educator of the people, but also the civic one, as well as an active collaborator with the state.22 As to Transylvania, with its nations and denominations, the reforms of Joseph II were particularly felt in the context of the Rescript on concivility of 4 July 1781, of the Patent of toleration of 8 November 1781, of the patent that abolished personal dependence (serfdom) of 22 August 1785, and of the Norma regia which made education compulsory for all children between the ages of 7 and 13.23 The emperor’s Rescript on concivility gave to all of his Transylvanian subjects citizenship and ownership rights in the Saxon towns and villages, and henceforth the Romanians were allowed to purchase and own property in both the rural and the urban environments, putting an end to the Saxon monopoly on real estate and to the exclusively Saxon citizenship rights in the Fundus Regius. With this measure, Joseph II shook the very foundations of the Saxon administration, indicating clearly that all the inhabitants of this territory, without exception, were to be deemed free and enjoy equal rights. This paved the way for the future social and political emancipation of the Romanians, who could presently join a guild, attend the Saxon schools, work in the administration, and own real estate. The second measure that contributed to the emancipation of the Orthodox believers was the Patent of toleration of 8 November 1781, which granted complete freedom to the Protestant denominations and to Orthodoxy throughout the whole empire, Transylvania included. The general principles of the edict gave the Orthodox and Protestant believers the right to freely practice their religion and to erect churches and parochial houses without the prior approval of the Court, in those places inhabited by at least one hundred families and where the necessary means were available. Furthermore, no one was obliged to convert to the Catholic faith, and no individual was to be fined or receive corporal punishment on account of their religion. However, any person had to refrain from insulting another denomination. Catholic priests were no longer allowed to unilaterally attend to the members of other denominations who were about to die or had been sentenced to death, the clergy belonging to the other denominations being allowed to take their place, and access to public office was no longer exclusively conditioned by one’s Catholicism, but rather by merit and skill. In the case of mixed marriages, baby girls were to be christened and raised Paradigms • 61 in the faith of the mother, and baby boys in that of the father, except for the situation in which the father belonged to an officially recognized religion and the mother to the merely tolerated Orthodox one: in this case, the children, regardless of their gender, were to be raised in the religion of their father. This decree instituted a general tolerance throughout the empire, also affecting the Orthodox Church in Transylvania, which had enjoyed a rather precarious status and which was still not elevated to a position equal to that of the four officially recognized denominations. Published with some reticence by the Transylvanian authorities, the Patent of toleration came to weaken the local Catholic Church as, in the space of just 8 weeks, the Roman-Catholic bishop lost 168 followers and one parish, while the Greek-Catholic one saw a mass departure of believers from the Uniate Church. This phenomenon manifested itself in all corners of Transylvania, even in the region of the military border, where the Uniate officers and priests led the people away from the religious Union. These acts of “apos- tasy” compelled the emperor to intervene. On 22 may 1782 he issued a decree regulating departures from the Roman-Catholic and Uniate Churches. Thus, those who wished to forsake Catholicism had to receive instruction “in the spirit of Christian charity” for a period of six weeks under the supervision of a Catho- lic priest, with the individual in question being issued a certificate to that effect. In the absence of said certificate, no one could be received by another Church.24 The two decrees issued by Joseph triggered an authentic social and ecclesiastical revival among the Romanians living in the Fundus Regius, as indicated by the hundreds of Orthodox churches built in stone—some of them genuine treasures of Romanian architecture and old art—and erected throughout Transylvania in the last two decades of the 18th century. They are particularly numerous in the areas of Mãrginimea Sibiului, in the Lands of Fãgãraº and Bârsa, and can even be found in the Saxons towns: the Holy Trinity Church of Braºov (1786–1787); the Church of the Annunciation of Sibiu (1788–1789); St. Luke’s Church in Maierii Sibiului (1791); the Orthodox chapel of the Trans- figuration belonging to the Greek company of Sibiu (1790–1799), demolished in 1902 when the new cathedral was erected; the Holy Trinity Church of Cluj (1795–1796), etc.25 In the years that followed Joseph II continued with his policies meant to elevate the status of the Orthodox Church. Thus, in 1781 he issued an imperial order to the civilian and ecclesiastical authorities in Transylvania, request- ing that the designations “schismatic” and “schismatic Church”—employed by the authorities but deemed derogatory and demeaning by the Orthodox—be replaced by “non-unitus.”26 Therefore, from that moment until the year 1864, the Orthodox Romanians were officially referred to as non-Uniate believers, and their church as the non-Uniate Church.27 The next step towards the insti- 62 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) tutionalization of Orthodoxy was taken in 1783, when the emperor decided to restore, de jure and de facto, the Orthodox episcopal institution in Transyl- vania. He appointed Gideon Nikitic´ (1783–1788) as “full bishop” and placed the Bishopric of Transylvania under the jurisdiction of the Metropolitan See of Karlowitz, a situation that lasted until the year 1864.28 This was but one of the reforms introduced by Joseph II in an attempt to centralize state authority and secure increased control over the church, which had to serve the interests of the state. In what the Orthodox Church was concerned, his measures were aimed at the jurisdictional unification of all the eparchies within the Metropolitan See of Karlowitz, while a number of regulations governed its reorganization.29 The same legislative provisions regulated the structure and the functioning of the Bishopric of Transylvania. Thus, in late 1786 it was structured into 31 arch- priesthoods and 981 parishes, with a total of 120,552 Orthodox families. The number of priests was set so that there would be one priest for communities of 130 families, two for 250 families, and three for more than 250. By way of a special decree issued on 3 September 1783, Joseph II also set the remunera- tion of the bishop at 4,000 florins, taken from the annual church tax known as the sidoxial tax, payable by each Orthodox family.30 The town of Sibiu was designated as episcopal see at the time of Bishop Gideon Nikitic´, who resided in rented premises. The position of Sibiu as the Orthodox episcopal center was reinforced in the year 1786, when the first Orthodox school for the training of Romanian Orthodox schoolteachers and priests was established in this town. Its first headmaster was the scholar Dimitrie Eustatievici of Braºov (1786–1796), succeeded by Radu Tempea (1796–1808).31 By paving the way to the ecclesiastical and social emancipation of the Ortho- dox Romanians, Joseph II entered the collective memory of his contemporaries and of the following generations as the “good emperor,” sung in poems and praised in verses composed by priests32 and even by common peasants. This created the enduring memory of a cherished figure and an authentic myth of the good emperor.33 On the contrary, the Saxon contemporaries of Joseph II marked his death with “somber clothes, but not with somber faces.” The Saxon historiography presented him in a negative light and recorded the fact that upon his death “the nation experienced tremendous joy.”34 Of all the reforms introduced by Joseph II, the two decrees remained in force even after his death, at a time when both the Court in Vienna and the political Estates of Transylvania were seeking to “dismantle Joseph’s regime,” as David Prodan comprehensively argued in his work devoted to the Supplex.35 Essentially, the Transylvanian Estates sought to curb the emancipation of the Romanians, simply stating that “the powers, the liberties, the taxes imposed illegally and against the nature of our laws, for the sake of the so-called Romanian bishops, Paradigms • 63 priests, and religion, should be abolished and brought in line with our ancient laws. Because the schismatic Romanians, non-Uniate, the Armenians, the Gyp- sies and other lesser people cannot benefit from national rights, the Uniate Ro- manians should also be deprived of them, and people of this sort should be removed from any office in the state unless they prove themselves true nobles, law- ful, and good patriots.”36 In what the Fundus Regius was concerned, the Saxons sought a return to their privileged constitution, petitioning the Court to revoke the Rescript on concivility and doing their best to deprive the Romanians of the properties acquired during Joseph’s reign. In some places, the lands and the pastures of the Romanians were seized by force. Of course, the Romanians fought back and presented the Court with the famous Supplex Libellus Valacho- rum, followed by other petitions and memoranda. Their two bishops, Ioan Bob and Gerasim Adamovic´, went to Vienna, while the peasants became restless and challenges were made against the legislation passed by the Diet in 1790–1791. The Romanian and Saxon elites initiated a polemical exchange that would last until 1848, on the issue of equal rights for all the inhabitants of the Fundus Regius. The Court did intervene in the matter of the legislation passed by the Diet, limiting the excesses of the Estates. As to the Orthodox Romanians, they managed to secure a confirmation of the right to practice their religion. The Court in Vienna also denied the Estates their request to supervise the number of priests and the erection of churches, and ruled that the Orthodox Romanians should be allowed to hold public office if they possessed the necessary skills.37 The polemical exchanges between Romanians and Saxons in the period that followed the submission of the Supplex indicate that the atmosphere was rather tense, and especially that the Saxons were contemplating the future in a rather historicist manner, shaped by their medieval privileges. The Romanians, on the other hand, were considering the contemporaneous reality of the Fundus Regius, while also paying attention to the historical argumentation. According to the Romanians, the equality between them and the Saxons was legitimized by the provisions in King Andrew’s Diploma, as well as by their numerical superiority over the Saxons in five of the nine Saxon seats and in both districts, while the Saxons outnumbered the Romanians in only four seats.38 Generally speaking, the Saxon elite had a rather uniform reaction to the introduction of concivility, with relatively minor nuances. Quite surprising was the solution devised by Michael Heydendorff and Andreas Schuster, magistrates of the town and seat of Mediaº, for the emancipation of the Romanians, a proposal that the Saxon elites would continue to circulate until 1848. They suggested that the Romanians should be allowed to buy land and houses on the Fundus Regius, but only to the extent in which such purchases were not detrimental to the Saxons. Citizenship was to be granted only after their attendance of Saxon schools, and on condition that, 64 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) after a long cohabitation with the Saxons, they managed to adopt the morals, customs, language, religion, way of life, and the garb of the Saxons—in other words, if they abandoned the “Romanian law” and embraced Lutheranism.39 The Court and the Diet upheld the provisions in the Rescript on concivility, allowing the Orthodox Romanians to achieve a limited but steady progress, despite the obstructions and the opposition put up by the Saxons. In religious terms, the most significant progress achieved by the Orthodox Romanians was the continuing construction of churches and the transformation of Sibiu into a stable and enduring center of the Orthodox Bishopric, under Bishop Vasile Moga (1810–1845). From his Orthodox church in Cluj, Bishop Moga moved to Sibiu and sought to purchase a house suitable for conversion into an eparchial residence. This took him a decade, and he succeeded only after the Court asked the magistrate of Sibiu to approve the sales contract signed by the bishop and Governor George Bánffy in 1819. Thus, under Vasile Moga, in 1821 the Ortho- dox Bishopric came to own a building in the center of Sibiu, which hosted the bishop’s residence, the consistory, and the seminary.40 The relations between Romanians and Saxons during Bishop Moga’s epis- copate were rather tense. The Romanian elites, the Saxons patricians and the Hungarian aristocracy constantly argued over the Romanians’ desire for emancipation, a broader issue that also included the matter of the Romanians’ status in the Fundus Regius. The tensions had also been generated by the petitions sent by the Romanian bishops to the Transylvanian Diet and to the Imperial Court. After the publication of the Supplex, Bishop Moga sent memoranda to the authorities in 1835, 1836, 1837, and 1842. These requests essentially focused on the recognition of Romanians as a political nation and the extension of citizenship to all members of this ethnic group, with all the social, economic, political, and ecclesiastical benefits that it entailed. In keeping with their population numbers, the Romanians were to take part in the election of representatives in the Diet, in the meetings of the Saxon University and in devising its instructions, and in the appointment of officials—from the local administration, through the jurisdictional functionaries, to the highest magistrates. Furthermore, Romanian graduates were to be fully allowed to practice their chosen professions, Roma- nians were to be accepted as members in the guilds, while the allodial houses of the communities were to grant financial assistance to the Romanian students, teachers, and schools located in the Fundus Regius. In what concerns the ecclesiastical demands, these could be summed up as follows: tax exemption for the Romanian clergy and the exemption of the Romanians from the payment of the tithe to the Saxon clergy, said tithe being instead paid to their own priests; the elimination of abuse and of the interference of the civilian authorities in the administration of church revenues, in the issuance of marriage certificates and Paradigms • 65 in the appointment of church curators; the transfer to the Romanian parishes of publicly-owned plots of land; the elimination of the mandatory celebration of feasts belonging to other denominations and implicitly the recognition of the Orthodox Church as one of the official churches.41 The petition sent by Bishop Moga in 1837 triggered a heated debate within Transylvanian society, and the Saxon University officially expressed its position through the publication, in 1844, of two texts, signed by Johann Karl Schuller42 in Sibiu and Josef Trausch43 in Braºov, which refuted the argumentation of the bishop and defended the status quo, challenging the validity of the arguments related to the historical presence, the number, and the tasks fulfilled by the “Wallachian” population. In fact, when it came to the reformist tendencies displayed either by the Court in Vienna, or by the Romanian elite, the tactics of rejection employed by the Saxons always relied on the recourse to the centuries-old privileges enjoyed by this community. Also, to quote Friedrich Teutsch, the Romanian requests “clearly ran counter to the secular and ecclesiastical Transylvanian legislation of that time, and satisfying these requests would have meant repealing it. No one was willing to do that in 1837. And the Saxons cannot be blamed for the reluctance to tear up their constitution in order to ensure a better life for the Romanians living on Saxon land, where they were already much better off than in the counties, enjoying personal freedom, the right to own real estate, to be represented in the administration of the exclusively Romanian villages, where they could also freely decide on the use of the common assets.” The same historian and bishop of the Evangelical Church explained the Saxon protectionist policy, indicating that “the problem could only be solved for the country as a whole, and could not be limited to asking the Saxons to improve the lot of this tolerated nation and religion at their own expense.”44 Thus, the Transylvanian Diets merely took note of the Romanians’ requests and postponed sine die their discussion and resolution. A solution would only be provided by the Diet convened in the spring of 1848. From a religious point of view, it is important to mention that while the Transylvanian social elites debated these issues, the local press in the Principal- ity circulated the idea of granting the Romanians their requests, provided that the latter were willing to embrace the Lutheran faith. Jurist J. Söllner openly pleaded for the assimilation of the Romanians by the Saxons in terms of both language and religion.45 This is a clear indication of the dominant paradigm in the thinking of that time, which saw political issues as inextricably related to ecclesiastical ones, and implicitly identified nation with denomination in the case of both Saxons and Romanians. However, considering the Romanian demographic presence in the Fundus Regius, constantly increasing at a time when the Saxon percentage was declining, Stephan Ludwig Roth and other Saxon leaders began to contemplate a consolidation of the Saxon position and a revival of the 66 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

Lutheran faith with the help of additional colonists coming from the German space and by restricting the sale of land to the Romanians.46 Another dimension of the Romanian-Saxon confessional relations is represented by the contacts, at the level of the local communities, between the Roma- nian Orthodox priests and their Saxon Evangelical counterparts. Several sources indicate that some Saxon men and women availed themselves of the liturgical services provided by Orthodox priests, especially when it came to prayers for the sick, for the remembrance of the dead, and even to exorcisms, even if these were not allowed by the Orthodox canon law. Thus, in November 1800 the Orthodox vicar Ioan Popovici of Sibiu sent a pastoral letter to the archpriests located in the Fundus Regius, asking them to inform their subordinate priests that “under any circumstances they must not perform any kind of religious service for the sick belonging to another denomination.” According to him, the Ortho- dox Consistory in Sibiu had received “a complaint regarding the non-Uniate parish priest of Toprila, in the seat of Cincul Mare, who had said a prayer for a sick Saxon woman.”47 For similar reasons, Bishop Vasile Moga was forced to scold a priest named Climente Popovici, who had performed exorcisms on some Saxons, thus incurring the wrath of the Lutheran clergy, who had reported him to the bishopric. Another case—much more serious but kept secret, and which occurred in the city of Braºov—is mentioned in a letter sent by George Bariþiu to Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu: “Between 1833 and 1842, the parish priest of Braºov was Vasile Greceanu, father-in-law to our great poet, Andrei Mureºianu. During the six years that I spent in his house, on many occasions I saw Saxon men but especially women, even from the ranks of the bourgeoisie, coming to him for healing through prayer, for themselves or for a family member, saying that no physician could help them as the disease was the work of the devil. The same Saxon men and women came to him for liturgies; some even wanted an unction performed by five or seven priests. Father Vasile did his best to send them away, but it was all in vain.”48 Despite the canonical admonitions coming from the hierarchy and the secrecy surrounding them, the cases in question were far from isolated. Most likely, they could be encountered in all areas where Sax- ons and Romanians lived together. There are several explanations for this, one of them quite certain: the absence of sacramental rites with the Transylvanian Saxons, combined with the stress laid by the Lutheran clergy on catechizing the believers, made it so that in some extreme cases, in the absence of a medical or purely rational solution, the Saxons resorted to the services of some Romanian Orthodox priests reputed for the power of their prayers and for the positive effects of the religious services they performed. Paradigms • 67

Conclusions

he cohabitation of Orthodox Romanians and Lutheran Saxons in Transylvania under the Habsburg regime was defined by the different T judicial status enjoyed by the two nations and denominations. Even if all inhabitants of the Fundus Regius were free de jure, their social, economic, political, and ecclesiastical situation differed, with the Orthodox Romanians being second-class citizens until the reforms introduced by Joseph II in 1781, when they were granted citizenship and ownership rights and began to enjoy freedom of religion, just like the Lutheran Saxons. The status of the Orthodox Church was rather precarious until Joseph’s Patent of toleration of 1781, which allowed the Orthodox believers and clergymen to freely practice their religion and implicitly to erect churches without the supervision and special approval of the authorities. As opposed to the Saxon Lutheran clergy, which enjoyed a number of privileges, including the revenue from the tithe paid by all inhabitants of the Fundus Regius, regardless of denominations, the social, economic, educational, and social situation of the Romanian Orthodox clergy was a lot more precarious. Until 1861, they received no financial assistance from the authorities and therefore had to do additional work for a living, just like all the other Ortho- dox believers who, until 1848, were forced to pay the tithe to the Lutheran clergy. If on the Fundus Regius the Union with the Church of Rome was met with fierce opposition by the Saxon authorities and therefore made little progress, this had nothing to do with a hypothetical Saxon sympathy towards the Orthodox Church. Instead, it stemmed from a pragmatic need to forestall the social and political emancipation of the Romanians through ecclesiastical means, namely, through their conversion to the religion of the House of Habsburg. On the other hand, it also derived from the de plano anti-Catholic reflex of the Lutheran Saxons. q

Notes

1. Ernst Wallner, “Über interethnische Kontakte und Kulturbeziehungen zwischen Rumänen und Siebenbürger Sachsen bis zur Zwischenkriegszeit,” Zeitschrift des Ver- eins für Siebenbürgische Landeskunde 13 (1990): 164–174; Viorel Ioniþã, “Relaþiile româno-sãseşti de-a lungul timpului,” Revista teologicã (Sibiu) 10, 1 (2000): 17–29. 2. Ovidiu Ghitta, “The Orthodox Church of Transylvania (The 16th Century–the Sec- ond Half of the 17th Century),” in The History of Transylvania, vol. 2 (from 1541 to 1711), eds. Ioan-Aurel Pop, Thomas Nägler, and András Magyari (Cluj-Napoca: 68 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

Romanian Academy, Center for Transylvanian Studies, 2009), 255–269; Ana Dumi- tran, Religie ortodoxã–religie reformatã: Ipostaze ale identitãþii confesionale a românilor din Transilvania în secolele XVI–XVII (Oradea: Ratio et Revelatio, 2015). 3. Fortunát Boros, “Das Zeitalter der protestantischen Fürsten (1606–1691),” in Kirche. Staat. Nation: Eine Geschichte der katholischen Kirche Siebenbürgens vom Mittelalter bis zum frühen 20. Jahrhundert, eds. Joachim Bahlcke and Krista Zach (Munich: ikgs, 2007), 71–91. 4. Ludwig Binder, Grundlagen und Formen der Toleranz in Siebenbürgen bis zur Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts (Cologne-Vienna: Böhlau, 1976); Hermann Pitters, “Orthodox- lutherische Begegnung in Rumänien,” Kirche im Osten 20 (1977): 179–191. 5. Ioan I. Icã, “Relaþii între ortodocşi şi luterani din România din sec. XVI pânã astãzi,” Mitropolia Ardealului (Sibiu) 25, 1–3 (1980): 58–75. 6. Dorin Oancea, “Ecumenismul în gîndirea teologicã transilvãneanã,” in Contribuþii transilvãnene la Teologia Ortodoxã (Sibiu: 1988), 342–355; Ludwig Binder, “Ökumene in Siebenbürgen,” Siebenbürgisch-sächsischer Hauskalender, 31 (s.l., 1986): 39–44; Paul Philippi, Land des Segens? Fragen an die Geschichte Siebenbürgens und seiner Sachsen (Cologne–Weimar–Vienna: Böhlau, 2008), 278–286. 7. Mihai Sãsãujan, Politica bisericeascã a Curþii din Viena în Transilvania (1740–1761) (Cluj-Napoca: Presa Universitarã Clujeanã, 2002); id., Habsburgii şi Biserica Orto- doxã din Imperiul austriac (1740–1761): Documente (Cluj-Napoca: Presa Universi- tarã Clujeanã, 2003). 8. For the restrictions, see Augustin Bunea, Episcopii Petru Paul Aron ºi Dionisiu Novacovici sau istoria românilor transilvãneni de la 1751 pânã la 1764 (Blaj: Seminarul Archidiecesan, 1902), 244–249. 9. Ileana Bozac and Teodor Pavel, Cãlãtoria împãratului Iosif al II-lea în Transilvania la 1773. Die Reise Kaiser Josephs II. durch Siebenbürgen im Jahre 1773, vol. 1, 2nd edition (Cluj-Napoca/Klausenburg: Academia Românã/Rumänische Akademie, Centrul de Studii Transilvane/Zentrum für Siebenbürgische Studien, 2007), 91. 10. Walter Myß, ed., Lexikon der Siebenbürger Sachsen (Thaur bei Innsbruck: Wort und Welt Verlag, 1993), 424. 11. For the text of the report, see Bozac and Pavel, 1: 713–762. 12. “Raportul final al împãratului Iosif al II-lea,” Sibiu, 1–10 July 1773, in ibid., 92. 13. Klaus Heitmann, Das Rumänenbild im deutschen Sprachraum 1775–1918, eine ima- gologische Studie (Cologne: Böhlau, 1985); Nicolau Togan, “Material istoric privitor la alungarea Românilor din satele sãsesci ale Scaunului Sibiului la 1776. Comunicãri inedite ale magistratului Sibiului,” Transilvania (Sibiu) 32, 3 (1901): 81–101. 14. Ileana Bozac and Teodor Pavel, Cãlãtoria împãratului Iosif al II-lea în Transilvania la 1773. Die Reise Kaiser Josephs II. durch Siebenbürgen im Jahre 1773, vol. 2 (Cluj- Napoca/Klausenburg: Academia Românã/Rumänische Akademie, Centrul de Studii Transilvane/Zentrum für Siebenbürgische Studien, 2011), 206. 15. Ibid., 299–302. 16. Georg Daniel Teutsch, Das Zehntrecht der evangelischen Landeskirche A.B. in Sieben- bürgen: Eine Rechtsgeschichtliche Abhandlung (Schässburg: C. J. Habersang, 1858). Paradigms • 69

17. Nicolae Togan, Istoria Protopopiatului greco-catolic al Sibiului, eds. Bianca Magdãu and Petru Magdãu (Cluj-Napoca: Presa Universitarã Clujeanã, 2010). 18. Simion Retegan, “Aspecte ale biconfesionalitãþii românilor din Transilvania la mijlo- cul secolului al XIX-lea,” Anuarul Institutului de Istorie din Cluj 35 (1996): 177–183. 19. remus Câmpeanu, Elitele româneºti din Transilvania veacului al XVIII-lea, 2nd edition (Cluj-Napoca: Presa Universitarã Clujeanã, 2008), 236–252. 20. Richard Schuller, Der siebenbürgisch-sächsische Pfarrer: Eine Kulturgeschichte. Nach- druck der Ausgabe Schäßburg 1930. Als Festgabe für Paul Philippi zum 80. Geburts- tag im Auftrag des Arbeitskreises für Siebenbürgische Landeskunde, ed. Ulrich A. Wien (Cologne–Weimar–Vienna: Böhlau, 2003), 372. 21. Doru Radosav, Sentimentul religios la români, perspectivã istoricã (sec. XVII–XX) (Cluj- Napoca: Dacia, 1997); Adrian Stoia, Troiþele din Mãrginimea Sibiului parte uitatã a patrimoniului cultural sibian (Sibiu: Andreiana/Muzeul Astra, 2017). 22. David Prodan, Supplex Libellus Valachorum: Din istoria formãrii naþiunii române, 2nd edition (Bucharest: Ed. Enciclopedicã, 2013), 270–291; Helmut Reinalter, ed., Josephinis- mus als Aufgeklärter Absolutismus (Vienna–Cologne–Weimar: Böhlau, 2008). 23. Angelica Schaser, Reformele iosefine în Transilvania şi urmãrile lor în viaþa socialã: Im- portanþa edictului de concivilitate pentru oraşul Sibiu, trans. (Sibiu: Hora, 2000). 24. Ibid., 48–87; Daniel Dumitran, Un timp al reformelor: Biserica Greco-Catolicã din Transilvania sub conducerea episcopului Ioan Bob (1782–1830), 2nd edition (Cluj- Napoca: Argonaut, 2007), 53–75; Joseph Karniel, Die Toleranzpolitik Kaiser Josephs II (Schriftenreihe des Instituts für Deutsche Geschichte der Universität Tel Aviv Bd. 9) (Stuttgart: Gerlingen-Bleicher, 1986). 25. Mircea Pãcurariu, Istoria Bisericii româneºti din Transilvania, Banat, Criºana ºi Maramureº pînã în 1918 (Cluj-Napoca: Dacia, 1992), 266–274; Valeriu Literat, Biserici vechi româneºti din Þara Oltului, ed. Nicolae Sabãu (Cluj-Napoca: Dacia, 1996). 26. Mathias Bernath, Habsburg und die Anfänge der rumänischen Nationsbildung (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1977), 235. 27. Mircea-Gheorghe Abrudan, “Titulatura, jurisdicþia ºi ordinea în diptice a Eparhiei Ortodoxe a Transilvaniei ºi a ierarhilor ei între pãstorirea lui Dionisie Novacovici ºi vicariatul lui Andrei ªaguna (1761–1848),” Tabor (Cluj) 9, 12 (2015): 18–31; id., “De la ‘Biserica greceascã neunitã’ la ‘Biserica greco-orientalã’—itinerarul redenu- mirii Bisericii Ortodoxe din Austria între paºoptism ºi dualism,” Academica (Bucha- rest) 25, 8–9 (2015): 43–48. 28. Ilarion Puşcariu, Metropolia românilor ortodocşi din Ungaria şi Transilvania: Studiu istoric despre reînfiinþarea metropoliei. Dimpreunã cu o colecþiune de acte (Sibiu: Arhi- diecezana, 1900). 29. More precisely, the “Rescriptum Declaratorium Illyricae Nationis” of 16 July 1779 and the “Systema consistoriale” of 17 June 1782, republished in Ioan-Vasile Leb, Gabriel-Viorel Gârdan, Marius Eppel, and Pavel Vesa, Instituþii ecleziastice: Com- pendiu de legislaþie bisericeascã (Secolul al XIX-lea) (Cluj-Napoca: Presa Universitarã Clujeanã, 2010), 37–83. 70 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

30. Paul Brusanowski, “Situaþia juridicã şi dotaþia Bisericii Ortodoxe din Ardeal între 1761–1810. Fondul Sidoxial: Asemãnãri şi deosebiri faþã de celelalte confesiuni din Monarhia habsburgicã,” Revista teologicã 17, 1 (2007): 150–162. 31. Mircea Pãcurariu, 230 de ani de învãþãmânt teologic la Sibiu 1786–2016 (Sibiu: An- dreiana, 2016), 17–42. 32. Ioan Lupaº, Istoria bisericeascã a românilor ardeleni, ed. Doru Radosav (Cluj-Napoca: Dacia, 2011), 153. 33. Alexandru-Bogdan Bud, Limitele loialitãþii dinastice: Iosif al II-lea ºi românii din Transilvania în epoca modernã (Cluj-Napoca: Academia Românã, Centrul de Studii Transilvane, 2015); Mirela Andrei, “Românii ardeleni şi împãratul austriac: Ava- tarurile mitului ‘bunului împãrat’ de la sfârşitul secolului al XVIII-lea la perioada postpaşoptistã,” Revista Bistriþei 15 (2001): 215–223. 34. Prodan, 50. 35. Ibid., 25–53. 36. Ibid., 43. 37. Ibid., 74–85, 93. 38. Ibid., 88. 39. Ibid., 94–111. 40. Sebastian Stanca, Viaþa şi activitatea Episcopului Vasile Moga 1774–1845 (Cluj: Tipo- grafia Eparhiei Ortodoxe Române, 1938). 41. Prodan, 438–490; Ladislau Gyémánt, Mişcarea naþionalã a românilor din Transil- vania între anii 1790 şi 1848 (Bucharest: Ed. Ştiinþificã şi Enciclopedicã, 1986), 238–283. 42. Johann Karl Schuller, Beleuchtung der Klagschrift gegen die Sächsische Nation, welche die beiden walachischen H.H. Bischöfe auf dem Landtage von 1841–1843 den Ständen des Grossfürstenthums Siebenbürgen überreicht haben (Hermannstadt: Hochmeister Erbin, 1844). 43. J.[ohann] Tr.[ausch], Bemerkungen über die vom siebenbürgischen griechisch-nicht unierten Bischof Herrn Basilius Moga im Jahre 1837 zu Hermannstadt versammelten Landesständen unterlegte Bittschrift (Kronstadt: Johann Gött, 1844). 44. Friedrich Teutsch, Geschichte der Siebenbürgen Sachsen für das sächsische Volk. Band III: Von der Zeit der Regulationen bis zur Einführung des Dualismus (1816–1868) (Her- mannstadt: W. Krafft, 1910), 97–98. 45. Gyémánt, 269. 46. Ibid., 272–273; Teutsch, 3: 175–176. 47. Valer Simion Cosma, “Der Priester, die Wunderheilung und das Buch in der Bäuer- lichen Welt Siebenbürgens im 19. Jh.,” in Buch-Wissen-Identität: Kulturwissenschaftli- che Studien, eds. Valer Simion Cosma and Edit Szegedi (Cluj-Napoca: Eikon, 2014), 113–114. 48. Ibid., 114. Paradigms • 71

Abstract Under the Sway of Orthodoxy and the Reformation: Romanian-Saxon Confessional Relations in Transylvania between 1688 and 1848

The anniversary of five centuries since the beginning of the Reformation in 1517 provides a good opportunity for some reflections on the history of the reformist movement and of its relations with the Orthodox Church in Central and Southeast Europe. In Transylvania, during the second half of the 16th century, we see the coexistence, in a spirit of tolerance, of five Christian churches and denominations: Orthodox, Catholic, Lutheran, Calvinist and Unitarian (Anti-Trinitarian). The present study is devoted to the confessional relations between the Orthodox Romanians and the Lutheran Saxons in Transylvania, from the conquest of the principality by the Habsburg Empire until the Revolution of 1848. These ethnic and confessional relations were influenced by a number of political factors as well as by the social, national, cultural, and conceptual transformations brought about by the Modern Era. Therefore, the investigated period has been divided into two: from the conquest of Transylvania by the Habsburgs until the reforms of Emperor Joseph II (1688–1781), and from Joseph II to the Revolution of 1848.

Keywords Transylvania, Habsburg regime, Evangelical Church of Augustan Confession, Orthodox Church, inter-confessional relations focus

I o a n -A u r e l P o p Laudatio

Your Royal Highness, There was a time, long before the European Union, when Britan- nia (nowadays England) and Dacia (nowadays Romania) were part of the same state called the Roman Empire, which spanned three continents, from the cold mists of the North Sea to the hot sands of Africa and from the Ti- gris and the Euphrates to the Atlantic Ocean. Since then, the bonds between the people living on the banks of the River Thames and the people living on the banks of the Danube and near the Carpathian Mountains endured, con-

Ioan-Aurel Pop and tinued, were interrupted and resumed His Royal Highness Charles, Prince of Wales time and again despite the geographical distance, leading to a better mutual understanding. The English people have always been seen as a model Western Europe- an nation and have provided the other nations with community organization standards, from monarchy and democratic leadership to the structure of universities—the ones in Cambridge and

Ioan-Aurel Pop The “Focus” section is devoted to His Royal Member of the Romanian Academy, rec- Highness Charles, Prince of Wales, to tor of Babeş-Bolyai University, director whom Babeº-Bolyai University granted on of the Center for Transylvanian Studies. 29 May 2017 the title of doctor honoris causa. Paradigms • 73

Oxford are genuine global reference points. The formal structure of medieval universities has endured in certain aspects, despite the rapid modernization. Our university, founded in 1581 by royal decree and then re-established several times, is the oldest and most prestigious in Romania. Throughout time, students were taught in Latin, German, Hungarian and Romanian. Today we have a university with three official languages of study, Romanian, Hungarian and German (the languages of the three main nationalities in Transylvania), and with tens of programs taught in English and French. Many students from the eu and from all over the world study here and each and every one is free to choose the language they are to be taught in. Furthermore, Babeº-Bolyai is the only university in Eu- rope with four faculties of Christian theology, corresponding to the main historical denominations in Transylvania: Orthodox, Roman Catholic, Protestant and Greek Catholic. In other words, the entire multicultural, multiethnic and multi- denominational tradition of the region is being honored. Among the personalities that preceded You in receiving this honorary title there are famous scholars, Nobel prize winners, monarchs, heads of state and government, such as Mario Vargas Llosa, Chancellor Angela Merkel, King Michael I of Romania, Pope Benedict XVI, Bartholomew I, the ecumenical patriarch, Bronisław Geremek, Jacques Le Goff, Hans-Adam II, Prince of Liech- tenstein, and many others.

Distinguished audience, His Royal Highness Charles, Prince of Wales, belongs to a revered European Royal Family of medieval ancestry. As heir to the throne, the main responsibility of Prince Charles is to support Her Majesty the Queen, as a focalizing element of national pride, of unity and faith, maintaining solidarity within the society, representing stability and continuity, as well as the importance of public service and of honorary office. All these are to be accomplished by permanent encour- agement and self-example. The Prince began his academic education in 1967 in Cambridge, at the famous Trinity College, specializing in the fields of archaeol- ogy, anthropology and history, a fact that explains His Royal Highness’ special taste for monuments, for the preservation of the past, for tradition. Before being officially invested as Prince of Wales in 1969, he studied for a semester at the University College of Wales, learning Welsh. In 1970, the Prince became a member of the House of Lords, then a pilot in the Royal Air Force, a graduate of the Royal Naval College and a Commander in the Royal Navy, a helicopter pilot etc. During the last 40 years, as heir to the throne, the Prince has visited around 100 countries, fulfilling some 600 royal duties every year. He is often presented as a promoter, a world leader in social corporate work, having proved from an early age the benefits of organic agriculture, finding ways to support the unem- 74 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) ployed youth, the young people with no education or other forms of training. His Royal Highness spoke for the first time about the environment in 1968, and he gave warnings long ago of the irreversible effects of climate change. As a leader in environment protection for over four decades, he has worked with the business environment, with charity organizations, with governments, and other entities to promote sustainable ways of life and work. In 1997, Prince Charles made his first visit to Romania. It was the second time in history when a Prince of Wales was officially stepping on Romanian ground. His predecessor had been Edward, then future king of Great Britain and emperor of India, who, in 1888, had spent one day in Bucharest, and several days in the Royal Castle of Peleº, the summer residence of King Carol I of Romania and of Queen Elisabeth. The future King Edward VII then journeyed through “Wild Carpathia,” by train, to Gheorgheni, in Transylvania, where he met with Crown Prince Rudolf of Habsburg of Austria-Hungary. Beginning with 1998, Prince Charles has visited Romania on countless occasions, during either private or public visits, always informing the world about this country between the Carpathian Mountains and the Danube that is “blessed by God Almighty above all things on earth” (Nicolae Bãlcescu). By means of properties, foundations and associations, by encouraging investments and competition, through the interest shown in monument restoration and environmental protection, but especially leading by example, the Prince of Wales became a true protector of Transylvania and of Romania. From Viscri, in the center of historical Transylvania, up to Sãpânþa, in the heart of the historical land of Maramureº, with the help of his foundation, of other organizations, foundations and associations, but mostly thanks to the kind people surrounding him and caring for him, His Royal Highness contributes immensely to the preservation of historical traditions and of an untainted nature. These traditions come from the past and look towards the future. With his sensibility for history and architecture, which was noticeable in his early years as a student, Prince Charles understood from the very beginning the role of Romania as synthesis of civilizations, bringing together the Catholic and Protestant West and the Byzantine and Orthodox East. That is why, in Transylvania, next to the jutting spires of Gothic churches, which pierce the sky, we find the rounded domes of Byzantine churches; then, a few hundred meters away from a Baroque building there is a Renaissance chapel, next to an austere Unitarian (Anti-Trinitarian) place of worship there is a synagogue, while a few steps away stands a wooden church… All these are symbols of the evolution of European civilization, perhaps better preserved here than anywhere else; maybe for this reason His Royal highness considers it a precious treasure, which must be kept. Prince Charles is a true founder, reconciling nature with history, faith with architecture, modernity with the monuments of Paradigms • 75 the past. Orthodox Romanians, Catholic, Calvinist and Unitarian Hungarians, Catholic and Lutheran Germans, Jews and others have all worked towards the same purpose, creating thus a model of European coexistence, despite the inher- ent disputes and misunderstandings.

Your Royal Highness, You are today in Cluj-Napoca/Kolozsvár/Klausenburg—Romania’s second largest city, provincial capital during the Roman Empire (just like London/Lon- dinium), and declared a city some 1900 years ago. The city of today has around 400,000 inhabitants, among whom almost 100,000 are students. Every fourth inhabitant is a student, and the university is the city’s defining element. In time, we have learned to live together, to survive, and also to coexist. At the university, we work together in the service of education, research, communication and dialogue. We sincerely believe that through culture we may achieve freedom.

Your Royal Highness, Here, in Romania, You find Yourself at home and we hope You will always do so. The reasons are both objective and subjective. Countless ties connect You to this country, including distant relatives (the Basarab dynasty in Wallachia, more precisely Prince Vlad Dracula’s heirs) or closer ones (descending from Queen Maria—granddaughter of Queen Victoria of Great Britain—whose bust keeps vigil on the hallway of this university); but there are also affective ties, the love for the places and the people, the rolling hills and valleys of this country, the meadows covered with flowers, the forests and the rivers that are still inhabited by wild animals and fish; but mostly the hospitable people, as You Yourself have often mentioned. The Senate of our university has fulfilled an honorable duty to celebrate You and bring You closer to us. We rest assured that You share the motto of this institution, Traditio nostra unacum Europae virtutibus splendet (“Our tradition is resplendent with the virtues of Europe”). We consider You the successor of our founders from a century ago, when King Ferdinand of Romania and Queen Maria of Romania (the great-aunt of Your Royal Highness) reestablished this venerable institution in the Kingdom of Romania. By accepting our joint invitation, made by Senatus Academicus et Rector Magnificus, You have honored and dignified us, offering us trust in the strength of a tradition that looks towards the future. Universitas magistrorum et scholarium Almae Mater Napocensis wish You good health and the strength to serve the British nation and the world and, as in times past, Vivat, crescat, floreat! q Speech by His Royal Highness Charles, Prince of Wales

Esteemed Rector, Ladies and Gentlemen,

I am deeply moved and extremely grateful to be thus honored here today. To have a doctorate bestowed on me by the oldest university in Romania, not to say one of the most prestigious in Europe, is very flattering indeed. It is now almost exactly twenty years since my first visit to this part of your wonderful country, in 1997. In the intervening period I have managed to travel to other parts of Romania, but His Royal Highness Charles, that first visit to Transylvania made Prince of Wales an indelible impression on me. I saw a hilly, wooded and fertile landscape, still cared for by small-scale farming communities that created them, and an extraordinary cultural continuity— in many villages, the family names are closely associated, historically, with these places—the same families have been caring for the land for hundreds of years. Since that visit I have grown to ap- preciate and to love these landscapes and communities more and more. Paradigms • 77

It is rare, perhaps unique, in Europe to find well preserved and functional, productive landscapes at such a large scale. I was astonished to find how the grasslands are so wonderfully rich in wildflowers, and also in butterflies—with over two hundred butterfly species in Romania, compared to forty in the United Kingdom—other invertebrates and vertebrates, including important wolf, bear and raptor populations. These species all indicate the overall health of the whole ecology of these landscapes. And yet they are very productive. Studies carried out by the European Union show that smaller-scale farms in Romania, and more widely in Europe, are actually twice as productive per hectare as larger- scale farms. These special producers are farming with Nature, but they do need help to obtain a proper value for what they make, and a proper connection to the market. Given an integrated approach to rural development, these problems can be solved and, if they are, the communities will continue to prosper, and to protect wildlife-friendly farming. All of us in the wider world have a lot to learn from Transylvania’s farmed landscapes. They have spiritual as well as social, economic and ecological significance. Does this matter in today’s more cynical age when there is such an obsession with “efficiency” and convenience? Yes, it does—because the essential point is that in these landscapes Man is still living in harmony with Nature—a harmony that has been largely lost in most parts of Europe, and with disastrous results to our environment. Here Man produces food in a truly sustainable way, without destroying Nature or fighting Nature, but in partnership with Nature. This is an important theme that I have been trying to stress for many years— to a chorus of skepticism. However, it would seem that the tide is beginning to turn and more and more people can see the costs of the industrialization of landscapes and food production, with a loss of the natural capital that sustains us all. Short-term gains will be followed by the collapse of natural systems in the longer-term. This is a collapse that can already be seen. In contrast, the Transylvanian farmed landscapes offer many models of sustainable living, food production and biodiversity conservation. Conventional Nature reserves are probably not the answer to saving these special places for posterity, which require a holistic, landscape-scale approach that avoids creating islands of diversity surrounded by damaged lands. The existing richness of animal and plant life, certainly by comparison with other countries in Europe, demonstrates that farming and biodiversity can indeed survive together to enhance and complement each other. There is no doubt that grassland is central to this farmed landscape. A long history and continuation of traditional, non-intensive management practices— mixed farming, little or no fertilizer input and low stocking densities—has al- 78 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) lowed the great diversity of wildflowers and wildlife to survive. These low-input, permanent grasslands still possess an abundance of wild plants and animals that have disappeared from much of the rest of Europe. As you know far better than me, they yield meat, milk and cheese, and other commercial products such as honey, wild fruits and medicinal plants. It is a buffered, productive ecosystem. The diversity of grasses and wildflowers, including numerous orchids, wild sages and other mint relatives, and twenty to thirty or more clovers, trefoils, vetches and other legumes, provides quality feed for farm animals. These grasslands represent more or less intact, traditionally managed ecosystems, including soils and soil micro-flora. Pockets of dry steppic grassland on south-facing slopes and the steep hummocks, or movile, that are a feature of the Saxon Vil- lages, and damp grassland in valley bottoms with a wet meadow flora are especially rich. They maintain both a rich biodiversity and the “goods and services” of a healthy and stable environment. They reduce or prevent soil erosion, they lock up carbon and they soak up rain and slowly release clean water into wells, streams and rivers, providing both flood prevention in wet conditions and a secure water supply in dry periods. The mosaic of wildflower-rich grasslands and adjacent ancient woodlands generate income from tourism, being ideally suited to activities such as mountain bike trails, horse riding, walking, painting and natural history. Food products from this most healthy environment, of high quality and with a distinct regional identity, will increasingly attract consumers prepared to pay premium prices. Honey and jams made locally from wild meadow and wood- land edge fruits are literally “bottled biodiversity”... These farmed landscapes and the villages that support them are at the very heart of Romania’s rural economy and culture. Nevertheless, this valuable ecosystem and its wild plants and wildlife are every bit as threatened as any in the modern world, even if the whole system appears substantially intact. The impres- sive legacy of the historical Romanian, Saxon and Székely farming communities should surely be integral to future economic growth, and conservationists can help local people and Nature by showing how to combine the best traditional farming practices with innovative technology. It would be a complete tragedy to lose that intangible sense of place, which can happen so easily. Instead, it is vital to ensure that an enhanced rural economy can again provide a good liveli- hood—and one linked directly to the landscape—for farming communities in Transylvania. And in a countryside that combines natural beauty and a living productive ecosystem... I have been asked many times why I come so often to Romania, what is it that makes it so special, so attractive? Paradigms • 79

For me, the answer is clear: you, my Romanian friends; your natural and cultural landscape, your traditions, but also your capacity to innovate and change. What you are after centuries of history—your identity, and what you can do; the energy of change you can mobilize. This is what makes you special in the world. Your architecture, your beautiful farmland, your biodiversity, your pastures, meadows and orchards, the mosaic of habitats and the diversity of your communities and traditions, in Transylvania and across Romania; all these, together, are a treasure—your treasure to the world. It seems to me that, sometimes, you are not fully aware of all this. It is easy to forget, lured by the rhythm and challenges of our modern society. When you are looking to the future, please keep these values in mind. They are unique. When you want to modernize, to change, to transform—and Romania has so many things to do, to change, to modernize—I do so hope that you will be able to do it in a way that would give more value to your treasure; that will preserve your communities and your landscapes; that would bring what you are already into what you want to become. I am always amazed by the exceptional creativity of your youth—in it, research and innovation, creative arts. This is part of your treasure as well. Your brand as a country is precisely this blend of values and authentic traditions; the architecture, the taste of your food, the ancestral fabric of your communities, of natural values; the unique biodiversity, the landscapes—as well as your capacity to innovate. This is what makes you special. This is why I always return to Romania and this is why a part of my soul is always here. Modern life doesn’t mean to forget the values of the past and to replace everything with new things, but to combine in a smart way the fundamental values of our cultures and traditions with innovation and new technologies—without severing the bond between human society and Nature. Romania has a fascinatingly diverse and ancient history inherited from the Dacians, and on which to build a life based on a harmonious relationship with Nature. During previous centuries, other civilizations enriched the local one with cultures, traditions and architecture based on the same principle of respect for a harmonious relationship with Nature. This is a richness which could be an asset for modern Romania. It would be wonderful, indeed, if schools and universities in Romania could cultivate the idea that Nature and living traditions are an asset for modern life. That is the only way to build a sustainable material and spiritual future—and one in which Romania would be uniquely placed to innovate without ever losing her precious soul. q transsilvanica

Dominikus, Bischof von Cenad (1360-1373) und Oradea (1373-1374), und sein Wirken vor der

P e t e r L a b a n c Bischofsweihe

Als Dominikus, Bischof von Ora- Dominikus Bubek gehörte zur dea, am Vorabend der Allerheiligen Spitze der Kirchen hierarchie 1374 starb, lag hinter ihm eine reiche Kirchenkarriere, die ihn in fast alle im ungarischen Königreich Regionen des ungarischen Königrei- im 14. Jh. Die Erforschung ches geführt hatte.1 Man kann ihn zu seiner Karriere vor seiner den interessanten Personen der Kir- chengeschichte zählen, weil sein Le- Bischofsweihe ist das Beispiel ben beispielhaft für eine erfolgreiche einer Kirchenkarriere, die ein kirchliche Karriere ist, wie man sie nur bei wenigen Klerikern des Mittelalters Mitglied eines bedeutsamen findet. Adelsgeschlechts machte. Der zukünftige Bischof von Ora- dea stammte vom Geschlecht Ákos ab, aus dem Zweige von Plešivec,2 dessen Ursprünge in Gemer auf die Zeit des Peter Labanc Mongolenangriffs zurückgehen, als Oberasisstent an der Philosophischen Philipp und Detrik für ihre Heeres- Fakultät, Universität Trnava (Slowakei), Author der Bücher Spišskí prepošti do dienste ein Vermögen am Fluss Solyó 3 roku 1405 (Die Zipser Pröpste bis zum vom König Belo IV. erhalten. Domi- Jahre 1405) (2011) und Vývoj šl’achty na nikus war Enkel von Dominikus, ge- Spiši do začiatku 14. storočia (Die Ent- nannt Bubek, dem Enkel von Detrik. wicklung des Adels in der Zips bis zum Dominikus taucht in den Quellen Anfang des 14. Jahrhunderts) (2013). seit dem Jahr 1335 mit seinen Ver- Transsilvanica • 81 wandten auf.4 Die Quellen informieren uns von Dominikus überwiegend ein- seitig. In der Mehrheit der Quellen fehlen Informationen über die Würden und Funktionen, die Dominikus trug und ausübte. Nur zwei Urkunden des Kapitels von Eger, die im November 1337 ausgestellt wurden, bringen Informationen über die Familienherkunft von Dominikus und über seine Stelle in der kirchlichen Hierarchie. Im Herbst 1337 war Dominikus Erzdechant von Torysa in der Diözese von Eger und gleichzeitig hatte eine kanonische Pfründe in Pécs inne.5 Eben in diesem Kapitel erwähnt man 1336 und 1338 einen Dominikus.6 In beiden Fällen sollte dieser das Kapitel in seiner Funktion als glaubwürdi- gen Ort vertreten. Das heißt, dass der in den Jahren 1336 und 1338 erwähnte Dominikus im Kapitel von Pécs residierte. Es ist aber fraglich, ob diese Würde mit der Position des Erzdechants von Torysa vereinbar war und ob es sich in dem Fall um dieselbe Person handelt. Die Forschung zu dieser Frage verdient einen eigenen Raum, weil sie uns eine erhebliche Hilfe bei der Rekonstruktion der Karriere von Dominikus anbietet. Die Funktion vom Erzdechant von Torysa war mit den Pfarreien und Kirchen bei dem oberen Teil des Flusses Torysa verbunden. Die zeitlichen Anfänge von diesen Pfarreien und Kirchen fallen in die Mitte des 13. Jhs. und den ältesten Quellen nach gehörten sie unter die Jurisdiktion des Kapitels in Spiš, das sich im nordöstlichen Teil des Bistums Esztergom befand.7 Bereits am Anfang des 14. Jhs. spürt man eine Spannung in der Zugehörigkeit der Pfarrer im Gebiet von Torysa und Plaveč. Die Situation eskalierte 1320-er und 1330-er. Chanadinus, der Bischof von Eger, richtete die Erzdechanei von Torysa im Oktober 1323 ein und zum ersten Erzdechant ernannte er Johannes, den damaligen Pfarrer von Torysa, wo die erste Kirche dieses Gebietes stand und wonach die ganze Erz dechanei ihren Namen trug.8 Das Ernennungsdekret hatte einen deklarierenden Charakter. Dies geht aus einer Urkunde des Propstes von Spiš hervor, die im Oktober desselben Jahres ausgestellt wurde und den Pfarrer von Vysoká in seinem Amt bestätigt. In der Urkunde ist direkt angeführt, dass die Patronen der Kirche den neuen Pfarrer vor Johannes, dem Erzdechant von Torysa, präsentierten – demselben Johannes, den Chanadinus ein Monat später zum Erzdechant der neugegründeten Erzde- chanei von Torysa im Bistum Eger ernannte.9 Die förmlichkeit der Chanadinus Maßnahme wird auch durch die späteren Nachrichten aus dem Jahr 1329 bestä- tigt. In diesem Jahr wird Johannes wieder als Erzdechant von Torysa erwähnt.10 Die Tatsache, dass das Kapitel von Spiš, der Herausgeber der die Transaktion der Familie von Johannes bestätigenden Urkunde, seinen Titel akzeptierte, bestätigt die These von der Förmlichkeit der durch Chanadinus eingerichteten Erzdecha- nei von Torysa im Bistum Eger. Die Hauptphase des Streites geschah in de Jahren 1331-1332, was durch die erhaltene Schriftrolle von Levoča bestätigt wird, die ein Protokoll von die- 82 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) sem Prozess beinhaltet.11 Doch im Jahr 1332 wurde die Situation noch nicht endgültig gelöst. Dies bezeugt die Einnahme der päpstlichen Zehnten aus den Jahren 1332-1337. Unter den Pfarreien befindet sich keine, die zur Erzdechanei von Torysa gehörte. Das bedeutet, dass der Propst von Spiš die Zehnten für die dortigen Pfarrer bezahlte.12 Wenn man in eine Landkarte die Pfarreien von Šariš einzeichnet, die in das Verzeichnis der päpstlichen Zehnten aus dem Bistum Eger aufgenommen wurden, liegt es auf der Hand, dass das Bestehen der Erz- dechanei von Torysa im Rahmen dieses Bistums in den 1330-ern immer noch formell war.13 Wo führt uns dieser Exkurs bei der Erforschung der Karriere von Dominikus hin? Eben in der Zeit der intensivsten Untersuchung des Streites taucht Domi- nikus erstmal als der Erzdechant von Torysa auf (Ende des Jahres 1337). Kurz danach erschien dieses Amt im Eschatokoll der vom Kapitel von Eger ausgestellten Urkunden (April 1339).14 Aufgrund der Fakten kann man schließen, dass der Anfang der realen Existenz der Erzdechanei von Torysa im Bistum Eger eben mit der Tätigkeit des späteren Bischofs Dominikus zusammenhängt. Er wurde irgendwann zwischen 1336-1337 de facto der erste der vom egrischen Bischof ernannten Erzdechante von Torysa, obwohl er Pfarrer von keiner dortigen Pfarrei war. Diese Sondersituation bot ihm die Möglichkeit, in Pécs zu residieren und die Pflichten des dortigen Kanonikers zu erfüllen. Erst später (seit der Wende der Jahren 1338-1339) wirkte Dominikus tatsächlich im Bistum Eger. Nach 1339 taucht der Name von Dominikus in den Urkunden auf, die die Vermögensverhältnisse der Familie regeln. Diese Urkunden liefern aber keine Informationen über die Würden und Funktionen von Dominikus. Die einzige Quelle hierzu ist das Eschatokoll der vom Kapitel von Eger ausgestellten Ur- kunden, das die Liste der anwesenden Kapitelsmitglieder (jedoch nicht immer) beinhaltet. Dominikus wurde im Jahr 1339 in fünf Urkunden genannt,15 zu denen man auch seine eigene Urkunde hinzurechnen muss.16 Als Zeuge wird Dominikus ebenfalls im Jahr 1346 erwähnt.17 Wichtige Veränderungen in Dominikus Leben geschahen vom Sommer 1346 bis zum März 1349. Die Quellen aber bringen darüber keine nähere Informati- on. Im Frühling 1349 trat Georg, der Bote des ungarischen Königs Ludovicus I., vor den Heiligen Stuhl. Als er um das Erteilen von Pfründen bat, dachte er auch an seinen Bruder Dominikus, für den er zuerst die leerstehende Propstei in Eger bat (2. März 1349)18 und später (22. März) auch eine kanonische Pfründe im dortigen Kapitel.19 Aus denselben Quellen kann man feststellen, dass Domi- nikus nicht nur die Pfründe in Kapiteln von Pécs und Esztergom innehatte, sondern er war vor allem Propst in der Kirche des hl. Thomas Becket in Esztergom. Der genaue Zeitpunkt von Dominikus Beförderung bleibt unbekannt, doch kann man ihn ungefähr bestimmen. Dabei sind besonders zwei Tatsachen hilf- Transsilvanica • 83 reich. Vor allem ist das Datum der letzten Erwähnung des Doktors der Dekre- talien Jakob, der als Dominikus Vorgänger im Amt des Propstes in der Kirche des hl. Thomas Becker in Esztergom wirkte und der in den Quellen nach 3. Juni 1347 nicht mehr erwähnt wird.20 Die andere Angabe stammt aus der vom Kapitel in Eger Ende 1347 ausgestellten Urkunde, die nur eine geringe Liste der Zeugen beinhaltet. In dieser Liste wurde Georg, Erzdechant von Torysa, angeführt, der wahrscheinlich unmittelbarer Nachfolge des Dominikus war. Aus diesen zwei Tatsachen kann man deduzieren, dass Dominikus zum Propst beim hl. Thomas Becket in Esztergom irgendwann in der zweiten Hälfte des Jahres 1347 wurde. Davon kann man feststellen, dass Dominikus nur sehr kurz in Esztergom wirkte, als sein Bruder Georg für ihn den Heiligen Stuhl um die Erteilung der nach dem Tod des Propstes Nikolaus leerstehende Würde des Propstes beim Dom des hl. Johannes in Eger bat. Die päpstliche Kurie zustimmte unter der Bedingung zu, dass Dominikus vom Amt des Propstes in Esztergom abtritt.21 Einige Tage später bat der Bischof von Nitra Nikolaus um Erteilung des leerstehenden Propstsamts beim hl. Thomas für seinen Verwandten. Die päpstliche Kurie zustimmte auch in diesem Fall zu unter der Bedingung, dass dieses Amt auch auf die Bitte des Kardinals Guilelm hin niemand anderem zugeteilt werde.22 Bis zu diesem Moment handelt es sich um eine Standardsituation. Wie aus den anderen Dokumenten hervorgeht, wurde Dominikus nicht zum Propst in Eger. Bischof von Veszprém Johannes bat in Avignon 1352 um die Erteilung der Propstswürde in Eger für Ladislaus. In der Bitte ist angeführt, dass die Pfründe des Propstes nach dem Tod von Nikolaus leer blieb.23 Diese Information macht klar, dass Dominikus in diese Pfründe nicht eingeführt wurde. Es gibt mehrere Möglichkeiten der Situationsentwicklung im Jahr 1349, die dazu führten, dass Dominikus in Esztergom blieb. Im Allgemeinen kann man sie in zwei Gruppen sortieren: eine freiwillige Entscheidung von Dominikus oder äußere Ereignisse, die ihn hinderten, das Amt anzunehmen. Die Quellen verraten uns hierzu so gut wie nichts, deswegen können die Analogien aus den beiden Kirchzentren hilfreich sein. Im selben Zeitraum (Februar-März 1349), als der Heilige Stuhl Dominikus zum Propst in Eger ernannte, kam es zu einer ähnlichen Situation in der Propstei von Spiš. Die Propstswürde war nach dem Tod des Propstes Johannes nicht be- setzt und ein anderer Johannes (Neffe des Bischofs von Eger) bat den Heiligen Stuhl um die Erteilung dieser Würde. Weder Dominikus noch Johannes nahmen diese Ämter an und die Gründe hierfür tauchen erst in den drei Jahre nach der Ernennung entstandenen Quellen auf, als Patron der Propstei von Spiš König Ludovicus I. um die Bestätigung seines Kandidaten Nikolaus bat.24 Es ist mög- lich, dass auch im Fall von Dominikus eine ähnliche Situation entstanden ist, 84 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) aber die Quellen liefern keine Information über äußere Einwirkungen. Welche Motivation hatte Dominikus in Esztergom zu bleiben, obwohl er vorher seinen Willen wegzugehen äußerte (ohne seine Bewilligung hätte sein Bruder die neue Pfründe für ihn nicht erbeten)? 1349 kam es noch zu einer Änderung. Der Bi- schofsstuhl von Esztergom blieb leer und anstatt Chanadinus (bis 1330 Bischof von Eger) wurde sein Verwandte Nikolaus zum Bischof von Eger ernannt.25 Es ist schwer zu sagen, ob diese Verhältnisse Dominikus Entscheidung beeinfluss- ten. Die Quellen bringen nur einen Fakt, dass Dominikus als Propst der Kirche des hl. Thomas Becket in Esztergom blieb. Einiges ist auch dadurch angedeutet, dass der neue Erzbischof von Esztergom Dominikus zum Vikar ernannte.26 Es scheint so zu sein, dass man eben hier die Gründe für Dominikus Beharrung in Esztergom suchen muss. Als Propst des hl. Thomas Becket und Bischofsvikar ist Dominikus auch 1355 und 1356 nachgewiesen.27 Dominikus blieb als Propst in Esztergom bis zu dem Zeitpunkt, als er die Propstwürde von Spiš einnahm. Die Information darüber ist in Supplikationsre- gister der päpstlichen Kurie in Avignon vom 9. Mai 1357 erhalten.28 Die Quellen bringen keine nähere Information, wann Dominikus sein neues Amt einnahm. Es geschah aber Ende 1356 oder Anfang 1357, weil sein Vorfahre im Propstamt Nikolaus aus Huncovce 1356 starb.29 Karl Wagner30 und Jozef Hradský31 springen Dominikus in ihren Propstslis- ten über und geben ab dem Jahr 1357 Propst Benedikt an. Demgegenüber reiht Martin Pirhala Dominikus in seine Propstliste richtig ein.32 Dominikus nahm im Gegensatz zum Propstamt von Eger die Propstwürde von Spiš real ein und war nachweisbar Ende des Jahres 1357 in Spiš. Zuerst trat er im Oktober als homo regius auf, als er zusammen mit einem Gesandten des Kapitels ein Zeugnis im Fall eines Grenzenstreites in Bijacovce ausstellte.33 Spä- ter tauchte er als Richter im Erzbistum Esztergom auf, als er im Streit über die Zehnten in *Kazimírovce zwischen der dortigen Adeligen und der Kanoniker des Kapitels Recht sprach.34 Er war in Spiš noch im Jahr 1359, als sein Vikar Jakob eine Urkunde nach Dominikus Ankunft in Spiš datierte.35 Jüngere Nachrichten von Dominikus und seinem Verhältnis zu Spiš stammen erst aus dem Jahr 1360, als er zum Bischof von Cenad erwählt wurde.36 Das geschah zwar vor Juli 1360, aber er hatte den Propststuhl bis zu seiner Bestäti- gung im November desselben Jahres inne.37 Es ist durch eine Urkunde von Do- minikus bestätigt, die er am 16. September 1360 in Visegrád ausstellte. Darin titulierte er sich selbst als Propst von Spiš und gewählter Bischof von Cenad.38 Dominikus ist der zweite Propst von Spiš, von dem man weißt, dass er nicht in diesem Amt starb, sondern er setzte seine kirchliche Karriere an einem anderen Ort fort (der erste war Heinrich, 1315-1323).39 Dominikus wirkte in Cenad bis 1373, als er am 22. Februar zum Bischof von Oradea gewählt wurde,40 ob- Transsilvanica • 85 wohl der König Ludovicus I. für ihn den erzbischöflichen Stuhl in Kalocsa erbat.41 Am Vorabend der Allerheiligen starb er in Oradea.42 Dominikus tauchte in den Quellen erstmals in de 1330-ern auf. Damals hatte er eine Pfründe in Pécs und die Erzdechanei in Torysa inne. Deswegen kann man vermuten, dass er im Alter von 60-65 Jahren starb und zur Zeit seiner Bischofs- weihe (als er seine Amtszeit in Spiš beendete) ungefähr 45-50 Jahre alt war.

Tab. 1. Chronologie der Ämter und Würden von Dominikus 1336 1347 1357 Kanoniker von Pécs Erzdechant von Torysa Kanoniker von Esztergom Kanoniker von Eger Propst bei hl. Thomas Propst von Spiš Bischof von Cenad Bischof von Oradea 1360 1373

Da Dominikus gleichzeitig mehrere Ämter innehatte und viel Zeit außerhalb des Propsteigebietes verbrachte, ist es nötig, die Administrationsfrage der Propstei von Spiš zu lösen. Eine breitere Kontextanalyse dieser Frage zeigte, dass eben diese Periode der Propsteigeschichte (1357-1360) ein Schlüsselmoment für die Transformierung des Vikariats in der Propstei von Spiš war. Aus einer ad hoc für einen Fall ernannten Person wurde ein ständiges Amt, dessen Inhaber seine Funktion auch während der Anwesenheit des Propstes im Propsteigebiet ausübte.43 Im Mai 1359 findet man im Vikariatsamt Jakob,44 der gleichzeitig Kustos des Kapitels von Spiš war (in diesem Amt wurde er erstmal bereits im Januar 1337 erwähnt).45 Kurz davor wurde er Nachfolger von Nikolaus, dem späteren Propst von Spiš (1349-1356) und Dominikus Vorgänger im Propstamt.46 Dominikus nutzte Jakobs Erfahrungen und ernannte ihn zum Vikar in spiritualibus. Die späteren Quellen berichten uns nicht mehr von Jakob, was zur Vermutung führt, dass er starb. Es ist interessant, die Tiefe von Dominikus Beziehungen zu Personen in Esz- tergom und Spiš zu beobachten, bzw. zu Personen, die die beiden Gebiete ver- banden. Bei einer tieferen Erforschung dieser Frage zeigt sich klar, dass Domini- kus bei seiner Ankunft in Spiš keine fremde Umgebung vorfand. Anders gesagt, die mit der Verwaltung des Kirchengebietes verbundenen Personalfragen löste er dank der Kontakte, die er noch vor dem Jahr 1357 knüpfte. Man ist nicht weit von der Wahrheit, wenn man behauptet, dass Dominikus im Kontakt mit Nikolaus, dem Kanoniker von Esztergom war. Beide wirkten in 86 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) derselben Zeit im bedeutendsten ungarischen Kapitel, im geistlichen Zentrum des ungarischen Königreichs. Nikolaus von Žehra bezog die Einkünfte aus der Pfründe in Esztergom bereits vor dem Jahr 1356 (damals erteilte ihm der Papst die Propstei in Hánta)47 und war 1385 gleichzeitg immer noch Kanoniker, als er als Gesandter des ungarischen Königs in Avignon um eine der leerstehenden Propsteien im Bistum Esztergom bat.48 In der Zeit, als Dominikus Bubek die Pfründe im Kapitel von Spiš bekam, war Jakob, Nikolaus Onkel, seit zwanzig Jahren Kustos des Kapitels. Eben dieser Jakob wurde von Dominikus zum Vikar ernannt. Nikolaus half später in der kirchlichen Karriere seinem Cousin Johannes, für den er um eine Kanonikerwürde in Esztergom bat,49 und der später Kustos des Kapitels von Spiš (ähnlich wie sein Onkel Jakob) wurde.50 In der Familie gab es noch einen Kanoniker in Esztergom, Nikolaus Neffe Nikolaus,51 obwohl sein Onkel für ihn 1360 eine Kanonikerwürde in Eger erbat.52 Diese interessanten Beziehungen zeigen die Entstehung der Mittelschicht des ungarischen Klerus, die Herkunft ihrer Mitglieder, die Weise des Eintritts in diese Mittelschicht und die Möglichkeiten einer späteren Karrierefortsetzung. Diese Frage verdient aber eine tiefere Forschung. Dominikus Bubek war bis 1360 Mitglied der Mittelschicht des mittelalterlichen, ungarischen Klerus. So kann man eine Klerikergruppe bezeichnen, die sich in der Nähe der Kirchenzentren bewegte, die unterschiedliche Funktionen in der Kirchenorganisation ausübte und auf die potentielle Bischofsweihe war- tete. Wenn es in Ungarn in derselben Zeit ungefähr zwei Duzend Bischöfe gab und man die Anzahl des Mittelklerus (eigentlich waren das die Mitglieder des Kapitel) auf ungefähr fünfhundert schätzen kann, so verdient jede Karriere eines Geistlichen Aufmerksamkeit, der in diesen Schichten aufstieg – besonders deswegen, weil eine so gezielte Forschung ein ziemlich genaues Bild von der Kar- riere eines Mitglieds der Mittelschichtliefern kann, zu der auch der in unserem Fokus stehende Dominikus gehörte. Diese Überzeugung wird auch dadurch bestärkt, dass Dominikus bereits während seiner Tätigkeit im Kapitel des hl. Thomas Becket in Esztergom das Amt des erzbischöflichen Generalvikars in spiritualibus ausübte. Von der Nähe beobachtete er, wie man eine riesige Diözese regiert, und sammelte auch Erfahrung in der Praxis, was ihn zu einem guten Kandidaten für höhere Ämter der Kirchenhierarchie machte. Als Dominikus die Pfründe im esztergomer Kapitel für die Propstwürde in Spiš tauschte, bedeutete es für ihn nicht nur höhere Einkünfte, sonder auch ein besseres Prestige, das sich aus der Entfernung des spišer Kapitels zum Kirchenzentrum des Bistums in Esztergom begründete. Diese Entfernung verursachte, dass der Propst von Spiš Ende des 13. Jhs. mehrere Aufgaben ausübte, die normalerweise dem Bischof vorbehalten waren (z.B. Kirchweihe). Das ist der Grund, weshalb die Propstei Transsilvanica • 87 von Spiš so reizvoll für den Mittelklerus und eine Vorstufe zur Bischofsweihe war. Dominikus diente der Kirche als Propst in Esztergom und Spiš insgesamt mehr als zehn Jahre. In diesem Amt erwarb er genügend Kenntnisse zum Aus- üben des Bischofsamtes, zuerst in Cenad und am Ende seines Lebens in Oradea, obwohl der erzbischöfliche Stuhl in Kalocsa 1367 für ihn reserviert wurde. Ein besonderes Thema zu Dominikus Leben ist seine Produktion der Ur- kunden und damit verbundene Siegel. Die Anzahl der Ämter und Würden, die Dominikus innehatte, verrät, dass er mehrere Siegel benutzte. Bis heute sind 14 Urkunden erhalten, deren Aussteller Dominikus Bubek im Zeitraum 1339- 1360 war. Aus dem Zeitraum nach seiner Bischofsweihe 1360-1374 ist nur eine Urkunde erhalten.53

Tab. 2. Anzahl der erhaltenen Urkunden von Dominikus Bubek aus dem Zeitraum 1339-1374 1374 1373 1372 1371 1370 1369 1368 1367 1366 1365 1364 1363 1362 1361 1360 1359 1358 1357 1356

Jahr 1355 1354 1353 1352 1351 1350 1349 1348 1347 1346 1345 1344 1343 1342 1341 1340 1339 0 1 2 3 4 Anzahl der erhaltenen Urkunden

Elf aus fünfzehn Urkunden (ca. 73%) stellte Dominikus als Propst beim hl. Thomas Becket in Esztergom und gleichzeitig als Vikar des Erzbischofs in Esz- tergom aus. Weitere zwei Urkunden stellte er als Propst von Spiš aus und die letzte Urkunde als Bischof in Oradea. Die Statistik bestätigt den Trend im Ad- ministrationsapparat der ungarischen Bistümer im 14. Jh., wo eine erhebliche 88 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

Mehrheit der Aufgaben vom Bischofsamt auf das Vikarsamt verschoben wurde. Diese Verschiebung ist am besten beim Verhältnis des Urkundenausstellens zu Ungunsten der Prälaten zu beobachten. Der bedeutsamste Grund für diesen Prozess war ein immer stärker einsteigerndes Engagement der höchsten Kir- chenwürdeträger bei der Landesverwaltung und in der Diplomatie. Die Siegel sind eine sichtbarere Bekundung von Dominikus Verwaltungstä- tigkeit. Man geht von der Hypothese aus, dass jedes Amt, das Dominikus aus- übte, seinen Ausdruck im Siegel fand. Im diesem Fall muss man voraussetzten, dass Dominikus mindestens sechs Typare benutzte:

1. (ein hypothetisches Siegel) aus dem Zeitraum vor 1337 2. 1337 – ca. 1347 als Erzdechant von Torysa 3. ca. 1347-1357 als Propst des Kapitels des hl. Thomas Becket in Esztergom und Vikar des Erzbischofs in Esztergom 4. 1357-1360 als Propst von Spiš 5. 1360-1373 als Bischof von Cenad 6. 1373-1374 als Bischof von Oradea

Die ersten vier Siegel sind relevant für diesen Aufsatz. Man muss vom ersten Siegel nur hypothetisch sprechen und nichts Näheres dazu sagen. Vom Bestehen des zweiten Siegels aus dem Zeitraum, als Dominikus Erzdechant war, berich- tet uns Dominikus Urkunde aus dem Jahr 1339.54 Da ist nur eine Spur nach einem aufgedrückten Siegel aus dem Wachs der natürlichen Farbe erhalten. Das spitzovale Siegel und seine Abmessung (ca. 54 × 29 mm) weichen nicht von den Siegeln der Kleriker in einer ähnlichen Position ab.55 Die Umschrift bleibt unbekannt, aber man kann aufgrund der ähnlichen Fälle aus dieser Periode vermuten, dass sie auch die Information von der Erzdechanei trug.56 Aus der Periode, als Dominikus die Propstwürde der Kirche des hl. Thomas Becket in Esztergom innehatte und gleichzeitig das Amt des erzbischöflichen Vi- kars ausübte, sind vier Urkunden erhalten – zwei Urkunden wurden mit einem aufgedrückten Siegel auf dem Dorsum und zwei Urkunden mit einem ange- hängten Siegel versiegelt. Auf der am 8. Juni 1354 ausgestellten Urkunde kann man nur Spuren in der Gestalt von Plika und Faden sehen, die auf den 19. März 1355 datierte Urkunde hat nur Spuren von einem Rundsiegel.57 Auf zwei weiteren Urkunden sind doch Siegelteile erhalten. Die auf den 10. Mai 1355 datierte Urkunde58 bringt Fragmente eines aufgedrückten Siegels aus Wachs der natürli- chen Farbe (Durchschnitt 42 mm). Hier kann man einen Teil der Umschrift und einige Details des grafischen Konzepts des Siegels identifizieren. Ein viel besser erhaltenes angehängtes Siegel, doch leider ebenfalls schwer beschädigt, befindet sich auf einer am 11. Oktober 1356 ausgestellten Urkunde.59 Dieses gebrochene Transsilvanica • 89

Exemplar erlaubt nicht nur einige Teile der Umschrift zu rekonstruieren, sonder auch die ganze Ideenkomposition.

Rekonstruktion der Umschrift von Dominikus Propstsiegel:

Exemplar 1355 CI•PPOSITI•VI[ ]STRIGON 1356 S•DOMINICII [ ]

Aus beiden Exemplaren kann man folgende Umschrift rekonstruieren: s(igillvm)•dominici•p(re)positi•vi[carii•archiepiscopi•]strigon(iensis). Aus der Umschrift geht eine für die Verwaltungsgeschichte des esztergomer Bistums sehr wichtige Feststellung hervor. Falls ein erzbischöflicher Vikar ein Typar mit dieser Umschrift anfertigen ließ, müsste dieses Amt einen dauerhaft eingerichtet worden sein. Auch die Korroborationsformel betont, dass es um ein Vikarssiegel geht.60 Dies ist auch durch das Siegelbild akzentuiert, in dem sich die Martyriumsszene des hl. Adalberts (Patron des esztergomer Bistums) in einem gotischem Architekturrahmen befindet. Dieses Motiv wurde, sehr häufig für Siegel dortiger Vikare benutzt.61 Als Propst von Spiš stellte Dominikus zwei erhaltene Urkunden aus, keine davon ist aber im Original überliefert.62 Doch ein Exemplar des Siegels ist bis zum heuten Tag erhalten geblieben. Dominikus hängte sein Siegel an die am 4. Dezember 1357 ausgestellte Urkunde des öffentlichen Notars Jakob.63 Seine Umschrift lautet: s(igillvm) domin(ici) prepoǁsiti [scep]vsien(sis) und zusammen mit dem Siegelfeld, in dem der hl. Martin von Tours mit einem Bettler abgebildet ist, bezeugen Dominikus Karrierefortschritt. Besonders eindeutig belegen sie Dominikus spišer Propstwürde und auch den Fakt, dass er aufhörte, das erzbischöfliche Vikarsamt in Esztergom auszuüben. Dominikus Bubek gehörte zur Spitze der Kirchenhierarchie im ungarischen Königreich im 14. Jh. Die Erforschung seiner Karriere vor seiner Bischofswei- he ist das Beispiel einer Kirchenkarriere, die ein Mitglied eines bedeutsamen Adelsgeschlechts machte. Dieser Karrierefortschritt war nicht ausschließlich mit der Familienherkunft begründet. Seine Fähigkeiten bewies er beim Ausüben des erzbischöflichen Vikarsamtes in Esztergom und die spätere Karriere beweist sein Potential. Dominikus Fall zeigt auch den Innovationentransfer im kirchlichen Verwaltungsapparat. Er wirkte nämlich einige Jahre als Vikar, dessen Position in der Verwaltungsstruktur der esztergomer Bischofskurie stabilisiert und ständig war. Nach seiner Verschiebung nach Spiš spielte er eine bedeutsame Rolle bei der Etablierung des ständigen Vikarsamtes in der Propstei von Spiš. Eine aus- führliche Rekonstruktion seiner Karriere vor seiner Bischofsweihe im Jahr 1360 kann ein neues Licht in die Erforschung seines späteren Wirkens nach 1360, als 90 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) er als Bischof in Cenad und in Oradea tätig war. Hier beendete er sein Leben, das ihn in alle Ecken des ungarischen Königreichs führte und ihm ermöglichte, die Kirchenhierarchie in ganzer Vertikale kennenzulernen.64 q

Anmerkungen

1. Vincze Bunyitay, A váradi püspökség története I. A váradi püspökség alapításától 1566. évig, Nagyvárad 1883, S. 195-199. 2. Monika Skalská, Jelšava a Jelšavské panstvo v stredoveku. K osídleniu severného Gemera, Martin 2009, S. 233f. Genealogische Tafeln einer breiteren Verwandtschaft von Dominikus befinden sich bei Pál Engel, Középkori magyar genealógia, Buda- pest 2001 (cd-rom, Arcanum Adatabázis), Ákos nem 1. Bebek-ág, 3. tábla: Bebek (pelsøci ág); János Káracsonyi, A magyar nemzetségek a XIV. század közepéig, Bu- dapest 1900, S. 109; Iván Nagy, Magyarország családai czimerekkel és nemzékrendi táblákkal I, Pest 1857, S. 256-258. 3. Eva Benková, Prítomnost’ Mariášiovcov v Gemeri v kontexte súdneho sporu s Bube- kovcami a pánmi zo Štítnika o majetky panstiev Brzotín a Krásna Hôrka, in: Histo- ria Nova I (2010), vol. 2, S. 32 https://fphil.uniba.sk/fileadmin/fif/katedry_praco viska/ksd/h/HinoI-2010-2c.pdf. [online, zitiert am 21. Oktober 2013]. 4. Imre Nagy, Codex diplomaticus Hungaricus Andegavensis III (1333-1339), Buda- pest 1883, S. 10, Nr. 11. 5. Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár, Országos Levéltár, Budapest, Diplomatikai Fénykép- gyðjtemény (weiter mnl ol df) Nr. 265250. Die Urkunde wurde mit einem falschen Datum nach einer mittelalterlichen inhaltlichen Abschrift publiziert Regesta diplo- matica nec non epistolaria Slovaciae I-II, hrsg. von Vincentius Sedlák, Bratislavae 1980-1987 (weiter rdsl), hier I, S. 238, Nr. 517*: „archydiaconi de Tarchaffew at canonici capituli ecclesie Quinqueecclesiensis“. 6. Documenta res Hungaricas tempore regum Andegavensium illustrantia 1301-1387: Anjou-kori oklevéltár I-XL, hrsg. von Gyula Kristó et al., Budapest-Szeged 1990- 2015 (weiter AkO), hier XX, S. 113, Nr. 90 und XXII, S. 266, Nr. 415. 7. Peter Labanc, Neznáme diplomatické premene k dejinám Spiša z obdobia vlády Bela IV., in: Z minulosti Spiša XIII, hrsg. von Ivan Chalupecký, Levoča 2015, S. 228- 229, Nr. 15. 8. rdsl II, S. 460, Nr. 1059. 9. rdsl II, S. 453, Nr. 1043. 10. Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár, Országos Levéltár, Budapest, Diplomatikai Levéltár (weiter mnl ol dl) Nr. 68814; AkO XIII, S. 393, Nr. 662. 11. Stanisław A. Sroka, Rotulus z Lewoczy (1332 rok). in: Roczniki Historyczne LX- VII (2001), S. 131-148; Daniel Boleš, Počiatky Toryského dekanátu a spišský rotulus z rokov 1331-1332, Levoča 2010, als eine selbständige Beilage des Jahrbuches Z minulosti Spiša XVIII, hrsg. von Ivan Chalupecký. Transsilvanica • 91

12. Die neueste Edition in der Slowakei: Monumenta Vaticana Slovaciae I.: Rationes collectorum pontificorum in annis 1332-1337, hrsg. von Vincentius Sedlák, Trna- vae-Romae 2008, S. 105, Nr. 626. 13. Eine ausführliche Rekonstruktion der Grenzen der Propstei von Spiš und der Er- zdechanei von Torysa: Peter Labanc und Miroslav Glejtek, Spišské prepoštstvo na prelome stredoveku a novoveku I. Príspevok k náboženským dejinám Spiša, Trnava – Kraków 2015, S. 20-21. 14. AkO XXIII, S. 100, Nr. 185. 15. AkO XXIII, S. 100, Nr. 185; S. 102-103, Nr. 193; S. 120, Nr. 230; S. 334, Nr. 723. 16. mnl ol dl Nr. 68841; AkO XXIII, S. 344, Nr. 746. 17. AkO XXX, S. 332-333, Nr. 553. 18. Monumenta Vaticana Slovaciae II: Registra supplicationum ex actis pontificum Romanorum res gestas Slovacas illustrantia 1, hrsg. von Vladimír Rábik, Trnavae- Romae 2009 (weiter mvsl II/1), S. 121, Nr. 167; Monumenta Vaticana Slovaciae III: Registra Vaticana ex actis Clementis papae VI. res gestas Slovacas illustrantia 2, hrsg. von Miloš Marek, Trnavae-Romae 2010 (weiter mvsl III/2), S. 261-262, Nr. 234. 19. mvsl II/1, S. 128, Nr. 185; mvsl III/2, S. 266-268, Nr. 239. 20. AkO XXXI, S. 281, Nr. 506-510. 21. mvsl II/1, S. 121, Nr. 167. 22. mvsl II/1, S. 124-125, Nr. 176. 23. Regesta Supplicationum: A pápai kérvénykönyvek magyar vonatkozású okmányai. Avignoni korszak I/2, hrsg. von Árpád Bossányi, Budapest 1916, S. 229-230, Nr. CDLXXVIII. 24. Peter Labanc, Spišskí prepošti do roku 1405, Trnava-Kraków 2011, S. 57-59. 25. Esztergomi érsekek 1001-2003, hrsg. von Márgit Beke, Budapest 2003, S. 171-173. 26. mnl ol df Nr. 281815. Die Urkunde ist in einer neuzeitlichen Abschrift mit dem Datum 1343 erhalten. Da Dominikus in diesem Jahr noch kein Propst war und als Erzbischof Nikolaus (richtig Chanadinus) angeführt wurde, es ist zu behaupten, dass es beim Abschreiben in der Neuzeit zum Fehler in einer Datumsziffer kam. 27. Monumenta Ecclesiae Strigoniensis I-IV, hrsg. von Ferdinandus Knauz et al., Strigo nii Budapestini 1882-1999, hier IV, S. 129-130, Nr. 101 und S. 139-144, Nr. 113; Ferencz Kollányi, Esztergomi kanonok 1100-1900. Esztergom 1900, S. 53. 28. mvsl II/1, S. 190-191, Nr. 318. 29. Carolus Wagner, Analecta Scepusii sacri et profani I-IV. Viennae Posonii et Casso- viae 1774-1778, hier II, S. 343. 30. Wagner, Analecta III, S. 36. 31. Josephus Hradszky, Initia progressus ac praesens status Capituli ad sanctum Marti- num E.C. de Monte Scepusio. Szepesváralja 1901, S. 343. 32. Márton Pirhalla, A Szepesi prépostság vázlatos története kezdetétøl a püspökség felállításáig, Løcse 1899, S. 54. 33. Štátny archív Prešov (Staatsarchiv zu Prešov), Špecializované pracovisko Spišský archív v Levoči (Spezialisierte Abteilung Archiv von Spiš in Levoča), Bestand Súk- romný archív Spišskej kapituly (weiter sask) scr. 5, fasc. 1, nr. 4: „Nos igitur sereni- 92 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

tatis vestre humiliter ut tenemur obedientes nostrum misimus hominem pro testi- monio fidedignum videlicet magistrum Paulum, fratrem et concanonicum nostrum, una cum predicto honorabile et discreto viro domino Dominico, preposito ecclesie nostre, homine vestro, ad premissa exequenda“. 34. mnl ol df 272602: „magistro Dominico, preposito ecclesie beati Martini Scepusien- sis, Strigoniensis dioecesis iudice ordinario“. 35. mnl ol dl 60278. 36. mvsl II/1, S. 235, Nr. 425. 37. Pál Engel, Magyarország világi archontológiája 1301-1457 I-II, Budapest 1996, hier I., S. 67. 38. sask scr. 10, fasc. 2, nr. 25: „Dominicus prepositus Scepusiensis et electus ecclesie Chanadiensis“. Dominikus bestätigte damit die Zehnten von Studenec, *Zalužany und Spišské Tomášovce dem Kantor im Kapitel von Spiš Paulus, dem Sohn Jakobs, und seinen Nachfolgern im Amt. 39. Labanc, Spišskí prepošti, S. 156. 40. Engel, Magyarország világi archontológiája I, S. 76. 41. mnl ol dl 5366; Stephanus Katona, Historia metropolitanae Colocensis ecclesiae I, Colocae 1800, S. 387; Bunyitay, A váradi püspökség, S. 196. 42. Codex diplomaticus Hungariae ecclesiasticus ac civilis I-XI, hrsg. von Georgius Fejér, Budae 1829-1844 (weiter cdh), hier IX/4, S. 596, Nr. CCCXLVII. 43. Peter Labanc, Počiatky úradu vikára spišského prepošta, in: Studia historica Tyrna- viensia XVII, hrsg. von Vladimír Rábik, Trnava 2015, S. 66-88. 44. mnl ol dl 60278; cdh IX/3, S. 98-99, Nr. XLII: „Nos Iacobus, custos ecclesie beati Martini de Scepus, vicarius venerabilis viri magistri Dominici, prepositi Scepusiensis in spiritualibus generalis“. 45. mnl ol dl 3035; cdh VIII/4, S. 256-258, Nr. CXVII. 46. Nikolaus wird in diesem Amt beim letzten Mal am 24. Märt 1336 erwähnt. mnl ol dl 68827; mnl ol dl 70467; cdh VIII/4, S. 202, Nr. LXXXIV. 47. Antal Áldásy, Regesták a vatikáni levéltárból II, in: Történelmi Tár 18 (1895), vol. 3, S. 80, Nr. 214. 48. mvsl II/1, S. 207-208, Nr. 358. 49. mvsl II/1, S. 208-209, Nr. 359-360. 50. Labanc, Spišskí prepošti, S. 144. 51. mnl ol dl 60349. 52. mvsl II/1, S. 233, Nr. 422. 53. mnl ol df 286460. 54. mnl ol dl 68841. 55. Ich bedanke mich bei doc. Ph. Dr. Ing. Miroslav Glejtek, Ph.D. für eine Konsulta- tion zu dieser Frage. 56. Z. B. das Siegel des Erzdechanten von Tekov Demeter aus dem Jahr 1377 Tamás Körmendy, A Hontpázmány nemzetség címerváltozatai a középkorban, in: Levéltári Közlemények 82 (2011), Bd. 2, S. 45. Ähnliche Beispiele sind auch hier angegeben: Miroslav Glejtek, Stredoveká cirkevná pečat’ – pramenˇ krest’anskej ikonografie, Hra- dec Králové 2013, S. 72, 102 und 128. Transsilvanica • 93

57. Slovenský národný archív (Slowakisches Nationalarchiv), Rod Kubínsky – hodejovsko-hnúšt’anská vetva, fasc. 1, nr. 5, in: monasterium.net, url , Zugang am 21. Oktober 2016. 58. mnl ol dl 4518. 59. mnl ol dl 4628. 60. mnl ol dl 63070: „In cuius rei memoriam ac solidius documentum nostras eisdem filiis Machunka litteras privilegiales appensione nostri sigilli vicariatus munimine consignatas duximus concedendas“. 61. Miroslav Glejtek, Svätý Vojtech v ikonografickej skladbe cirkevnej pečate, in: Jaroslav Nemeš und Rastislav Kožiak et al., Svätý Vojtech – svätec, doba a kult, Bratislava 2011, S. 153-154. 62. mnl ol dl 30668; sask scr. 10, fasc. 2, nr. 25. 63. mnl ol df 272602. 64. Dieser Beitrag entstand mit der Unterstützung der Forschungsstiftung der Tyrnauer Universität, Projekt Nr. 1/tu/2015.

Abstract The Career of Dominic, Bishop of Cenad (1360–1373) and Oradea (1373–1374) Prior to His Episcopal Ordination

The article presents the interesting ecclesiastical career of Dominic, a son of Dominic Bubek, the bishop of Cenad and later of Oradea, before his episcopal ordination in 1360. He played a significant role at the onset of the Archdeaconry of Torysa (Eger Diocese) and later on, for almost ten years he was active at the center of the Hungarian Church as a vicar of the Archdiocese of Esztergom. In the period 1357–1360 he served as a Scepusian provost and subsequently he was ordained a bishop of Cenad. Apart from this, he was receiving income from the prebends in Pécs, Eger and Esztergom. Considering the geographical aspect, his career reached all corners of the medieval Kingdom of Hungary.

Keywords Bishop of Oradea, Bishop of Cenad, medieval clergy, church hierarchy, Hungarian Kingdom tangencies

H o r a Þi u S o r i n Revisiting Romania’s D a n M i r c e a T e o d o r Regional Approach M a n i u Lessons from the Recent Past

Should Romania draw con- Introductory Remarks clusions from its regional he territorial development past, as much as it existed, of the geographic areas in Ro- T mania, no matter if we are and validate them within the discussing historical provinces, tradi- template of the 21st century, tionally established counties or, today, purely politically and administratively or instead open a brand new designed macro-regions (regiuni, þinu- spatial-developmental chapter turi, directorate ministeriale, judeþe—as they have been featured throughout of its economic history? the country’s contemporary history), has been interpreted by most economists—and, even worse, by policy makers—predominantly in a factorial analysis key, building primarily on resource endowment and to a lesser extent on assets derived from historical peculiarities observed in a comparative spatial framework. Some territorial en- Horaþiu Sorin Dan tities obviously benefitted more from Lecturer at the Faculty of European their rich natural assets, some from the Studies, Babeº-Bolyai University, organizational culture that was objec- Cluj-Napoca. tively brought about by the successive Mircea Teodor Maniu political contexts, others from various Associate professor at the Faculty of Eu- junctures, but what an objective ob- ropean Studies, Babeº-Bolyai University, server could notice is the fact that such Cluj-Napoca. an analysis has been seldom conducted Tangencies • 95 along coordinates of economic history that could bring forth argumentative perspectives, difficult or impossible to reveal otherwise. Though the boundaries between what is called—indeed, in a rather methodologically reductionist manner—local economy and world economy seem to be clearly drawn from the perspective of spatial economics, both the old pattern (Braudelian and Wallersteinian) and the new undisputed globalizing one prove quite the contrary.1 This is precisely what we would like to undertake in the following pages, namely, to interpret some of the issues correlating the present-day regionalization debate based on economic arguments with historic, geographic, demographic, cultural, social or business environmental features that illustrate the process of economic growth and development in any territorial profile during the last hundred years. Our main target in this endeavor would be to decant what is worth taking into consideration in terms of policies and actions that occurred in time, mainly for the sake of devising heterodox predictions for the inevi- table deeper regionalization process that will occur sooner or later in Romania. We strongly believe that during a time when Romania’s regional policy has been described in relevant sources, both international and domestic, as a classical exogenous effect of “Europeanization,”2 indicating that successive Romanian gov- erning bodies endorsed after 1989 the blueprint of a territorial division of nuts ii type, more or less explicitly designed for the purpose of absorbing eu funds, it is crucial to elaborate on the endogenous approach, as much as it existed in recent history and can be branded as regional policy. Otherwise, this perspective on the overall process of regionalization in Romania would stand only under the aegis of the present day eu integrative processes, while the controversial economic legacy of the interwar years and the highly debatable inheritance of the postwar communist egalitarian development, grounded on the dogma of industrialization at all costs, to pick only two relevant examples, would be lost from the main track of the analysis. No wonder that some economists3 would depict the contemporary, post- 1989 outcome in this area of regionalization and regional policies as strongly artificial and ultimately conceived as nothing more than “another transitional tool,” subject to change as soon as the economic geography indeed starts to matter in terms of business life. It is precisely the reduction of the so-called transaction costs by a lesser than national territorial approach that we would like to convey through our approach. In this respect, we are focusing on Romania’s territories from an entirely domestic historical economic perspective. To what extent such a vision could be interpreted as another view on the much discussed “By Ourselves,” or just as another intellectual, liberal après la lettre speculation on classical topics, this is an issue to which we would mostly gladly contribute with new arguments. 96 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

Crafting Modern Romania: Territorial and Developmental Logic during the Interwar Years (1919–1939)

he archetype of regionalization in modern Romania could be tracked back as far as 1862.4 Although the legislation submitted by Barbu T Catargiu, president of the joint government of Wallachia and Moldavia, was meant to make administrative operations compatible, decentralize current procedures and also facilitate all types of linkages between the two provinces, a common business environment was without doubt a strong subliminal message of the law. The fact that it suggested a division of the country into 4 regions, each including several of the historical counties (judeþe) but clearly overlapping territories that had shared a common economic life throughout history, qualifies those entities for such a designation. But this law was never operational along these coordinates, and as a consequence little economic impetus can be observed when it comes to industrial or agricultural output, trade, and the general feeling of belonging to the same market, at least in our opinion, till the spatial unification of the national state, following the First World War. The 1920s and ’30s were years of accelerated growth but unbalanced development, with a few competitive industries, matching international standards, such as petroleum extraction and processing or aircraft construction, on the one hand, and an extensive and labor intensive agriculture, on the other hand. More precisely, in 1929 agricultural activities and forest exploitation accounted for 72% of the Romanian gdp, while industrial activities accounted for only 18%.5 From a territorial perspective, for 1930 the data regarding the heavy industry shows severe discrepancies between regions, with Banat and Muntenia on the developed side of the scale (the former accounting for 14.57% of the national heavy industrial production while accommodating just 6.55% of the country’s population and the latter accounting for 38.49% of the national industrial production while being home to 29.03% of the country’s inhabitants) and Oltenia, Dobrudja and Bukovina on the opposite side, the aggregate production of these three regions, inhabited by 17.58% of the country’s population, accounting for a mere 4.34% of the total national heavy industry output.6 Moreover, we can notice that the inherited structure of the economy was somehow perpetuated throughout the interwar years, with Wallachia’s economy (except for the more industrialized area of Bucharest) relying mostly on agriculture and the oil industry (in the Ploieºti area), while Transylvania, where during the Modern Era the cultural differences exhibited by the province’s inhabitants resulted in a particular social identity7 that would influence its further development, continued its economic modernization described by Balog8 that started in the second half of Tangencies • 97 the 19th century and became the small but dynamic cradle of the Romanian industry. Moldavia, however, remained the less developed area in all respects. The unbalanced evolution of economic life was even more acute when it comes to the archetype of modernization, namely, the urban-rural pattern.9 While elsewhere in Europe the complex process of modernization following this industrialization largely eliminated this historical gap, which could be easily documented as a field of territorial economics, this was definitely not the case in interwar Roma- nia, with all the negative consequences this entailed. It is not by chance that the 1929 Law for the organization of the local admin- istration10 was pushed forward by the National Peasant Party (npp), a champion of the decentralization of public administration, for reasons stretching from the history of the national struggle in Transylvania to the ideological positioning of the npp. The seven Ministerial Directorates provided for by the law were in fact macro-regions with strong historical roots, but again, they were conceived for mainly administrative purposes and therefore had little or no impact on daily economic life. A brief comment here about the inconsistency (indeed, identified here from a contemporary comparative policy perspective) of the npp’s interwar administrative policy: while the party served better the task of decentralization, as opposed to their main political rival, the National Liberal Party (nlp), when it came to concrete actions, to supporting the local initiatives and competition through small and medium firms as the backbone of any developing economy, the npp was indeed shortsighted. Despite this somewhat objective lack of a more consistent territorial approach that would stimulate the competition and trading links between regions, pushing forward output and improving Romania’s position at least in a Southeast Europe- an framework, the interwar years were definitely years of catching up with the ave rage European economic indicators, as indicated by statistical data or relevant re- searches and evaluations such as the comprehensive ones conducted by Axenciuc 11 or Postolache.12 On this background of economic vivacity, and notwithstanding the fact that “almost all the important political parties and the scientific elite used to elaborate projects of administrative unification,”13 we witness a relative main- tenance of the status quo on the issue of regionalization, an equilibrium broken only in the late ’30s, under German influence, when between 1938 and 1940 the so-called þinuturi (territories) were actually emulating the newly established Ger- man territorial units, the Reich’s Gaus. There is no trace of historic consistency whatsoever in the þinuturi (to the extent that even their names were mostly a list of the main rivers of the country), as they were obviously conceived for more or less domestic political considerations consistent with the international juncture that led to World War II14 and not always taking into consideration regional historical realities, like the case of the Transylvanian areas of Braºov and Sfântu Gheorghe, 98 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) which were included, together with Bucharest, Ploieºti and other historically Wal- lachian areas, in the newly created Bucegi administrative region. What we can really extract from this brief and heterodox incursion in the country’s spatial economics during the interwar years would be the fact that, although resonant with the political realities of the time and comparable with those in many European countries,15 the regional approach was targeting more or less the opposite of what we define today as regionalization policy. In fact, the need to harmonize the existing divergent social and cultural realities in various Romanian provinces through administrative reforms came at the implicit cost of sacrificing the economic dimension, if there was such a dimension in the leg- islator’s view at all. If one browses through and interprets the various sources of inspiration, changes and adaptations of the territoriality of Romanian interwar public administration, as Dincã has done,16 they would probably be tempted to assess the system’s leveling message, as opposed to its potential role as developmental enhancer with spatial consistency.

The Soviet-Inspired Spatial Development (1945–1965)

he Second World War generated economic losses for the Romanian economy estimated to nearly 4 billion usd (at the 1938 exchange rate), T while the human loss was exceptionally high for a country of the size of Romania, nearing 1 million people and substantial territorial losses, accounting for more than 100,000 square kilometers and more than 6 million inhabitants. Under these circumstances the first two postwar decades were not much different in Romania than all across the European countries that ended up behind the Iron Curtain, except maybe in what concerns the extraordinarily heavy economic burden to be carried by the country in terms of war reparations towards the Soviet Union. Roughly speaking, during the late ’40s and throughout the ’50s, the country was more a provider of all sorts of commodities for the war victors in the East than for its own people.17 So, focusing on our topic, we cannot observe anything but a model of economic life and consequently a territorial distribution of factors that was heavily based on the Soviet model tested in the ussr during the late ’20s and ’30s. The nationalization of relevant industries and an agriculture based on collective farms, state monopolies in most economic fields and the replacement of the free market with socialist planning, all these were blueprinted during this stage. It is not a surprise that in such a context, when an estimated 55% of the country’s output was one way or another bound for the ussr,18 the governance of the Romanian territory switched, in terms of the public administration of the Tangencies • 99 territory, from the interwar counties to a Soviet model of largely depersonalized regions. Apparently, Law 5/1950 on territorial organization showed some economic consistency when reducing the number of territorial administrative units from 58 during the interwar years to 28, and later on to only 16, in 1956. How- ever, as they completely ignored the traditional historical borders between territorial units and subunits and continuously and arbitrarily changed their names, sometime barely remembering the traditions of the place, these regions were in fact substantially artificial and did not generate any sort of stimulus in terms of economic life. On the contrary, the bulk of the planned tasks were territorially distributed to sub-regional units (raioane) that were irrationally conceived and multiplied in Soviet style, obviously in order to increase the political control over local communities. From our territorial developmental perspective, we notice only one positive development of this period, namely, the stimulated industrialization that occurred more or less evenly in all Romanian provinces, priority being given to less developed areas such as Moldavia. It is precisely this branch of the economy that would constitute the buffer for the workforce made redundant by the newly socialized agriculture (the shift to collective farms took place between 1949 and 1962), which represented a significant setback in terms of agricultural output and productivity when compared to the interwar years.19 Industry, in its territoriality, was beyond doubt the main accomplishment of the so-called Five Year Plans inaugurated in 1951. When, during the early and mid ’60s the country was under the pressure of cmea integration within the international socialist division of labor, epitomized by the so-called Valev Plan, the government of the country reacted vehemently, paving the ground for the further separation from the Soviet path of development. Therefore we can contend that industrialization would be the main asset of spatial development in Romania, while agriculture and infrastructure were definitely its liabilities. It is highly debatable if the model of socialist industrial development of Ro- mania inaugurated in the ’50s is in fact an endogenous answer (some would brand it as merely nationalist) to the Valev-inspired approaches devised during the ’60s. From the perspective of more than a half century, these plans appear to be an ideological scarecrow of the regime, building on the traditional anti-Soviet attitudes, rather than a rational reaction based on facts.20 Moreover, although somewhat speculated, but not without grounds and definitely consistent with the idea of growth and development along mainly national parameters, the Ro- manian national will to industrialize at all costs could be also interpreted as a natural follow-up to the interwar “By Ourselves” set of policies. How much did that serve the country? Obviously, any empirical study of economics would asses that it was a positive approach during the analyzed period. But the contempo- 100 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) rary, globalizing perspective can easily change views and demonstrate that the roots of the country’s growing economic insulation in the world during the ’70s and ’80s, culminating with its de facto autarchy of the late ’80s are to be found precisely in the wrong policies of the late ’50s and early ’60s.

Romanian National Communism: A New Regional Approach (1966–1989)

he political split with the ussr that occurred in the mid ’60s had dramatic economic consequences for Romania, and some of those conse- T quences are easily identifiable in the area of the spatial evolution of the economy. This is true because Romania started to differentiate among the socialist countries, accelerating along an independent path, especially due to the increased need to provide raw materials and various supplies to its newly born extensive industry and meanwhile invest in more advanced technology in order to turn it intensive in a relatively short time.21 So the country objectively turned towards the non-socialist world, on two separate tracks: bargaining for invest- ment, in the developed world, and scouting for markets for its industrial output and also raw materials to feed the industry, in the underdeveloped one. This pattern was significantly narrowed in the ’80s, when political reasons imposed a de facto Western ban on doing business with the country. In the first stage of socialist evolution Romania had one of the highest rates of accumulation of capital in the world. While in the early ’70s the country would grow by almost 12% per year, this growth decreased to about 3.5% during the late ’80s.22 The excellent pace of progress of the Romanian economy during the opening of this stage is to be attributed to a plethora of factors, both domestic and international. And all happened in a spatial perspective that was inaugurated by the territorial administrative re-organization of 1968, which recovered much of the interwar framework. But even more important would be the fact that the new Law 2/1968 established initially 42 counties and two years later 39 plus the Capital city, entities that were designed after two years of studies based on cultural, geographic, socio-economic, etc. factors, therefore qualifying for the first time during the communist regime for the title of regional dimension as observed elsewhere in the developed world. The most important feature would be the fact that many administrative units would once again match the historic, traditional forms of territoriality. Within this template, which from an administrative point of view still stands today, the whole territory of the country developed more or less evenly. It was Tangencies • 101 customary for macro-regions (historical provinces) to host huge redundant heavy industries, complex investments built from scratch, with a fuzzy vision of the des- tination of their output, designed for political rather than economic reasons. It was just as customary to supplement these heavy industries with light industries, in order to absorb the feminine workforce in the area, and this is why during this period Romania became one of the largest manufacturers of textiles in the world. With a weak inter-regional infrastructure, but also with a very restrictive policy of domestic migration, and given the lack of a significant marketable identity (not that it mattered within the closed economy Romania had at that time) and a deficient and politically biased planning, no wonder that competition among territorial units, no matter how large or small, was out of the question at the time. Therefore the very core of any professional regionalization plan was, simply put, compromised, although the formal administrative framework in place was substantially superior to that of the previous stage, especially since the mid ’70s. The territorial approach was significantly enhanced in 1976 when the Nation- al Territorial Plan (ntp) was issued, and consequently the 1968 administrative grid became much more consistent from the spatial developmental perspective. The plan imposed a developmental model having as its main target a social one, namely, the reduction of differences in the standard of living between various counties but also between historical provinces (macro-regions). It was meant to significantly improve the linkages between different areas of the country, to regularize the flow of the major rivers, to control the relative chaotic urbanization, etc.—all these in order to facilitate a more rapid pace of economic growth. Though the tasks embedded in the ntp were partially accomplished, we consider that the plan, issued precisely at the beginning of the stage of maximum alien- ation for the political leadership, was in fact inducing plenty of unwanted consequences (over-industrialization, pollution, defective urbanization and infrastruc- tural projects, cultural biases of various kinds, etc.) that can be seen even today, still jeopardizing the chances of success of the present-day territorial policy. The most dramatic territorial discourse of the communist regime occurred in the late ’80s and was by far also the most controversial. The new Law of territorial administration that was issued in April 1989 would endorse the so- called policy of “rural systematization,” meant to re-organize the country from the urban-rural perspective in order to increase the efficiency of land use. Ap- parently there were good reasons for this approach: even if it was one of the naturally richest countries in Europe, Romania was lagging behind in terms of agricultural productivity. More precisely, in 1985 Romania’s per capita productivity for those working in agriculture stood at 74,652 lei,23 the equivalent of 4,355 usd (using the 1985 average exchange rate provided by the Romanian National Bank), well behind the 1982 performance of other European countries 102 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) such as France (6,359 usd), Denmark (6,839 usd), the United Kingdom (8,359 usd) or Germany (8,963 usd).24 Moreover, this was observed precisely when the country was heavily relying on agricultural exports to repay its foreign debt. Though implemented, the new law was never in fact operational, due to various factors such as international lobbying but also public disobedience combined with the lack of means to complete such a project, which entailed the elimination of about 400 villages following the model used in larger urban settlements. Again, controversial as it was, the planned reform was one of the few that focused indirectly on enhancing the territorial base of the economy.

Is There a Lesson in Regionalism to be Learned from Romania’s Recent Past?

preliminary argument should be taken into consideration in this regard. While we believe that most historians favored a predominantly endog- A enous perspective when comprehensively analyzing the historical peculiarities of the Romanian provinces, economists, while invoking the distorting role of the over-centralized policies that were carried out both throughout the interwar decades and during the postwar ones, would endorse predominantly exogenous points of view, drawing on spill-over effects, natural convergence and long run equilibrium. Far from us the idea of juxtaposing standpoints that seem often contradictory by default, but we believe they must be placed in a functional scheme, methodologically heterodox, a scheme that should be relevant for the design of the present-day regional administrative policy. The complex transition process of the ’90s, generating a swift move from an (over)centralized economy to free competition and internationally acknowledged procedures of operating businesses, brought to the fore the dilemma of how different Romania actually is when compared to countries falling in the same socio-economic category.25 The reason for investigating and eventually solving the dilemma would lie in the reality that, throughout history, the evident peculiarities of the country (in- sulated Latin civilization, positioned at a geopolitical crossroads, cultural unity despite the political separation of provinces, a balancing act between superpow- ers) were interpreted mostly as assets, while today the constraints originating from the outside (eu procedures, globalization, sustainability of the economy) could easily be interpreted, in a world where clear boundaries are not supposed to be breached, as mainly liabilities. Therefore the need for proper scientific questioning: should Romania draw conclusions from its regional past, as much as it existed, and validate them within the template of the 21st century, or instead open a brand new spatial-developmental chapter of its economic history? Tangencies • 103

In order not to allow this question to remain rhetorical, we should look back in time and start by invoking some opinions26 concerning regional competitive- ness, as interpreted in purely Romanian parameters. This focuses on the idea that it is false to assume that economic activity is able to spread evenly across the territory, and therefore we cannot define developmental optimality relying entirely on pure territorial econometrics. It is basically self-adaptive policies that maximize the regional competitive advantage effect and this view leads by default towards the analysis of best and worst case scenarios observed in historical perspective. And, illustrating this, we will provide a very simple example concerning the options to solve this dilemma. At a time of radical left-right social and economic positioning in the country during the early ’90s, the idea of implementing throughout Romania the most modern (eu) and evidently more Western-compatible administrative and territorial developmental procedures, namely, the Euro regionalization policy, seemed a natural choice. But this would have been entirely against the historical precedent and the tightly controlled centralization that “came from Bucharest,” no matter if we consider the interwar “capitalist” years27 or the postwar “socialist” ones. Con- tinuously benchmarking the evolution of the country to that of comparable ones in Central and Eastern Europe during the ’90s and then referring to the eu as developmental beacon, we can observe a gradual but inexorable distancing of the dedicated research and of the political discourse from the domestic, historically governed and mainly endogenously-conceived reality.28 Amid changes in concepts like communitarianism and national identity,29 systematically turning it towards an eu mainframe will probably induce extra-territorial, unhistorical assumptions that would axiomatically contradict this paragraph’s opening lines. It is indeed true that giving territorial developmental consistency to a certain spatial historical approach would not be an easy task in the case of Romania. One should observe first of all the manner in which the diffusion of knowledge happens in time, as the transfer of good practices and success and failure stories become historical facts, as well as the outflow of technical and managerial solu- tions. Simply put, how economic and business culture diffuse in time and space has been largely an issue of microeconomics. This cannot happen anymore and consequently can be properly revealed only in a larger territorial framework.30 Does the Romanian history of the first half of the 20th century show structural regulations and institutions, indicating several layers of regional governance that could be replicated, improved or simply considered as archetypes to be adapted and adopted for this purpose? Or does the legacy of communist industrialization, with all its ups and downs, bear any sort of significance in a moment when the re-industrialization of Europe seems to go beyond the very slogan? In order to properly answer these questions, we are extremely aware of the fact that pre- 104 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) liminary investigative work, much more complex than what we could undertake in this paper, is needed. Unless a triad of micro, intermediate (meso) and macro levels of facts, figures and consequently sets of policies that were implemented over time are effectively accounted for and interpreted, such a challenging task cannot be properly achieved.31 But as an objective observer would indicate, industrialization did not help Romania only in terms of structural changes in production output, but, even more importantly, it helped in creating an industrial culture that continuously shapes the human capital of the country, making it indeed competitive while evolving in the proper international environment. So if a politically-induced momentum for a regional developmental pattern would emerge soon, as predicted before the crisis hit in 2008, it seems to us as an adequate path, full of historical consistence, to discuss the option of theore tically shaping another “By Ourselves” approach as opposed to unconditionally adopting (without adaptations!) eu regional policies. Of course, this does not mean that Romania should not fully implement the European legislation, but just that this implementation should be done by considering a series of particu- larities that define the de facto patterns of regional development and accommo- date the need for a smart adaptation of the internal production processes to the global market. We acknowledge the fact that the interpretation of the texts was done from a slightly distorted (by time) economic history perspective. How ever, the endogenous view concerning the protectionist analysis of the Roma- nian economy of the ’30s, carried out by Manoilescu and depicting somehow the generic situation of all emerging economies,32 seems to us an appropriate example of the necessity to enhance by all means the territorial driving factors for the sake of accomplishing a balanced sustainable development, hopefully in today’s Romania, mandatory in tomorrow’s Romania. Unfortunately, the present-day legislation in the field, notably the Law of Regional Development (151/1998, modified in 2004) managed to split Romania into 8 development regions that hardly suggest a regional outlook, as much as this could be explicitly or implicitly identified in the documentation depicting the recent past. In this context, another important issue should be brought into discussion. How open can national economies be, following the structural crisis that hit the world economy between 2008 and 2010?33 The blunt answer is that the East European economies that were less open (towards the world through free trade) fared better during the crisis than those depending on foreign partners. Could a return to the domestic market, a slowdown in the pace of “becoming more international and global,” solve the issue? At this stage of development, Romania’s economy is heavily dependent on external capital flows. Under such conditions, the slowdown of the eu’s economy for instance, which absorbs three quarters of Tangencies • 105

Romanian exports, correlated with a slowdown of fdi flows, could generate a shockwave that could induce severe structural damages to the economy. Such a scenario could be partially mitigated if domestic policies would, in the pre-crisis period, implement a series of economic and social measures that would ensure optimal regional development leading, in the medium term, to more efficient production processes. Consequently, the solution could lie in encouraging a certain degree of economic independence by, on the one hand, setting in place regional networks that would encourage the consumption of domestic products, and, on the other, by providing, without breaching eu regulations, for targeted fiscal incentives and, in some particular cases, even direct government financing, that would allow domestic production to mature and become more competitive on international markets even when such facilities are withdrawn. Such an approach on the economy could be described as an adaptation to the current reality of a selected set of policies that generated positive results in the past century, mainly stemming from the interwar ideal of development through our own means, but also partially from the industrialization process of the communist period. Therefore, to what extent would it be reasonable to believe that the interwar experience, supposedly a relevant benchmark for Romania, could be replicated via a new territorial, eu compatible, “By Ourselves” doctrine? It is true that the regionalization process that started in the ’90s and proved to be a failure almost two decades later reiterated the main administrative features of the interwar approach, but it lacked the economic component, which could prove to be a real game-changer. Consequently, if analyzed from a truly modern historical ag- gregated perspective, taking into consideration the productive factors, the business environment, infrastructure, security, culture or social life and overall living standards, as measured through the Human Development Index (hdi), the Romanian regionalization issue might suitably be solved by adopting precisely such a new “By Ourselves” approach. q

Notes

1. Valentin Cojanu, Logica raþionamentului economic (Bucharest: C. H. Beck, 2010), 50–60. 2. See Jeanine Bukovski, Simona Piattoni, and Marc Smyrl, Between Europeanization and Local Societies: The Space for Territorial Governance (Lanham–Boulder–New York–Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2003), 2–7; Daniel Dãianu, Încotro se îndreaptã þãrile postcomuniste? (Iaºi: Polirom, 2000), 137–148. 106 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

3. See Iulia Trãistaru and Carmen Pãuna, “The Emerging Economic Geography in Romania,” in The Emerging Economic Geography in eu Accession Countries, eds. I. Trãistaru, P. Nijkamp, and L. Resmini (Ashgate: Aldershot, 2003), 242–283. 4. Adrian Covãsianu, “Regiunile de dezvoltare în România europeanã: Între dezide rat politic şi realitate teritorialã,” Ph.D. thesis, Iaºi, 2011, available at http://www. academia.edu/1165575/Regiunile_de_dezvoltare_%C3% AEn_Rom%C3%A2nia_ european%C4%83._%C3%8Entre_deziderat_politic_%C8%99i_realitate_ teritorial%C4%83, 34–36, last accessed on 7 April 2015. 5. Nicolae Pãun, Viaþa economicã a României, 1918–1948: modernizare—dezvoltare—eu- ropenizare (Cluj-Napoca: Presa Universitarã Clujeanã, 2009). 6. Gheorghe Popescu, Dezvoltarea economicã în profil teritorial a României, 1900–1985 (Cluj-Napoca: Sincron, 1994), 77. 7. Sorin Mitu, “Local Identities from Transylvania in the Modern Epoch,” Transylva- nian Review 22, Suppl. 3 (2013): 237–248. 8. Iosif Marin Balog, “Networks of Economic Relations between Rural and Urban Areas: The Economic Modernization of Transylvania in the Second Half of the 19th Century,” Transylvanian Review 19, 1 (2010): 11–21. 9. See Mircea Teodor Maniu, “A treia modernizare a României: Socio-cultura di- mensiunii economice a modernizãrii,” in Relaþia rural-urban: Ipostaze ale tradiþiei ºi modernizãrii, eds. I. M. Balog, R. Gräf, and I. Lumperdean (Cluj-Napoca: Presa Universitarã Clujeanã, 2010), 479–494; Horaþiu Dan and Paula Mureºan, “Roma- nian Agriculture during the Interwar Period and the Demographic Effects of Its Development,” Transylvanian Review 23, 1 (2014): 132–147. 10. Legea 167/1929 (2015) at Lege5.ro, Bucharest, available at http://lege5.ro/Gra- tuit/gezdiobuge/legea-nr-167-1929-pentru-organizarea-administratiunii-locale, last accessed on 7 August 2015. 11. Victor Axenciuc, ed., Evoluþia economicã a României: Cercetãri statistico-istorice, vol. 1 (Bucharest: Ed. Academiei, 1992). 12. Tudorel Postolache, ed., Economia României în secolul XX: noua tranziþie la economia de piaþã: Premise istorice şi perspective (Bucharest: Ed. Academiei, 1991). 13. Radu Sãgeatã, “A Proposal for Romania’s Administrative Organization Based on Functional Relations in the Territory,” Transylvanian Review of Administrative Sci- ences 46 E (2015): 183. 14. Florin Grecu, “Centralizare versus descentralizare: Reforma administrativã de la 1938,” Polis: Revista Facultãþii de Ştiinþe Politice şi Administative (Iaşi) 1 (3) (2014), available at http://www.revistapolis.ro/arhiva-revista/numarul-1-3-2014/86-numarul-3- 2013/221-centralizare-versus-%E2%80%9Edescentralizare-%E2%80%9Ereforma administrative-de-la-1938-centralization-versus-decentralization-%E2%80%9Ead- ministrative-reform-from-1938.html, last accessed on 6 May 2015. 15. Nicolae Pãun, “Le paradigme du développement économique en Europe centrale et orientale pendant l’entre-deux-guerres: Des contributions françaises en Roumanie,” in Disintegration and Integration in East-Central Europe, eds. W. Loth and N. Pãun (Cluj-Napoca: efes and Nomos, 2014), 63–69. Tangencies • 107

16. Dragoº Valentin Dincã, Sistemul administrativ românesc—inspiraþie francezã şi adap- tare autohtonã (Bucharest: Ed. Economicã, 2012), 12–16. 17. Maria Mureşan, Evoluþii economice, 1945–1990 (Bucharest: Ed. Economicã, 1995), 71–86. 18. Ibid., 76. 19. Constantin Florea, ed., Starea naþiunii 1918–1996: concluzii ºi opþiuni pentru Româ nia de mâine, pentru viitorul poporului român (Bucharest: Ed. Fundaþiei “România de Mâine,” 1996), 40–44. 20. Ionel-Claudiu Dumitrescu, “Inexistenþa unui plan Valev în 1964,” Historia (Bucha- rest) 163 (2015), available at http://www.historia.ro/exclusiv_web/general/articol/ inexistenta-unui-plan-valev-1964, last accessed on 12 August 2015. 21. Andrei Vela, Civilizaþia industrialã (Bucharest: Ed. Politicã, 1984), 102–116. 22. Florea, 60. 23. Popescu, 145. 24. The State of Food and Agriculture 1985 (Rome: Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, 1986), 178. 25. Mircea Teodor Maniu, “Why is Romania Different? A Perspective on the Economic Transition,” in The Political Economy of Transition in Eurasia, eds. N. Graham and F. Lindahl (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2006), 237–254. 26. See Valentin Cojanu, “Cãtre un concept operaþional al dezvoltãrii competitive în plan teritorial,” Revista transilvanã de ºtiinþe administrative (Cluj-Napoca) 1 (23) (2009): 19–38; Valentin Cojanu, Ileana Pãtru-Stupariu, and Robert Rãzvan Dobre, “An Exploratory Study of the Regional Context of Competitive Development in Romania,” Transylvanian Review of Administrative Sciences 33/E (2011): 67–89. 27. Anibal Teodorescu, Tratat de drept administrativ, vol. 2 (Bucharest: Institutul de Arte Grafice, Ed. Marvan, 1935), 409, apud Z. Györke, “Instituþia Prefecturii în perioada interbelicã (1923–1938): Proiecþii legislative,” Revista transilvanã de ºtiinþe administrative 3 (27) (2010): 79–96. 28. Jan Kregel, Egon Matzner, and Gernot Grabher, Şocul pieþei, trans. (Bucharest: Ed. Economicã, 1995), 29–36, 39–47. 29. See Ciprian-Adrian Pãun and Adrian-Gabriel Corpãdean, “European Regions and Mul- ticulturalisms: Beyond the Nation?” Transylvanian Review 24, Suppl. 1 (2015): 55–63. 30. Dragoº Pîslaru, Identificarea clusterelor emergente în România (Bucharest: gea, 2006), available at http://www.gea.org.ro/documente/ro/clustere/identificareclus- teredragospislaru.pdf, last accessed on 25 March 2015. 31. B. Martins-Rodriguez and J. M. Viedma-Marti, “The Region’s Intellectual Capital Benchmarking System: Enabling Economic Growth through Evaluation,” Journal of Knowledge Management 10, 5 (2006): 41–54. 32. Mihail Manoilescu, Forþele naþionale productive şi comerþul exterior: Teoria protecþio nismului şi a schimbului internaþional (Bucharest: Editura ªtiinþificã şi Enciclopedicã, 1986), 128–138. 33. See Daniel Dãianu, “Întoarcerea la raþiune este necesarã,” in România dupã crizã, eds. M. Maliþa and C. Georgescu (Bucharest: Compania, 2010), 48–51. 108 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

Abstract Revisiting Romania’s Regional Approach: Lessons from the Recent Past

This paper seeks to determine whether the regionalization presently occurring in Romania could be traced back to certain historical events of the 20th century, events which, summed up, could be seen more or less as a regionalization attempt. Our research looks at the interwar years, the Soviet-influenced postwar years, and the era of national-communism. After identifying facts and actions of economic, political or administrative relevance that illustrate and sometime epitomize the economic dimension of the regional evolution of the country, we conclude with some interrogations concerning the historical endogenous vs. exogenous grounds for establishing the proper coordinates of today’s Romanian regionalization policy.

Keywords Romanian regionalization process, regionalization policies in the 20th century, spatial development communio

The Birth of a Group E l e n a M a r u sh i a k o v a Two Roma Micro-Groups V e ss e l i n P o p o v in Bukovina and Transylvania

At the origin of both micro- The Roma Group groups lie similar processes rom the birth of the modern of transformation of one en- academic knowledge about the F Roma until the present day, larged family into two dual one of the central topics in Romani exogamic clans, forming one studies has been the issue of the significant internal heterogeneity of the endogamic community. Roma community. Not coincidentally sometimes the plural form of the term is used and the designation ‘Roma communities’ appears to indicate this heterogeneity. Against this backdrop there is the specific type of ethno-social entity of the Roma, which we defined in our previous works as ‘intergroup ethnic formation’ (Marushiakova and Popov 1997, 34–36; 2013a, 40–42; 2013b, 61–62). The main taxonomic unit among Elena Marushiakova Research professor in the School of the Roma is the ‘group’, and respec- History, University of St. Andrews, tively the subgroup divisions (sepa- United Kingdom. rated on extended family/clan and/or territorial criteria) and the metagroup Vesselin Popov units (Marushiakova and Popov 1997, Research professor in the School of 34–42; 2013a, 40–43; 2013b, 61–63). History, University of St. Andrews, To avoid any misunderstandings, we United Kingdom. would like to clarify that in our texts 110 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) the terms ‘community’ and ‘group’ are used as terminus technicus. In recent years, after the publication of the renowned article “Ethnicity without Groups” by Rogers Brubaker, among social and humanities scholars we notice a certain reluctance to use the term ‘group,’ in order to avoid accusations of groupism, essen- tializing, naturalizing and commonsense primordialism, etc. (Brubaker 2004, 11). For us, however, the term ‘group’ was and still is a historically contingent category, in a constant process of development or, to use Brubaker’s words, we consider the group to be a “relational, processual, dynamic, eventful and disaggregated term” (Brubaker 2004, 11). Therefore, we see no need to follow Brubaker’s advice to use as a “basic analytical category not the group as an entity but groupness as a contextually fluctuating conceptual variable” (ibid.), and no need to go into scholastic verbal obfuscation between the term ‘groupism’ and ‘groupness.’ Roma groups are not a static social and cultural creation, but historical phenomena; among them, under the influence of different factors, we always see the flow of processes with different directions, velocity and frequency, which can be reduced to two main contradictory and correlated tendencies—consolidation and segmentation. On the one hand, a process of segmentation of the group into separate subgroup divisions occurs on the basis of family/kin and territorial factors; on the other hand, the separate subgroup divisions, differentiated on such bases, consolidate gradually into one group. In both cases, the newly formed communities gradually accept the dimensions of the new, unique Roma group, repeating the main characteristic of an ideal Roma group (the model of which we have developed in our previous works quoted above). Actually these are the two sides of a single process, which has been characteristic for the Roma, at least since the time of their arrival in Europe in the Middle Ages, and which continues even today (Marushiakova and Popov 2004, 145–191). We find the constant confirmation of this statement in every study conducted in our field over the past 30 years, including in the cases which we shall present below. During the autumn of 2003, together with a group of students from Leipzig University, we made a field trip visiting Roma in countries of the Carpathian region (Poland, Slovakia, Ukraine, Romania, Hungary and the Czech Repub- lic), the results of which were published in a separate edition (Losemann and Schwanke 2005). In regions of Bukovina (Ukraine) and Transylvania (Roma- nia) our attention was attracted by the Roma living in two villages, Hlynytsya in Bukovina and Uila/Weilau in Transylvania. It emerged that there are some common characteristics for both Roma communities, allowing us to formulate conclusions about their historical and current development, which in both cases led to the creation of two new small Roma groups, so small that we introduced term micro-group for these cases. In other words, the gathered evidence gave us the possibility to analyze the very process of creation of a new Roma group. Communio • 111

The Case of Hlynytsya

n the village of Hlynytsya, near Chernivtsi, according to data obtained by local authorities, the Roma living there amount to about 150 people I (Старик & Халавка 2013, 3). The discrepancy between the “official” data and the actual state of affairs in determining the number of Roma is well known and constantly appeared as an issue worldwide, and Ukraine is no exception in this regard. According to the last census in Ukraine, held in 2001, in the whole region of Chernivtsi live 97 Roma (Всеукраїнський 2001a). According to our estimation, based on observation in situ, the real number of Roma in Hlynytsya is circa 200–300 people, who live in about 50–60 houses. The rest of the villagers are ethnic Ukrainians, and the entire population of the village amounts to 1,641 people (Всеукраїнський 2001b). The houses of the Roma are not separated, they are mostly (but not allways) grouped in separate streets, and as a whole they do not differ from the houses of the rest of the population, and sometimes are even richer in comparison with the others in the village. The social position of the Roma in village life is also definitely a good one. In 2003 the mayor and the school’s principal were “from our people”; there are also some shops in the village, owned by Roma. The Roma here have been musicians for generations. The profession (main or additional) of most of the Roma is still music-making, which gives them more opportunities for financial gain, in comparison with those working in agriculture, who rely now, as in the past, mostly on natural income. The Roma orchestras in the village have impermanent members; they are formed according to circumstance. The orchestra usually includes accordion, violin, trumpet and percussion instruments and when necessary a contrabass and a cymbal can be added, and as a whole the orchestras can be bigger. The Roma are hired as musicians for weddings and other celebrations, mainly by Ukrainians; the Romanians in the region have their own musicians. The local people know that they are Roma and call them ‘Gypsies,’ but, as our informants said, this does not offend but rather helps them, because ‘Gypsies’ are known to be the best musicians. Their main repertoire consists mainly of traditional Ukrainian folk music, but sometimes they are asked to play ‘Gypsy’ songs. In such cases they play famous songs and music from the repertoire of the Romen Theater and from Soviet cinema, mostly from the famous Soviet movie Табор уходит в небо (The Gypsy camp goes to Heaven, also known as Gypsies Are Found near Heaven), which is a 1975 Soviet film by Emil Loteanu, loosely based on various works by Maxim Gorky. The musicians are extremely proud of their popularity; they have participated in ensembles for folk Ukrainian music, they appeared at festivals, in recitals of 112 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) folklore music, and as Ukrainian folk musicians. In conversations they always especially and very proudly stress that their fathers had played for the movie Бeлая птица с черной отметиной (The White Bird Marked with Black) by film director Yuriy Ilyenko, in which the assistant director, writer, composer and performer of the title role was Ivan Mikolaychuk, who hails from the neighboring village of Chortoriya. This movie from the 1970s holds special significance for the Ukrainians. In the movie, for the first time in many years, Ukrainian was spoken, and traditional Ukrainian music was played. Ironically, in 1971 this movie was banned in Kiev and in the same year it received a golden medal at a festival in Moscow. At present, in the context of an independent Ukraine, this film is considered to be one of the pillars of modern Ukrainian nationalism (although it was made in the spirit of communist ideology). The participation of musicians from Hlynytsya in this movie is not only widely known (Снiгур 2010), but even more, it is assumed that through their contribution to The White Bird Marked with Black the Hlynytsya Gypsy musicians forever entered the history of Ukrai- nian culture (Глиница 2010). The preservation of various phenomena in the sphere of traditional culture and folklore (such as customs, rituals, music, songs, etc.) by the Roma after they became isolated from the surrounding majority population is a well-known phenomenon, especially in the region of Southeast Europe (Marushiakova and Popov 2007, 33–50; 2012, 9–13). In the case of the musicians from Hlynyt- sya, however, something more appeared—the preservation of samples from the traditional Ukrainian musical folk culture by Hlynytsyan Roma received wide public acclaim and became a national asset. In the yard of the village church there is the grave of a Rom. To understand the importance of this fact a little clarification is needed—in the churchyard only the most respected people in the village could be buried, the rest are buried in the village graveyard. The inscription on the grave is partially damaged by time and hard to read. It is written in the Romanian language, but in Cyrillic script. The year of death is visible (1928), and the name of the buried man is Dragosh (?). According to the preserved oral history of the local population (Roma and Ukrainians), that is the grave of Aleka, who was the famous šef-kapitan—i.e. the “boss-captain” of the village Roma. According to the local oral history, he was the well-known organizer of a very successful orchestral group. He led them to play in Poland, and following his advice on these trips the Roma dressed poorly, in order to receive more money. In this case, it is possible to guess with relative accuracy what time this story refers to. It is the period between the two World Wars when, following the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire after World War I, the village found itself within Romania’s state borders, near the border with Poland (only later, in 1940, the region of Chernivtsi was annexed to the ussr, and integrated within the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic). Communio • 113

These explanations are in direct connection with the legends transformed into oral history, which are widespread among the local Ukrainian population even nowadays and explain the origin and history of the Roma in Hlynytsya. According to these legends, at the beginning of the 19th century the local land- owner Flondor relocated several families of Roma musicians from the Carpath- ian Mountains (it is not clear exactly from which place) to Hlynytsya. They settled in a separate hamlet, called Fundoya after the name of their leader. Gypsy boys married local Ukrainian girls, and their offspring were virtuoso musicians who became famous, and not only in Bukovina. “Once upon a time one local girl gave birth to a son, from a Gypsy father. Years passed, and the boy became a famous musician, a violinist named Aleko Tsurtsurman. The talented musician was invited to perform before the most prosperous people of Chernivtsi and in Chernivtsi’s most expensive restaurants. Even the famous Ferencz Liszt heard Tsurtsurman play and was amazed by his talent. When Aleko died, at his funeral played an orchestra with ten rows of musicians, and so many people followed his coffin that the funeral procession stretched for several kilometers” (Легенди 2012; Старик & Халавка 2013, 20). According to the legends told by the Roma, Aleko Tsurtsurman is buried in the courtyard of the village church. The inscription on the monument in the cemetery, as mentioned above, points to a different name. It may, however, be indeed the grave of Aleko, as it is not unusual for Roma to have several names, used according to different circumstances. At the same time, it could not be ruled out that this is not in fact Aleko’s burial place. Unfortunately, as we know, in general community narratives are not sufficiently reliable and this case once again confirms the absolute necessity of a critical analysis of the oral history data and the need to compare them with other sources. Another outstanding Roma musician from the community in question, in the nineteenth century, was Alika Parashchuk. Alika did not play alone, but with a whole orchestra. They are known to have played at the celebrations occasioned by the anniversary of the creative activity of Mykola Lysenko (a well-known Ukrainian composer), hosted by the Ukrainian People’s House in Chernivtsi in 1903 (Старик & Халавка 2013, 20). Dodko Kerstenyuk continued the tradition of these famous musicians from Hlynytsya during the twentieth century. There are stories about how his play- ing charmed King Carol II of Romania (who reigned from 8 June 1930 until 6 September 1940). Dodko’s main strength however were rural weddings, and each wedding where he played turned into a memorable event (Глиницький 2006). In Kerstenyuk’s orchestra began the career of the ‘Honored Ukrainian Worker of Culture” (the Soviet honorary designation for famous artists), Ilya Miskiy from the village of Shypyntsi, who later became the head of the orchestral group known as the National Song and Dance Ensemble of Bukovina (Глиницький 2006). 114 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

According to other versions of the oral history of the local Roma community, it originates from two Roma brothers, who came from the north, from the other bank of the river Pruth (i.e. from what is today the Ivano-Frankivsk region, now part of the Ukraine). As already mentioned, at that time the area belonged to Poland, and while one brother settled in Hlynytsya, the other settled in Shypyntsi (the neighboring village), and “we all are descended from them.” This story is not chronologically framed, but because the only time in history when the border with Poland was on the river Pruth is the period between the two World Wars, it is clear that the oral history refers to that period. In the archives of Chernivtsi, however, there are documents which indicate that the Roma were present in the village since the 18th century (Добржанський et al. 2003, 134–145). The same pattern of myths and legends (nowadays often presented as oral history) of various local communities about the foundation of their settlements by two newly arrived brothers is very well known and common among the Roma (and non-Roma as well) in many other countries and regions. Nowadays the described Roma community has very clear borders—they live in the neighboring Hlynytsya and Shypyntsi villages, with some families resettled in the surrounding villages. The community is highly endogamous, marriages are restricted mainly to the confines of the community, as the Roma in each of the villages think of the Roma in the other village as “lower grade” or “poorer musicians” etc., and much of the tension between the communities has to do with the fact that both prefer to take brides from the other but not to reciprocate. Following the same pattern of accepting brides from outside and of reluctance to give one’s own girls away, there are some mixed marriages (mainly involving Ukrainian women, who became integrated into the community). The identity of the Roma in the village is, as often with the Roma in Eastern Europe, complicated and multidimensional. At first they introduce themselves as ‘Ukrainians,’ but after a conversation, when a certain amount of trust is gained, they would admit that they are Цигани (‘Gypsies,’ in Ukrainian), however with some hesitation and using mostly euphemisms, such as нашi людини ‘our people’ or simply нашi ‘ours.’ According to the explanations of our interlocutors, when the village was on the territory of Romania between the two World Wars, they were forced to declare themselves ‘Romanians,’ and since the times of the ussr they have been declaring themselves ‘Ukrainians,’ knowing, however, that they are Цигани. Their main language is Ukrainian (in a local dialectal variant), and in contrast with all other Roma in the former ussr they speak Russian poorly and don’t speak Romanes (the Romani language) at all. According to them, they only know a few words in Romanes, described by them as “musicians’ words” (used by the musicians, when bargaining, in order not to be understood), but they were unable to give other examples, except for the words love (money) and Communio • 115 baro (used in the sense of big, head, chieftain), words which are also known by the non-Roma. Their knowledge about other Roma outside their community is exceptionally limited. In the region of Chernivtsi live a few other Roma communities, comparatively small in number, speaking New Vlax (called also North Vlax Dialect by linguists) and Carpathian (or Central) dialects of the Romani Language (Matras 2002), as well as some Romanian-speaking ‘Gypsies,’ but our interlocutors do not have any contacts with them. However, there exists to some extent the idea, at least on an abstract level, of one common and united Roma community on the territory of the former Soviet Union, as well as globally. The self-appellation used there is Цигани (i.e. ‘Gypsies’), the term ‘Roma’ is absolutely unknown, though rumors about some activities of the Roma ngo sec- tor have arrived there. For instance, they say that somebody recently compiled a list of the Gypsies in the region; that their Baron (meaning Gypsy chief/leader) had died in France, and bequeathed to anyone affected by the atrocities committed by the Germans in wwii the sum of 5,000 German marks. This is without any doubt a folklorized echo of the projects for the compensation of the Roma victims of the Holocaust. Despite the contemporary relevance of the ‘Roma issue’ in Ukraine, there are still no signs indicating the development of local Roma organizations in Hlynytsya.

The Case of Uila/Weilau

he village of Uila (German Weilau, Hungarian Vajola) is located near the town of Reghin, in Transylvania. At the moment in the village live T about 200 Romanians, 200 Hungarians and 200 Roma. In the past, German colonists (the so-called Saxons, who settled here in the Middle Ages) were predominant in the village. As time went by, due to several waves of migration and expulsions the number of German inhabitants gradually decreased. The first decades of 20th century saw labor migration to the us and Canada. The Second Vienna Award (a territorial dispute arbitrated by Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy) of 30 August 1940 reassigned the territory of Northern Transylva- nia from Romania to Hungary. On 11 September 1944 a decree was issued for the evacuation of the German inhabitants of Transylvania, who began to move west in the direction of Austria. Before the evacuation, the ethnic composition of the village included 640 Germans, 2 Romanian families, ca. 150 Gypsies (of the Evangelical, Lutheran confession) and one Jewish family. After wwii these Germans from Uila/Weilau who had been evacuated to Lower Austria, which 116 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) became a Russian occupation zone, were sent back to their village, and thus around 270 persons returned (Geschichte n.d.). A migration/repatriation of the Transylvanian Saxons to Germany began in the 1970s. It gained considerable momentum in the 1980s following the agreement between Germany and Romania, according to which Germany paid Ro- mania for each repatriation. The last “Saxons” left the village during the ’90s, and their place was taken by Hungarians and Romanians from the surrounding villages. At the moment, in the village live 602 inhabitants, roughly 200 Roma- nians, 200 Hungarians, and 200 Roma. The Roma have been living in the village since the 18th century, which is reflected in the records of the local Evangelical Church (Lutherans of the Augs- burg Confession). As we were able to see in the church documents, the Roma were accepted in the Lutheran church community, although as a separate category—according to the registers the members of the congregation were divided into men, women and Roma. The Lutheran Roma from the village of Uila/Weilau received quite a lot of attention from both mainstream and ecclesiastical media, and sporadically also from the academia (Mayr 2007; Krauss 2000; Keul 2002). Their community is well known, thus it is not hidden in the strict sense of the word. However, none of the numerous authors who have written about them until now paid attention to their separation from the other Roma in the country and their transformation into a specific Roma group. In the available written texts we find a nearly idyllic picture of their life and relationships with the Saxons. The Roma narratives collected by different authors, ourselves included, repeatedly describe how working and living together, especially in times of hardship, created friendships between the Roma and the Germans. It is told that during the Second World War “we Gypsies helped the Germans. We kept watch over their empty houses so that no one could plunder them. And when the Germans returned, we put them up in our houses until they could move back into their own homes” (Achtelstetter 1996). A constantly repeated story also tells us how “the Germans handed over the keys to their cattle sheds, wine cellars and homes to their Gypsies. Their Gypsies, because in those days the Gypsies worked happily as farmhands on the Saxons’ farms. Here they were not, as elsewhere, dismissed as an itinerant people of dubious and restless character. Here they were Uila/Weilauens, good Gypsies, as people called them” (Unger 2007). The picture of this idyllic relationship becomes more nuanced only after examining different data from written and oral history, as well as from the surviving documents. Thus, some accounts show that in the past mixed marriages among German and Roma were considered inappropriate; in the church documents they were, as said above, included as a separate category; the Roma and the Saxons entered the church separately, used Communio • 117 different chalices during church services and only Roma musicians had access to the community festivals (Halmen 1993). In spite of being baptized, confirmed, married and buried as Protestant Lutherans, the local Roma were constantly separated from their neighbors. This is most visible in the village graveyard, where Roma graves are separated from the German ones (Erhaltung 2006). The Roma became full members of the Lutheran parish only after the last Saxons left the village and, in order to save the local Lutheran church and to prevent its transformation into an Orthodox church, in 1989 they were allowed to pay church contributions and to take part in the election of the parish pastor and the Presbytery (Krauss 2000; Unger 2007; Erhaltung 2006). The adherence of Uila/Weilau Roma to the Lutheran Church is considered to be something exceptional. They remained strict Lutherans during communist times and also during the post-socialist transformations. In other places in Romania the Lutheran Roma gradually changed their religious affiliation and converted to Orthodoxy, Pentecostalism or other appealing denominations. The numbers tell us that in 1930 circa 2,300 Roma belonged to the Lutheran Church in Saxon regions, while nowadays they are less than 300 (Wagner 1971, 56), and obviously the majority of them are in Uila/Weilau and Batoş/Botsch. The church community nowadays continues to exist solely thanks to the Roma. The curator of the church is a Roma, and after the departure of the Saxons he received the church’s house, which he maintains and in which he receives guests. They contributed to the preservation of the Lutheran church by registering as members of the Evangelical Church of the Augsburg Confession, attending the Protestant services, and even through hours of voluntary work for the renovation of the church building. The Roma children study the German language in the church school and, in fact, they are the only ones who keep alive the Protestant German culture and the old Saxon traditions in the village (Jürgens 2010; Balomiri & Hauzenberger 2011; Erhaltung 2006). The local Lutheran church also adapted to the new circumstances. From 1988, after the sermon a brief summary in Romanian started to be given (Krauss 2000, 235); Presbyter Lenghel and Pastor Wolfgang Rehner of the Uila congregation work on the translation of prayers, hymns and texts into the Uila Roma’s own language (Achtelstetter 1996). Today the Roma live in a separate, but not especially detached part of the village. Their houses do not differ from the ones of the rest of the villagers, with whom they have good neighborly relationships. In the past, as well as nowadays, the Roma from Uila/Weilau earned their living by working seasonally in agriculture. During socialism, an apple orchard was set up in the village. After the fall of communism, some land ownership problems appeared in connection to the orchard, which have not been solved yet, and there is not enough work for 118 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) all the villagers. That is why, using the church’s contacts, some of the Roma go to work in Germany, around Nuremberg, Dresden, Bautzen and other places, mainly for seasonal work in agriculture (for instance picking strawberries, pierc- ing asparagus and grubbing fruit trees), and sometimes whole families travel. The Roma rely on the German Saxons support also in other areas. For instance, in Baden (Germany) the Bildungswerk Uila/Weilau e.V., belonging to the Dia- konie and the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Baden, supports the schooling of Roma children, while a partner community in [the German state of] Saxony donated to them a school bus (Unger 2007), and since the year 2000 the Evan- gelical Lutheran Church in Göda annually organizes exchange visits with Uila/ Weilau and the distribution of aid packages (Rummel 2012), etc. Traditionally, the village Roma were very famous musicians and combined agricultural labor with musical work. They played only in Saxon villages, and according to their oral histories they were invited even to Saxon villages located outside Transylvania, beyond the Carpathians, in Moldavia, and even went to Bukovina to play on various occasions, mainly at weddings. They told us with pride that their fame for being “thorough in the German way” meant that it was widely known that it would be enough to send them a telegram and they would come, no confirmation needed. And as Andreas Unger (2007) tells us, “sometimes they were away for weeks at a time, traveling from one festivity to the next. They couldn’t read music but they certainly knew how to play by ear. Strauss’ waltzes were in great demand, then there were the Romanian Sârba, the Hungarian Csárdás and to top it all off the old Gypsy songs.” The Roma even told us proudly about their fabled ancestor who went to play as far as distant America. Nowadays they do not have such a huge market for their music, they are hired mainly in the region, and they also occasionally play in Hungarian and Romanian villages. The orchestras of the Uila/Weilau Roma have impermanent members; they are formed according to the situation, for instance two violins, two guitars, accordion, contrabass, and percussion instruments. Their repertoire is very diverse, changing according to the audience. For example, for the students from Germany, during our ‘Karpatenreise,’ they played Hungarian, some traditional and Romanian melodies, as well as “Lilly Marlene” and also some music from the Romen Theater. When they are at a celebration in their home area, in the performances women and children also take part with Evangelical hymns, sung in Saxon German and sometimes also in Romanes. When we first questioned the Roma in the village in the Romani language, the men denied that they understood it at all, but later it emerged that all of them speak Romanes, men and women, comparatively well and freely, while the children understand it only slightly. It seemed to us (without being linguists) Communio • 119 that they speak a Carpathian (Central) dialect of Romanes, but have some specific words that we know from other dialects (eg ‘dumizarav’—speak, ‘zilabel’ sing). One of the girls in the village studied Romanes in the courses organized at the Ministry of Education in Bucharest. Now she is a teacher of the Romani language, which is taught as an elective subject, also having as students some Roma children from the surrounding villages. She spoke a comparatively poorer Romanes, as compared to the others, maybe because she tried to speak the “standard” language, although she knew some words from the “international Romani language.” The self-awareness the Roma in Weilau as a distinct Roma community is clearly expressed. They describe themselves as “Sasitka Roma” (i.e. German Roma), with the stress on the circumstance that they live in a Saxon village and were connected to German colonists. The borders of the community are clearly determined, and include the Roma from Uila/Weilau and from the neighboring village of Batoş (German Botsch), as well as some families in the surrounding villages. The marriages are confined to the community, preferably from a single village. Mixed marriages do exist, but they are rather exceptional. Surprisingly enough, in comparison with the Uila/Weilau Roma, the Roma from the neighboring village of Batoş/Botsch, who originated from the same Roma community, received no media, church, or academic interest, and one will not find any mention of them, either in books and articles, or on the internet. According to our interlocutors, when they speak Romanian they prefer to use the term þigan, þiganilor and not “Roma.” Also, when others address them, calling them that way that does not bother them. They underline that the usage of the term “Roma” in Romanian conversation sounds very alien to them. Their attitude towards the other Roma is definitely negative and they avoid any contacts with them in general and distance themselves from them. In our presence and also in conversations with other researchers they explicitly stressed that they are different, not like the other Roma (Krauss 2000, 231). They don’t define other Roma according to their group affiliation; they distinguish among the ‘others’ only two categories. According to the way of life, they distinguish themselves from the (former) nomadic Roma, for whom they use with con- tempt the umbrella appellation “Nange Roma” (naked Roma). The second criterion is the language they speak, and so they distinguish, although quite faintly, between the Romanian-speaking Roma (including the groups of ‘Vatraši’ and ‘Beaši’) and the Hungarian-speaking ones (generally known as ‘Rumungri’). The Roma in Weilau know about the existence of Roma political parties and Roma nongovernmental organizations, but they show no interest in making contact with them—as they said, “they are not ours, they are not interested in us and we in them, they are far from here—in Bucharest, Cluj.” 120 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

Conclusion

rom the descriptions above it is clear that both cases illustrate two specific and quite similar issues. In both cases the different circumstances lead F to a result which could be described as a formation of a Roma “micro- group.” In our earlier work we described the processes of formation of a Roma group, based on the examples of the actively migrating nomadic groups, where the change of the space (and of social and cultural environment) was the most important factor for the appearance of new Roma groups (Marushiakova and Popov 2004, 145–191). In the cases in question, the factors are apparently different, the professional specialization of the two Roma communities and the ethnically specific “market” where they offer their “goods and services” being the most important. Both cases refer to settled Roma, who make their living as hired workers in agriculture, combined with the provision of their musical services to specific ethnic communities in their home region and even farther away. The “market” for their services as musicians is ethnically divided and the communities are obliged to cope with that circumstance—to reach a specific symbiosis in co-existence or, in other words, to choose one of the possible communities and adapt to it, and to convince the community to accept them and to prefer their services. In the case of Transylvania, the additional factor is the religious affiliation of the musician Roma group. It is no coincidence that in the case on the two micro-groups in question there is a dual division—two main villages, where they are concentrated. The legend mentioned in the beginning of our text about the descent from two brothers is actually very widely spread in world folklore. Whether the legend re- lies or not on actual historical events is not that important. But there is no doubt that at the origin of both micro-groups lie similar processes of transformation of one enlarged family into two dual exogamic clans, forming one endogamic community. Of particular importance for the processes of formation of the two micro- groups in question appears to be the socio-cultural context in which they oper- ate (and more importantly the communities which they serve as musicians). In both cases these are minorities—Ukrainians and ‘Saxons’ (i.e. Germans)—and this circumstance contributes to the specific development of both micro-groups. As a clarification, in Bukovina— which till 1774 was a part of Poland and the Principality of Moldavia, until the end of the First World War was a part of the Austrian (later Austro-Hungarian) Empire, and until the end of the Second World War was part of Romania—the Ukrainians were a minority for a long time. The historical development of the two minorities, which the Roma serve Communio • 121 as musicians, goes however in opposite directions. The Ukrainians gradually turn into a dominant majority, and the ‘Saxons’ numbers gradually decrease (until they disappear completely). These circumstances can also explain the changes in the languages of the two Roma communities (its loss in the first instance and preservation in the second). Considering the historical data, their geographic situation and their ethnographic characteristics, we can assume that at some point in time, maybe 3–4 centuries ago, the two micro-groups were part of one dialectal unit (the so- called Carpathian dialects of the Romani language), which gradually segmented in time, in parallel with the transition from a nomadic to a settled way of life (a process that lasted for centuries). The time of the formation of the two Roma micro-groups can be determined only approximately. It is clear from the historical data (including oral history) that it began at the end of the 18th century and was probably completed with the defining characteristics some generations later. These characteristics appear to be very stable and survive to the present day (however, that doesn’t mean that they will remain unchanged in the future). All this confirms once again that the contemporary mosaic of Roma communities in Europe (Marushiakova and Popov 2001; 2013a, b; 2014), formed as a result of several centuries of Roma presence, is only a temporary historical phenomenon. Moreover, given the modern Roma mass migrations from east to west, after a few decades there will eventually be a new, very different overall picture of the Roma presence in united Europe. q

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Mayr, Christoph. 2007. Heimat und Identität bei Siebenburger Sachsen: Das Verhältnis der Siebenburger Sachsen und Roma in Uila/Weilau. Studienarbeit. Munich: grin Verlag. “Ostern in Uila/Weilau: ‘Christ ist erstanden von der Marter alle.’” 22.04.2007. Sieben- bürgische Zeitung. http://www.siebenbuerger.de/zeitung/artikel/rumaenien/6349- ostern-in-weilau-christ-ist-erstanden.html. Rummel, Christoph. 2012. “Lebendige Partnerbeziehung zwischen Uila/Weilau/Sie- benbürgen und Göda.” Ökumene Rundbrief: Informationen aus den Ökumenischen Arbeit innerhald der Ev. Luth. Landeskirche Sachsens 2. Снiгур, Иван. Цигани з села Глиниця. Час. Вип. No. 20 (4404) 13 травня 2010 року. http://www.chas.cv.ua/44_04/sni.html. Старик, Володимир & Тарас Халавка. 2013. Соціалізація ромів Чернівецької області: історичний досвід та перспективи. Чернівці: Товариство “Український Народний Дім в Чернівцях.” Unger, Andreas. 2007. “Only the Gypsies Stayed on.” http://www.eurotopics.net/ en/home/presseschau/archiv/magazin/gesellschaft-verteilerseite/roma_in_eu- ropa_2007_09/weilau-unger-artikel/. Всеукраїнський перепис населення. 2001a. Адміністративно-територіальний поділ України на 5 грудня 2001 року. Чернівецька область. http://2001.ukrcensus.gov. ua/results/regions/chernivci/. Всеукраїнський перепис населення. 2001b. Про кількість та склад населення України за підсумками Всеукраїнського перепису населення 2001 року. http://2001.ukrcensus.gov.ua/results/general/nationality/. Wagner, Ernst. 1971. “Nichtdeutsche als Angehörige der evangelischen Landeskirche A.B. in Siebenbürgen.” Jahrbuch-Siebenbürgischen-sächsischer Hauskalender 16: 56.

Abstract The Birth of a Group: Two Roma Micro-Groups in Bukovina and Transylvania

The study is based on a field trip to Roma communities the Carpathian region and focuses on the Roma living in two villages, Hlynytsya in Bukovina (Ukraine) and Uila/Weilau in Transylvania (Romania). Both cases refer to settled Roma, who make their living as hired workers in agriculture, combined with the provision of musical services to specific ethnic communities in their home region and even farther away. The analysis of some characteristics common to both Roma communities makes it possible to draw several conclusions about their historical and current development, which in both cases led to the creation of two new small Roma groups. The study comes to confirm once again that the contemporary mosaic of Roma communities in Europe, formed after several centuries of Roma presence, is only a temporary historical phenomenon.

Keywords Roma communities, ethnic groups, ethnic identity, traditional occupations The Rusyns in Romania M a r c S t e gh e r r A Minority Hidden in a Minority

When Timothy Garton Ash pub- “In plain language, they lished his article “Hail Ruthenia!”1 in have gone astray and are in 1999, a spotlight was directed at a Slavic minority, widely unknown, the deep error regarding their Ruthenians or Rusyns. But the atten- ethnic affiliation.” tion span was short, though it remains a fact that the Rusyns are no small, negligible minority, but have a considerable size which should deserve more than temporary interest. If one considers only the national Rusyn groups, one might be entitled—as some think they are—to discard them as unimport- ant, or consider their cause to be ex- aggerated by foreign activists, mainly from the United States and Canada— as others do, especially in the Ukraine. The Ukrainian crisis after the Maidan revolution in late 2014, the Russian annexation of Crimea and the civil war in Eastern Ukraine would have offered another opportunity to delve into the complex matter of minorities in Ukraine. But the moment passed. The Rusyn minority in Western Ukraine had sent Kiev an ultimatum in 2008 Marc Stegherr to recognize them as an official minor- Associate professor at the Institute for Slavic Philology, Ludwig-Maximilians- ity, which Kiev declined, and the Rus- Universität Munich. Author, among others, sian president readily identified this of the vol. Die Medien in Osteuropa: as a chance to create confusion or, if Mediensysteme in Transformations you will, expose the double standard prozess (2010). Ukrainian policy: the new (revolution- Communio • 125 ary) Ukrainian government would accuse Russia of an inimical policy towards Ukraine, while doing the same in Ukraine towards smaller Slavic ethnic groups. If the turmoil in Ukraine, the interethnic strife which surfaced during the crisis did not suffice to draw more attention to the problems of a quite large minority like the Ukrainian Rusyns, what could the other, considerably smaller Rusyn national groups expect? Of course, they are much better off than their Ukrainian co-nationals. Their language is mostly recognized officially, like in Serbia’s northern province of Vojvodina, where Rusyn is also taught at school and studied at university level. But still they have to stand their ground against the popular thesis that Rusyn is not a developed standard language but a dialect of Ukrainian, and therefore Rusyn culture clubs or printing houses are actually Ukrainian ones. This perspective dates back to communist times, when claims of a distinct linguistic identity were considered to be a separatism resurged in nationalist Ukrainian circles in the new millennium. The Vojvodina Rusyns in the days of the Yugoslavian civil wars were confronted with accusations of trea- son and had a hard time. But they could save what had been achieved before, with respect to the evolution and codification of their regional version of Rusyn, also thanks to quite liberal minority laws. They have political representation, just like the Rusyns in neighbouring Romania. But while the Serbian Rusyns could struggle free from the opinion that Ukrainian should be their mother tongue, the Romanian Rusyns (in Romanian Ruteni) are still mostly hidden in the larger Ukrainian minority. A large part of them does not even know that they are actually Rusyn, if one considers the language they are speaking. This is the point where the debate takes off. Is the vernacular that some, many, or possibly most of the Ukrainian population in Romania are speaking closer to or largely identical with standard Ukrainian or Ukrainian dialects, or is it more related to the Rusyn spoken in Vojvodina or Western Ukraine?

The Romanian Rusyns: Political and Cultural Status

he Romanian census of 2002 counted 61,091 people of the Ukrainian ethnicity, and some of them may be Rusyns, though they did not de- T clare themselves as such. The members of this group live primarily in northwestern Romania, part of Transylvania, with the largest populations found in the Satu Mare and Maramureş counties.2 As an officially-recognized ethnic minority, Rusyns have one seat reserved in the Romanian Chamber of Deputies, currently held by the Cultural Union of the Ruthenians of Romania. In the last 80 years the number of Ukrainians and Rusyns has dramatically fallen. In 1930 they still numbered 512,115, or 3.2 percent of the population.3 In 2011 there 126 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) were just 50,920 Ukrainians and Rusyns (0.2 percent).4 As the precise number of Rusyns among the Ukrainian population in Romania is still not known—a hidden minority within a minority— in 2002 Gheorghe Firczak, a Romanian- Rusyn activist, published a short booklet about the Rusyns with the suggestive title Un popor pe nedrept uitat (A people unjustly forgotten). The Cultural Union of the Ruthenians of Romania wants to overcome this deplorable status of a forgotten people and come out of hiding. It is trying to awaken a Rusyn linguistic and cultural self-consciousness among those who feel more inclined towards an identity distinct from Ukrainian. The Union was founded in 2000, and since its humble beginnings it has, as it declared officially, always supported democratic values and a durable evolution of the Romanian society. The Cultural Union wants to disseminate, popularize and deepen the knowledge of the history, the traditions and cultural values of the Rusyns, within a good-neighbourly, tolerant and respectful relationship with the other ethnicities in Romania. In the solemn words of its agenda:

One of the aims of the Union is the commitment to human rights as defined in the Romanian Constitution, for instance the freedom of expression, economic activity, prosperity and social progress, the freedom to organize cultural manifestations, on one’s own behalf and together with other organizations of the national minorities and the civil society, thereby promoting the interests of the Union at home as well as abroad. From the start the Cultural Union of the Ruthenians of Romania has fought for a revitalisation of the national feeling among the Ruthenians living within the borders of Romania. From the very beginning its actions were not only aimed at a cultural renaissance of the Ruthenians, but the Union was also trying to recreate a spiritual union of the Ruthenian ethnicity and a revival of Ruthenianism among those who, forced by circumstances, abandonded their ethnic and cultural heritage or their Ruthenian spirit in the dark communist epoch. The actions of the curr are inspired by the deeds of our illustrious forebears, in order to make a contribution to the affirmation, conservation and development of the Ruthenian spirit.

The Rusyn World Congress in Sighetu Marmaþiei

he Romanian Rusyns’ self respect was strengthened when in June 2007 the Rusyn World Congress took place in the Romanian city of Sighetu T Marmaþiei. The World Congress had been created as a means to unite Rusyns scattered all over the countries sharing the Carpathian homeland. For the Romanian Rusyns, still having a lot to recover in terms of cultural and Communio • 127 national pride, the fact that the Ninth Rusyn World Congress was held in Ro- mania at the end of June 2007 was more than a pleasant surprise. At the same time, the Greek-Catholic Church, an issue which had created a lot of turmoil in Romania since the system change after the revolution of 1989, was put into the spotlight. The Greek-Catholics had demanded a return of ecclesiastical property seized by the communist state to the great advantage of the Romanian Orthodox Church. Given the general accusations aimed at the Uniates, deemed to be only a means to disunite the Eastern Orthodox Churches, the request of the delegates of the World Congress for recognition of the Rusyn Greek-Catholic Church was promptly perceived as a new attempt of the Rusyns to destroy the national unity, this time of Romania. The delegates, among them the doyen of Rusyn studies, Paul Robert Magocsi, issued a “Request of the delegates and guests of the 9th World Congress of Rusyns” for recognition of the Rusyn Greek-Catholic Church sui iuris and the appointment of a Rusyn bishop to Pope Benedict XVI.5 Rome did not react, as the German Pope was busy working on improving the relationship with Eastern Orthodoxy, especially with regard to liturgical and sociopolitical matters. Romania was honoured by the presence of the World Congress because it (probably) has the smallest Rusyn national group and also because it was the one Rusyn-inhabited country in the Carpathian realm where immediately after 1989 no new Rusyn organization was established.6 The later the foundation, the more eager were the Romanian Rusyn activists to support the Rusyn movement’s determination to demonstrate a unified and unique identity for the Rusyn people. They focused on strengthening the features that make them distinct from other related peoples. The firm will to establish Rusyns alongside the larger historical European nations and ethnicites, to prove their long-standing historical existence, is something the Romanian Rusyns share with the Romanians. The idea of a homogenous past and of clear origins is something the Romanian historian Lucian Boia tried to deconstuct as national myths of the Romanian nation.7 The Romanian Rusyn Gheorghe Firczak, president of the Cultural Union, in his short outline of the Rusyns’ history states that the origins of the Rusyns are not clear, but only a few lines later he speaks of the theory that Rusyns originated from a Celtic population which was later Slavicized as if it were to be taken for granted. Not only did Caesar mention the Ruthenians in his Commentarii de bello Gallico, but also the Renaissance scholar and cleric Enea Silvio Piccolomini stated in his work about Transylvania that the north was populated by Ruteni. Pliny allegedly counted them among the ancient tribe of the Aquitani. The standard theory is that Rusyns were among the many different Slavic tribes which evolved out of the Kievan Rus’. The consequence of Firczak’s argument, meant to prove the ancient origins and autonomy of the 128 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

Rusyns, is that he denies that the names Rutheni or Ruthenians were given to Ukrainians living in the eastern parts of former Austria-Hungary.8 It might be more appropriate to assume that not all Ruthenians living in the eastern parts of Austria-Hungary were Ukrainians or Rusyns, but a smaller or larger part of them were in fact Rusyns. That Rusyn activists so forcefully stress their autonomy has a lot to do with the fact that the Ukrainian state has assumed the right to speak for all ‘Ukrainians’ beyond its borders, at least until today—thereby negating the right of self-determination of Rusyns and others—and is doing so again since its national status and unity came under renewed pressure from the Russian side. Rusyn claims of autonomy, whether in Romania or Hungary, are feared to cause an undesired split among the Ukrainian nation abroad and in Ukraine, especially in Western Ukraine, where the Rusyn movement is decid- edly far stronger than in Romania, Hungary or Slovakia.

Rusyn Identity-Building in Romania

hen Firczak was asked by Ioan Romeo Roşiianu,9 in an interview for a popular Romanian online magazine, what the differences were W between Rusyns and Ukrainians, he answered that they were the same as between Romanians and French or between Czechs and Slovaks, while the differences between Slavic peoples might be a bit smaller than in the Ro- mance case: “Ruthenians are a people different from Ukrainians.” They are recognized as a distinct ethnicity in the Czech Republic, in Hungary, Serbia, Montenegro, Romania and in the United States, only in Ukraine the recognition is denied, not only to Rusyns but to a great many other national minorities, too. If Ukraine seeks democratization, as declared on the so-called ‘European Maidan’—a declaration which sounds hollow if one only considers the treatment of the minorities—and is trying to join the European Union, it should recognize the ethnic minorities, as the ethnic-cultural diversity is one of the pillars of the European Union, Firczak stressed. But at the same time he was adamant that the Ukrainian position did not really matter to him. It would be Ukraine’s or Romania’s right to state that Rusyns do not exist, but they do exist all over world, also in Romania. Who are in fact the Rusyns, the interviewing Roşiianu asked, and Firczak gave a rather generalizing, superficial answer which quite obviously did not satisfy the interviewer: “Ruthenians are a Slavic population from Central Europe, a Christian population. The Ruthenian traditions do not differ completely from the traditions of the other Slavic peoples. They have a distinct folklore of their own, folk music, Christian customs. A special holiday is the one in May, when they celebrate the Day of Ruthenians, the moment when Communio • 129

Ruthenians declared their independence before the Viennese court, in 1848. . . . Ruthenians are more present in the northern part of Romania than in the western one.”10 That their number, according to the latest official Romanian statistics, amounts to only 257 persons has a lot to do with a problem Rusyn national groups were and are still confronted with, with the only exception of the former Yugoslavia, or indeed Serbia and neighbouring Croatia. The problem was that a Rusyn option either did not come up in the lists, because they were considered to be Ukrainian, or the option had no chance to become more widely known.11 After 1918, the Rusyns on Romanian territory were considered a distinct ethnicity in some statistics, while in others they were not mentioned. As a consequence of the treaties signed after the end World War One, a part of Maramureº was integrated into Czechoslovakia, including places like Rahiv, Iasinov, Hust, Irsava etc. The southern part was assigned to Romania, including Sighetu Mar- maþiei and Vişeu, and some villages inhabited by Rusyns. Rusyns elected their Rusyn representatives in the elections in the autumn of 1919. Orestie Ilniczki, representing the Rusyns in Maramureş, declared his loyalty to the new Roma- nian state in a speech made before the House of Deputies. The entire Roma- nian legislation, including the 1923 Constitution, clearly abided by an ethnic non-discrimination principle. After 1945, under the communist dictatorship, Rusyns were not mentioned at all or mentioned together with the Ukrainians, which necessarily caused denationalization, a loss of ethnic and cultural identity. Many Rusyns no longer had a notion that they might be something other than Ukrainian, a phenomenon one could also observe in Slovakia, Poland, Hungary, or even partly in the former Yugoslavia, namely, in the Serbian autonomous province of Vojvodina. But there it was a personal decision whether someone considered himself to be a Ukrainophile or Rusynophile, tending more towards the theory of Ukrainan or autochthonous Rusyn-Yugoslavian origins. Cultural organizations existed for both orientations. To reawaken an ethnic and cultural consciousness is a laborious task. The Rusyn minority in Romania, just like other national minorities, has a guaranteed number of seats in Parliament. But the number of votes the minorities’ representatives receive is never identical with the official statistical number of declared members of a certain minority. Some members decide to vote for deputies from another national group or from the majority population. And every minority organization in Romania has always received votes also from the ethnic Romanians. In recent years the pressure on the Romanian Rusyns to hide did not come from the Romanian government, which guaranteed them seats in the assembly, but from the mass media and the Ukrainian groups which reject a Rusyn national orientation. Besides being head of the Cultural Union of Rusyns in Romania, Firczak is also president of the World Council of Rusyns which meets every three months 130 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) in order to maintain political and cultural contacts between the national Rusyn groups. It edits Rusyn language newsletters and magazines, organizes exchange visits between Rusyns from different countries or presentations of Rusyn folklore groups. The Romanian Rusyns’ primary aim is to recreate or create a national consciousness, which is not easy to do after decades of marginalization. In this regard meetings, talks on cultural issues and, last but not least, international cooperation are of vital importance. The thesis propounded by the Romanian Rusyn Firczak and by other Rusyn activists in Western Ukraine, whereby the Rusyns are an an ethnic group distinct from the Ukrainians, with their own culture and language, is challenged not only in Ukraine, where the Rusyns are regularly accused of being traitors and separatists. On the website of the Greater Romania Party, the Rusyns (Ruthenians) are listed after the small national minorities (Ukrainians, Germans, Lipovans, Serbs and others) among the “very small national minorities” (Bulgarians, Croats, Greeks, Jews, Italians, Ruthe- nians).12 Only the Slovenes and the Gagauz are fewer in number than the Ro- manian Rusyns. Ivan Marocico, delegate of the Ukrainians in Romania, wrote that the Rusyn identity is a “false decoration on the Central European political scene.” Ramona Bãluþescu, in her “Pledoarie pentru minoritãþile fãrã reprezentare”13 (A plea in favour of the minorities without representation), wrote that “for political rather than ethnic reasons, some people from the government decided that there is both a Ruthenian minority and a Ukrainian one.”

Romania’s Rusyns and the Ukrainian Crisis

estern Ukraine, the province of Transcarpathia or Podkarpatska Rus/Carpathian Russia, a territory Ukrainians nowadays call Zakar- W patia, is the central reference point of all Rusyns, whether in Voj vodina or in Romania. It is considered to be the cradle of Rusyn civilization. Its boundaries are delineated by the Western Slavs, the Slovaks and Poles, by Hungary and Romania in the southwest, and it stretches into the Romanian region of Maramureş, which is a part of Transylvania. The Cultural Union of the Ruthenians of Romania claims that the Rusyns were an “element of interethnic stability in the region,” a claim which aroused some doubts, especially during the Ukrainian crisis from the autumn of 2014. At the end of November 2014, a fierce debate took place in the Romanian parliament about the situation in Transcarpathia.14 A resolution was read out which had been passed by the Con- gress of Subcarpathian Ruthenians on 28 September 2014, drawing attention to the tragic fact that innocent citizens, Rusyns, Romanians, Hungarians, Ukraini- ans and of other nationalities, fall victim to an escalation of violence amounting Communio • 131 to genocide in certain regions. The Romanian Parliament and the Romanian authorities were called upon to take the necessary steps in order to safeguard the security and the interests of Romanians and Rusyns (Ruthenians) living in Transcarpathia. The demand was legitimized by the 1991 referendum, when approximately 80 percent of the region’s population expressed a desire for autonomy.15 Under these circumstances, the region is obliged to defend the identity and the respect for the tradition, culture, education and the maternal language of every single ethnic group. The resolution emphasized that the democratic will of a people has to be respected, and that corruption was a cancer, a monster able to destroy a nation—and the best and most visible example was the Ukraine. The leader of the Democratic Union of Albanians in Romania, Claudiu Filip, who supported the Rusyn cause, said: “If Ukrainian politicians know how to handle the situation, Ukrainian citizens could live together in peace and harmony for a thousand years in the same geographical area without the loss of human life.”16 Cooperation between the ethnic groups, and not a new one-sided Ukrainian nationalism should be the guiding principle. Mihai Lauruc, the then leader of the Subcarpathian Rusyns in Romania, delivered a passionate plea for peace and understanding to world leaders and especially to the Romanian and Ukrainian authorities on behalf of his brethren in Ukraine and of the other ethnic minorities: “A people must be able to decide alone on its destiny, in a peace- ful and democratic way, as the people’s will was already clearly expressed in the referendum . . . In this special moment of the campaign, Rusyns need no longer feel that they are orphans.”17 Romanian diplomacy has to see that this move is not perceived as an interference in domestic Ukrainian policy, as throughout history the Subcarpathian Rusyns have never instigated a conflict, living peace- fully alongside Romanians or Ukrainians. In the historical Maramureş region, where most of the Romanian Rusyns live, long standing conflicts never existed. And Lauruc added that in the extremely complex current context Russia could not be ignored, not only because it is the heartland of the large family of Slavic peoples. Lauruc’s plea was a delicate matter, because Rusyn officials in Transcar- pathia had sent an appeal to the Russian president demanding support for their aspirations of independence from Ukraine and protection from “enslavement by the aggressive Galician fascism,” which was oppressing the Rusyns and sought to weaken them by dispatching more ethnic Ukrainians to the area.18 These claims and the association with Russia are considered radical by most of the Rusyn organizations in other countries, Wiktorek states.19 Russian attention has drawn the Rusyns into a contentious debate between Russia and Ukraine over their political relationship, the validity of Ukrainian national identity, and the question of which country should be considered the rightful heir of Kievan Rus’ and therefore claim political control over the East Slavic lands. Russian media 132 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) coverage and the forceful use of the internet by Rusyns and nationalist Russians focused on the issue of Rusyn discontent in Transcarpathia, which “threatens to overshadow the progress that Rusyns have made toward their cultural revival and self-determination by bringing them further into the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.”20 On the other hand, in January 2015 several Transcarpathian Rusyn activists issued a statement expressing their support for Ukraine’s path to de- mocratisation and European integration. Their most far-reaching request was to reinstate the Rusyns as an official ethnic group in Ukraine.21 That some of the Transcarpathian or Romanian Rusyns opted for Russia in the Ukrainian conflict has a lot to do with the idea that both nations share a common cultural, ethnic and historical tradition. But the main reason seems to be the discontent, the disregard they experience especially in Western Ukraine regarding their ethnic and cultural identity. In Romania this is not officially denied but—and this is the analogy with the Ukrainian counterpart—the Ukrai- nian national narrative is still so overwhelming, in the political sense, that the Rusyn cause still has a long way to go, no matter how large the national group is. Quite ironically, even the linguistic argument has a basis in the case of Ro- mania. Professor Paul Romaniuc, a Romanian Rusyn expert in the history and culture of the Subcarpathian Rusyns, argued during the aforementioned debate in the Romanian Parliament that all those on Romanian territory who claim to be of Ukrainian nationality were in fact speaking Rusyn (Ruthenian) and simply did not know literary Ukrainian: “After 1991, after they were integrated into the Ukrainian state, an aggressive Ukrainization of the Ruthenians started which tried to inculcate an ethnic affiliation to an invented state, and this way you can explain why the Ruthenians no longer know what to believe about their affiliation—are they Russians, Ruthenians, Ukrainians? . . . In plain language, they have gone astray and are in deep error regarding their ethnic affiliation.” q

Notes

1. Timothy Garton Ash, “Hail Ruthenia!” The New York Review of Books 46, 7 (22 April 1999): 54–55. 2. In the Middle Ages many villages in Maramureş had both Romanian and Rusyn names, such as: Bãrãnica–Bronyka; Coşna, Cuşniþa; Lipceni–Lepcsa; Mestecãniş– Bereznic; Poiana Teiului–Lepcsa Polyana; Poiana Vulpii–Lişiþa; Dãnileşti–Danilo- vo; Hust–Hust; Nãneni–Nankova; Boureni–Volovoie; Fãget–Bukovecz; Leşeni– Lyahovecz; Prepepeliþa–Pilipecz; Repedea–Repenei; Satul Nou–Novoszelita; Satul Vechiu–Staraszelita; Ariniş–Jalova; Neaga–Negova; Teceu–Tiacevo. Sighet had been named Sihot prior to becoming a vojvodal residence; Hungarians called it Communio • 133

Sziget due to its island appearance. Many medieval documents mentioned it as Marmaþia. 3. Recensãmântul general al populaþiei din 1930, Populaþia pe neamuri, Tabela 1 – Total România. 4. Rezultatele finale ale Recensãmântului din 2011, Tab. 8. Populaþia stabilã dupã etnie – judeþe, municipii, oraşe, comune; recensamantromania.ro. 5. The Request read as follows: “Your Holiness, We, the undersigned members of the World Council of Rusyns, being representatives of Rusyn cultural organizations in ten countries around the world associated in the World Congress of Rusyns, met on 22–23 June 2007 at the 9th Congress in the town of Sighetu Marmaþiei in Romania. First of all, we would like to greet You, Your Holiness, and send You some heart-felt prayers from Rusyn Greek-Catholics, by which, to almighty God, we pray for You, representative of Jesus Christ on Earth, health and God’s grace in abundance. At the World Congress meeting, problems of Rusyns around the world were discussed, especially their cultural-national development and recognition of their nationality rights in each country, where they live in high numbers. Among the discussed matters was the situation of Rusyn Greek-Catholics in Slovakia, who encounter injustice in non-recognition of their rights to use their mother tongue, Rusyn, in liturgical ceremonies, the right to post Rusyn priests in parishes with Rusyn congregations and the right to educate Rusyn theologians to preach among Rusyn believers in the Rusyn language. Rusyn priests addressed Your predecessor Holy Father John Paul II in 1997 and later in 2003 with an official request for recognition of the Rusyn Greek-Catholic Church sui iuris in Slovakia, as well as with a request to appoint a Rusyn bishop for this Church. However, the submitted matter has remained unre- solved to this day. Rusyns realize the difficulties in resolving their request, but they find it just and fair according to secular and church laws. That is why we address You, Holy Father, with trust and hope and we believe that our pleas will be heard. Our hope at this time is strengthened by Your increased interest in events within the Catholic Church in Slovakia, about which You were informed at the recent visit of bishops from Slovakia to the Vatican, as well as about the effort to create new bishoprics here. Although in the 1968 Annuario Pontifico, the Rusyn Greek-Catholic Church sui iuris was changed to Slovak, the original Rusyn Church sui iuris did not cease to exist. On the contrary, this Church wishes to keep its identity and develop the religious and cultural heritage of its ancestors. It is also proven by the fact that, at the latest census of residents in Slovakia in 2001, 35 thousand Greek-Catholics designated Rusyn as their mother tongue. Your Holiness, on behalf of Rusyn Greek- Catholics, loyal messengers of Cyril and Methodius and of the most holy tradition of the Eastern Slavonic Church ceremonies, which link Greek-Catholic Rusyns not only in Slovakia, but also in Ukraine, Poland, Serbia, Croatia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, the usa, Canada, and elsewhere in the world, delegates of which represented their brothers and sisters also at the 9th World Congress of Rusyns in Romania, we ask You, who are in the position of the Holiest Office of Roman Pon- tifex Maximus, to hear the voice of Greek-Catholic Rusyns in Slovakia and renew the Rusyn Greek-Catholic Church in Slovakia. For this deed, You will be sincerely 134 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

thanked and Your decision will be beatified not only by the contemporary Rusyn Greek-Catholic congregation, but also their successors.” 6. Before the end of the 1990s a total of five new Rusyn organizations had come into existence where Rusyns live. Apart from the Society of Carpatho-Rusyns in Ukrainian Transcarpathia were the Rusyn Renaissance Society (Rusynska Obro- da) in Medzilaborce, Czechoslovakia (est. March 1990); the Lemko Association (Stovaryšynja Lemkiv) in Legnica, Poland (est. April 1990); the Society of Friends of Subcarpathian Rus’ (Společnost prˇatel Podkarpatské Rusi) in Prague (est. Octo- ber 1990); and the Ruska Matka (Rusyn Matka) in Ruski Kerestur, Yugoslavia (est. December 1990). By the spring of 1991, a sixth one was established in Hungary, the Rusyn Organization in Hungary (Magyaroszági Ruszinok Szervezete) in Budapest (est. May 1991). Most of these organizations have their own Rusyn-language news- papers, journals, or access to existing publications. All five organizations have put forth basically the same demands: that Rusyns be recognized as a distinct nationality, that a Rusyn literary language be codified and eventually be used in schools as medium of instruction, and that Rusyns be guaranteed all rights as a national minority in the countries where they live and, in the case of Transcarpathia, that Rusyns be recognized as the dominant indigenous nationality. (Cf. Magocsi 1995.) 7. Cf. L. Boia, Istorie şi mit în conştiinþa româneascã (Bucharest, 1997); id., History and Myth in Romanian Consciousness (Budapest, 2001); id., Geschichte und Mythos: Über die Gegenwart des Vergangenen in der rumänischen Gesellschaft (Cologne–Weimar– Vienna, 2003). 8. Gh. Firczak, Rutenii/Rusinii un popor pe nedrept uitat: Compendiu istorico-geografic (n.p., 2002), 7–8. 9. dv, “Ruteni,” posted in Rutenii, 9 April 2015 (http://necenzuratmm.ro/ rutenii/43217-rutenii.html). 10. Ibid. 11. The same is true in Western Ukraine. If we compare the situation of Rusyns in Ukraine with their co-nationals in Slovakia, we see that the former face serious difficulties owing to the Ukrainian government‘s refusal to list Rusyn as an ethnic identity. Zakarpatia Oblast, the most western region of Ukraine, was established on 22 January 1946 as a part of Ukrainian Soviet Socialistic Republic, but before it had been Czechoslovakian territory which was ceded due to a treaty between Czechoslovakia and the ussr. In 1946, the Rusyns in Zakarpatia Oblast numbered 800 thousand and in 2001, according to the Ukrainian Census, only 183 people identified themselves as Rusyns. The main reason why this mysterious disappear- ance of Rusyns happened in the historical region of Carpathian Ruthenia is simple. The Ukrainian government continued the Soviet tradition that did not recognize the Rusyns living in that country as a distinct nationality, but rather as an ethnic sub-group of Ukrainians. This is why many Carpatho-Rusyns were included in the Ukrainian nation that made the majority of 80.5% in Zakarpatia Oblast. Only in 2007 the Zakarpatia Regional Council officially recognized Rusyns as a separate ethnicity in Ukraine, and then in 2012 Rusyn obtained the official regional language status in certain areas of the province (oblast) (cf. Laura Davidel, “Rediscovery of Communio • 135

the Rusyn Culture and Language in Slovakia,” OneEurope, 18 July 2014, http://oneeurope.info/rediscovery-of-the-rusyn-culture-and-language-in-slovakia). 12. Grupuri etnice din România (http://prm-central.ro/grupuri-etnice-din-romania/). 13. Cf. www.timpolis.ro/print. 14. “Rutenii Subcarpatici au sensibilizat Parlamentul României!!!” (27 Nov. 2014) (http://www.comisarul.ro/diverse/rutenii-subcarpatici-au-sensibilizat-parlamentul- r_292619.html). 15. The Society of Carpatho-Rusyns in Transcarpathia had called for the renewal of the autonomous status that the Subcarpathian Rus’ had enjoyed during the interwar years. The text of the declaration, which was sent to former ussr President Gorbachev, the ussr Supreme Soviet, the Ukrainian parliament, and the United Nations, first appeared in the organ of the Carpatho-Rusyn Society, Otchyi khram, September–October 1990. In order to determine the views of the local population, the society, joined by other minority organizations, called for a question on Tran- scarpathian autonomy to be added to the referendum on Ukrainian independence that was held on 1 December 1991. There was a large voter turnout, with 92.6% favoring Ukrainian independence and 76.8% self-rule for Transcarpathia. The issue of Transcarpathian autonomy elicited great interest in neighboring countries, although this is an internal issue for the government and state of Ukraine. The extremely high pro-independence percentage was certainly the reason why post-Soviet Ukraine, fearing nothing more than new threats to its young independence, brushed off every demand for autonomy and especially independence of even the tiniest part of the country. 16. “Rutenii Subcarpatici au sensibilizat Parlamentul României!!!” 17. Ibid. 18. Moscow helped the Rusyns in the past and must do so again because “a humanitar- ian disaster for the Rusyn people and all the residents of Transcarpathia has begun at the hands of the Galician Nazis and local collaborators,” the appeal argues (rossi- yanavsegda.ru, 28 October). To support the Rusyns, the letter continues, Moscow needs to conduct “a peacekeeping operation for a short period” in Transcarpathia and “restore the pre-Soviet status of the Republic of Transcarpathian Rus’,” which was not within the borders of Ukraine. And Moscow must insist that Kyiv recognize the results of the 1991 referendum in which 76.8 percent of those taking part declared that “Transcarpathia is a special, self-administered territory and a subject of international law not included in any present territorial-administrative formation,” that is, within Ukraine. The language of this appeal suggests, some argued, that it was written not by Rusyns but rather by Russians, or at least by those under the influence of the Kremlin’s massive anti-Ukrainian propaganda effort. 19. Cf. Wiktorek 2010. 20. Ibid., 91. 21. “‘Long Live Ruthenia.’ The Russian Press Cooks up Ethnic Separatism in Transcar- pathia,” The Economist, 3 April 2015. 136 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

Sources

Dyrud, Keith P. 1992. The Quest for the Rusyn Soul: The Politics of Religion and Culture in Eastern Europe and in America, 1890–World War I. Philadelphia. Krafcik, Patricia, ed. 1994. The Rusyns. New York. Magocsi, Paul Robert. 1978. Shaping of a National Identity: Subcarpathian Rus’ 1848– 1948. Harvard. ——. 1988. Carpatho-Rusyn Studies: An Annotated Bibliography. Vol. 1. New York. ——. 1994. The Rusyns of Slovakia: An Historical Survey. New York. ——. 1995. “The Rusyn Question.” Political Thought 2–3 (6): 221–231. ——. 1996. A New Slavic Nation is Born. New York. ——. 2000. Of the Making of Nationalities There Is No End. New York. ——. 2002. Encyclopedia of Rusyn History and Culture. Toronto. Mayer, Mária. 1998. Rusyns of Hungary: Political and Social Developments, 1860–1910. New York. Petrov, Aleksei. 1998. Medieval Carpathian Rus’: The Oldest Documentation about the Carpatho-Rusyn Church and Eparchy. New York. Rusinko, Elaine. 2003. Straddling Borders: Literature and Identity in Subcarpathian Rus’. Toronto. Stegherr, Marc. 1998. Das Russinische in der Vojvodina. Munich. ——. 2002. “Rusinisch.” In Lexikon der Sprachen des europäischen Ostens, ed. Miloš Oku- ka, 399–408. Klagenfurt (Wieser Enzyklopädie des europäischen Ostens, vol. 10). ——. 2003. Das Russinische: Kulturhistorische und soziolinguistische Aspekte. Munich. Teutsch, Alexander. 2001. Das Rusinische der Ostslowakei im Kontext seiner Nach- barsprachen. Frankfurt am Main. Trier, Tom, ed. 1999. Focus on the Rusyns: International Colloquium on the Rusyns of East Central Europe. Copenhagen. Wiktorek, Alexandra C. 2010. “Rusyns of the Carpathians: Competing Agendas of Identity.” Thesis. Washington, dc.

Abstract The Rusyns in Romania: A Minority Hidden in a Minority

The Carpatho-Rusyns in Romania are a minority which is officially recognized, statistically rang- ing among the small ethnic groups of Romania, although their actual number might be far higher. A still underdeveloped group identity, restricted knowledge of the cultural and lingustic Rusyn heritage, and the fact that most Romanian Rusyns still consider themselves to be Ukrainian put a strain on the identity-building process. The recent Ukrainian crisis, shedding new light on the denied recognition of Carpatho-Rusyns in Western Ukraine, has stepped up the identity discourse among Romanian Rusyns.

Keywords Romania, Rusyns, Ruthenians, minorities, identity, Ukraine philosophy

Seduction, Communication

S a n d u F r u n z ã and Leadership

“We live in the moment Eroticism, Theology and Seduction of disconnected, minimal, post romantic seduction.” he term seduction can be received either in an ethically (Gilles Lipovetsky) T negative light or in a neutral one. Analyzing seduction in a close relation with communication and leadership, we must keep in mind to approach seduction as a morally neutral instrument. But, in general, when we use the word seduction, we cannot overlook the negative charge the term has accumulated both in the symbolic context of the original seduction from the bible story, but also in the context of erotic relations, often marked by the idea of luring accompanied by various degrees of violence. In every instance, seduction is negatively perceived, in a register of absence of morals or of a violence exercised onto the ethical relation. It is envisaged as Sandu Frunzã a type of attraction having a special Professor at the Department of Commu power, irresistible, which annuls the nication, Public Relations, and Advertising, Babeº-Bolyai University, author, among will of the seductee in front of the se- others, of the vol. Advertising constructs ducer and that leads us somewhere in reality: Religion and advertising in the the area of luring, of deception and consumer society (2014). erotic madness. 138 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

An entire genre of erotic literature and countless love stories bring us to the image of the seducer shrouded in the mystery enhanced by the erotic and the mystery of love in the most varied ways. It is interesting to note Pascal Bruckner’s affirmation that “seduction maintains a climate of convenience between men and women, it privileges connection between people and not separation, attraction and not lack of communication.”1 Seduction implies the ambiguity of a presupposed secret understanding, based on a form of reciprocity of desire and pleasure. There are also situations where seduction can have a negative juristic charge. But usually, when it is detached from the register of transgression, we notice that within the erotic play of seduction “there are beings so distressed by other’s desire of themselves that they give in not so much due to attraction, but to address the homage brought before them.”2 There is a lot of suffering and a lot of pleasure and fascination in erotic seduction. But it is not within this area of sensual and spiritual pleasure that I wish to place seduction as a communication tool. We can’t ignore the fact that this tradition of the negative perception of seduction is an old one and it is primarily a theological one. We need to remember that in the Genesis story, the seducer, revealed as a snake, introduces a distortion in human existence using seduction as an instrument of breaking the paradisiacal law in relation to the tree in the middle of the garden. The involvement of the primordial human in breaking the paradisiacal interdiction is associated not only with breaking the divine law, but also with overturning free will and revolting against divinity—and all this comes with human responsibility and a punishment. A certain type of violence accompanies the biblical perception of seduction. Comparatively analyzing modern law and biblical Jewish law, Paul Hager notices that seduction has always been tied to acts of transgression, even if there wasn’t always considered to be a violent side directly associated with rape as referring to sexual seduction.3 Until today, the violent content is preserved in the common language pertaining to sexual seduction and the effects of seduction by diminishing the autonomy of the person, by altering moral relations or annulling the property of subject of the human being. From the perspective of a philosophy of seduction as a communication tool, as is the one featured in the present text, once postmodern thought emerged, with the explanations that fall out of the area of influence of theological interpretation of seduction, seduction is removed from the strict register of sin and eroticism and acquires a cultural dimension. We should also emphasize the fact that the negative charge of the term seduction has been maintained even in some philosophical texts. Jean Baudrillard has some useful analyses on this topic. The philosopher notices that “For religion seduction was a strategy of the devil, whether in the guise of witchcraft or love. Philosophy • 139

It is always the seduction of evil—or of the world. It is the very artifice of the world. Its malediction has been unchanged in ethics and philosophy, and today it is maintained in psychoanalysis and the ‘liberation of desire’.”4 He does not ignore the negative connotation the term seduction is loaded with in the western language tributary to theological meanings. But he overturns this negativity in a different reading of philosophical address. A way out of the captivity of this negativity is offered by Baudrillard when he relates seduction to production in order to explain the dynamic of the strategies involved by seduction. Thus, what is essential is “the capacity immanent to seduction to deny things their truth and turn it into a game, the pure play of appearances, and thereby foil all systems of power and meaning with a mere turn of the hand. The ability to turn appearances in on themselves, to play on the body’s appearances, rather than with the depths of desire. Now all appearances are reversible . . . only at the level of appearances are systems fragile and vulnerable . . . meaning is vulnerable only to enchantment.”5 Therefore, while production implies bringing to reality things as values, seduction pushes things towards the area of appearances, hijacks them from their own identity “in order to destine them the game of appearances, the symbolic exchange between them.”6 The importance of Baudrillard’s interpretations can be emphasized by the critical reception coming from various areas of cultural reflection.7 Among the best in generating new meanings are the philosophy and the seduction analyses of Michelle Ballif. An important observation is: “But within seduction, there is no victor nor is there vanquished; no player can be greater than the challenge. There is no seducer, no seductee, in seduction.”8 Another relevant interpretation tells: “Seduction, as all other metaphysical constructs, has been constituted here- tofore across the passive/active binary. That which is active is the will; the passive is the will-less. To seduce, then, is to impose one’s will on others by means of artifice and deceit—to unload a sham, a pretense, or an illusion—that is, to merely appear, rather than to be.”9 Therefore we are faced with a phenomenon addressed at length by Baudrillard: in seduction, both the seducer and the seductee are reduced to objects. Seduction is based on a sham, and the sham leads us away from the reality of the subject. Simultaneously—and we might even say paradoxically—seduction is denounced as a way to exercise violence in the masculine/feminine relation. But in the world of appearances, seduction perpetuates the rapports of dominance, discrimination and power. Firstly, we must note the fact that in his reflections on seduction, Pascal Bruckner notices that in the life of the postmodern human, most often seduction is associated with love, therefore we notice that “the voluptuousness of loves make is that you no longer belong to yourself, the voluptuousness of the ego makes it that you can never abandon yourself . . . Any lover therefore speaks two 140 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) languages, that of fatal attachment and that of free detachment.”10 Thus, seduction is paradoxical in itself: positive and negative at the same time. Seduction works on a market of desire similar to an exchange market, without assuming power and subordination rapports. Secondly, regarding the two premises brought up by Michelle Ballif, we must note the fact that in postmodern culture seduction does not require an annul- ment of a partner’s will, but a compromise, an abandon, the seductee abandons oneself, entering, through subtle emotional, mental and existential mechanisms, into the game of the seducer. The seduction game is one that always involves reciprocity between the seducer and the seductee. Even if a confrontational atmosphere is maintained in gender relations, the prevailing tendency is towards a culture of difference—which opens the premises to a continuous reduction of the types of violence we might be witness to. Regarding the perpetuation of the dominance of masculine power, Baudrillard seems to contradict this idea. He is more inclined to think that: “else the triumph of a soft seduction, a white, diffuse feminization and eroticization of all relations in an enervated social universe.”11 I will not linger on this aspect, but I would like to mention that an original analysis of the feminization of the western postmodern world can be found in the research on love by the philosopher Aurel Codoban.12 Without taking into account the rejection of the theological significations of seduction, in the present text we will bear in mind a philosophical perspective where we are offered a management of desire, of pleasure and of building the reality that reveals the function of seduction as a communication tool. Without currently being interested in the possible power-based relations that could be triggered in interpersonal relations or as relations of dominance in society, we wish to reveal the positive aspects that seduction can provide for personal development and leadership. We want to move seduction from the area of domination and violence to the area of creativity. In the process of personal development, seduction is a communication tool that may emphasize the leader’s creativity. It can play the role of a transformative principle that acts as an attraction towards participating in developing common values. And when it is associated with a charismatic dimension, creativity is an instrument of fascination and transforma- tion13 within a philosophy of life based on seeking authenticity. Philosophy • 141

The Philosophy of Seduction and the Seduction of Philosophy

eduction is a communication tool that can be used in a strategy of existential structure. Seduction generates the suitable medium of a subtle, S almost ineffable, encounter within the register of empathy, emotion and existential ambiguity. It is a way to try to bring together and launch the invitation to participate in a common vision of the world. It implies a minimal philosophy of communication and a paradoxical way to relate to others. We must remind the fact that Gilles Lipovetsky reveals that in postmodernity seduction lacks emphasis, that “we live in the moment of disconnected, minimal, post romantic seduction.”14 If we are to work with such a cultural concept of seduction, then it becomes a communication tool and one to structure reality liberated of the negative ethical contents. Postmodernity makes room for a representation of seduction freed from violence, a type of minimal seduction. Although it is a neutral instrument, seduction may be used to set in motion either positive or negative contents. One of the particular qualities—found in those with a predisposition to become leaders—is the capacity to use seduction as a tool to achieve positive structures. As a communication tool in the hands of the leader, seduction is not merely sending messages; it requires a continuous participation to establishing meaning. An innovative aspect in understanding the instrumentalization of seduction is highlighted by Aurel Codoban when he states that seduction is built within communication and pertains to the nature of communication. It implies a plu- rality of worlds brought together. This complementarity can be achieved as a way to come out of loneliness. The philosopher states: “We do not communicate, when we communicate we do not transmit anything to others, we live in a profound loneliness and, in fact, when we communicate with each other, we merely indicate where on the map of our mind’s world the other must search to find what is there. But the maps are similar, not identical.”15 This loneliness, but also this mutual search, is not possible on the model of love—as an endeavor to realize the myth of the androgynous,16 to achieve a primordial unity, because in the case of seduction we must factor in the element of the crowd. The individual is no longer isolated, she/he experience their loneliness within the crowd. The leader is distinguished from the crowd. Aurel Codoban emphasizes a context of communication where “there are no longer acceptable vertical leaders, there is no longer an ontological vertical, there is only the horizontal of knowledge or communication. Modernity has imposed equality from birth that produces the mass individual. We are all born equal. That’s what the mass is. There are no hie 142 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) rarchies. Therefore, for the mass, the leader is the one that can offer a reflective image, not the superior man of old elites. But an exponent: one who focuses all aspirations, all adhesions.”17 In this context, what comes up is the very difficult task of philosophy that “addresses not only locally exposed ideas and persuasion, but also image, manipulation and seduction.”18 However, the philosopher is not the seductor described by So⁄ ren Kierkegaard.19 She/he is more the one that carries a philosophy of communication where “the message reveals and justifies rationally the existential option, as well as the image of the world.”20 The leader uses seduction as a communication tool in the process of transforming one’s own life philosophy into a vision shared with others. Taking into account the fact that, from the perspective of communication, there is a market of seduction that we must take into account, Christopher A. Howard shows the dynamic relation between the dimension of fascination of seduction and the destructive side of the act of consummating the act of seduction. He gives the example of traveling to far away lands, such as Himalayan journeys, that are fueled by a need to discover the authenticity that the westerner experiences as the seduction of diversity. The negative effect of this desire for authenticity is visible in the fact that an increased consumption of authenticity generates a decrease in the seduction of the different and a leveling of the values that are searched for, turned banal by the continuous consumption and exces- sive promotion of this type of experience based on a new perception of time and life.21 Most often, this escape is structured as a journey where the individual is seduced by the fullness of meaning, of the significance that can be brought about by living in this life all that paradise promises. It is an initiatory endeavor, an encounter with the sacred that refuses integration into any theology of paradise. Often, “seduction is based on the promise of happiness or pleasure . . . Seduc- tion promises something that it cannot give: an entire, total happiness, without discontinuity and tiredness.”22 This nostalgia of authenticity is experienced not as a retrieval of the past, built as a projection in an imminent future that comes close to restoring the human being and a new ethical foundation for it. Moreover, we notice in recent research that—acting as minimal ethics—postmodern ethics has, among its main coordinates, a dimension as such.23 The paradoxical situation of the negative and positive effects that we find in the process of marketing seduction is something very common in the communication associated with consumerism. The situation of advertising is very illustrative. Often, advertising language will use rhetorical figures or religious or mythological structures as tools of seduction, with positive effects regarding the persuasive capacity of the messages sent or in building brands, but at the same time these tools are accompanied by a negative dimension or they can be Philosophy • 143 perceived in themselves as elements that provoke negative feelings, discomfort and even discrimination, encouraging gender stereotypes or perpetuating inad- equate ways to relate to the object of desire.24 Theoreticians explain the presence of stereotypes with the existence of a more pronounced cultural modeling of communication, more precisely, commercial communication. The influence of religious or cultural factors, just like the dimension of gender, is visible in political advertising as well, in building the image of political leaders. In a comparative research on the way in which the image of political leaders in France and Norway is built, researchers Anne Krogstad and Aagoth E. Storvik have revealed that while French communicators have a tendency to use seduction mechanisms likely to set the politician above the masses, in Norwegian political communication and image building communicators insist on modesty, unaffect- edness and an adherence to common values.25 When we say that various aspects of communication and seduction are cul- turally influenced, we don’t mean a broad sense of culture. We have in mind the basis of a philosophy of life that implies a general perspective on existence. It is characterized by specific ways to live according to the requirements imposed by such a comprehensive image on life. The leader has the merit of transforming this philosophy of life into a vision. Hence the fascination this generates in the acts of communication due to seduction, especially in political communication.26 However, just like anything else pertaining to human action and choice, this fascination can also have negative effects. We already have the negative example of the means to use the mechanisms of seduction in totalitarian ideology and pro- paganda27 or the seduction generated by populist strategies28 in today’s western world. These manifestations should not keep us from seeing the role seduction has in developing a communication strategy.

The Practices of Seduction Require a Philosophy of Life

he philosophy of communication has limited means to bring philosophical problems in the public space. Philosophical communication cannot T act, for example, according to the model of media communication. It is well known from theories regarding agenda setting that mass media has a limited capacity to directly influence opinions and attitudes. However, it can have an overwhelming role in setting the debate themes in the space of communication and in the general public space. It has a major influence by establishing what is proprietary and meaningful from the perspective of public communication and public interest.29 The philosophy of communication cannot directly influence the establishment of the general framework deployed by communica- 144 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) tion. Although it cannot claim a role in establishing the public agenda, it can however become important through the contents it puts forward. Arthur Schopenhauer states that “starting with Socrates, the problem of philosophy was connecting the force that produces the universal phenomenon and therefore determines the nature of the world with the morality of the attitude, to demonstrate that the moral order of the world is the basis of the physical one.”30 On this backdrop, philosophy may be conceived as “a way of life and of moral conversion of personality.”31 Schopenhauer’s affirmation can be brought in the area of personal development and studies on leadership. We need something to set in motion that which represents the basis of existence that manifests itself in the assumed shapes of values, and among the values that govern the life of the western person, the ethical values prove to be the background for manifesting all other values. There is an anteriority of the ethical in relation with the physical, meaning that for the human “becoming” the ethical plays a role similar to that of an essential metaphysical principle. In the actual world, leadership programs must use this capacity of philosophy to morally fulfill existence.32 Ethical leadership is the privileged method through which applied philosophy pervades into the field of organizational ethics, social responsibility or that of economic efficiency. Set at the basis of personal development, of cultivating leadership qualities, “the practice of philosophy does not consist of a mere lecture, or even a dem- onstration. It is interpretation, interrogation, meditation: it wants to make the great works to say what they want to say or what they might want to say, in the unfathomable Truth they contain, or, more likely, they indicate, silently ‘pointing’ to it.”33 What we must gather here is the importance that the instrumentalization of philosophy has in this existential game where “the Word is philosophical not because it strives to answer with words, with a system, clear as a phantom, the question raised by desire, but because it knows that, just like all words, it is conquered even in the moment it mostly wants to conquer.”34 For Lyotard, the game of presence and absence, the dynamic of desire and seduction are what makes us philosophize. Philosophy does not give a definite answer, logos is always rephrased. It doesn’t aim for an abstract instantiation of the word, but it is the logos present within each of us, it is the word uttered by each of us in a process where communication manifests as an act of seduction. Philosophy reunites us as in a language of seduction that we build together in communication. Philosophy makes possible this commercialization of desire, of seduction, of love. In developing discourses on leadership, philosophy contributes by talking about the comprehensive perspective on existence. It takes us out of the area of the fragmentation that we so cherish as beings pertaining to postmodern culture. One of the most influential leadership masters, John C. Maxwell, notices Philosophy • 145 that an exercise leaders constantly engage in is the development of their thinking about the comprehensive dimension. He motivates this culture of ruling over the comprehensive by saying: “Comprehensive thinking implies maturity and integrity, in exchange offering a general perspective of the world.”35 Then, we know that we can easily retrace our steps from the general to the particular, depending on personal development needs or the need to address the interests and solving our peers’ problems. This general perspective offers the possibility to see things from an angle that isn’t limited to one’s own consciousness. It brings about the issue of the relational subject and of the philosophical practices related to showcasing its value. When the leadership master tells us we cannot be leaders without this ability to generalize, he is not excluding the other way of looking within things, that is to say, fixating, focusing on what seems important at a certain time and what must be prioritized. We will not insist on the need for pointed focus, but it serves at least to mention Daniel Goleman’s work,36 Focus. Although strategic focus on issues is very important, the need to develop a way of thinking that involves a general perspective on existence is of utmost importance to us in this context. Even if the relative and the fragmentation pertain to the essence of postmodernity, escaping this fragmentation and reconstructing on authenticity are ways to give consistence to postmodern existence. In the process of appropriating a philosophy of life, we are not merely talking about a simple instrumentalization of desire or of love, but about setting in motion a special energy emanated by leaders and experience by those attending. It is part of the mechanisms of seduction that are required in the leadership activity. In searching for unity, the leader has the ability to turn one’s own philosophy of life into a horizon where one develops together with the others. This action of communal growth, beside the personal benefits, has as its final purpose developing a community spirit, the feeling of belonging to a group or a collective or a profession. Encouraging informal leadership is beneficial for organizations, including multinational companies, because this individual spirit may bring major transformations in growing efficiency and improving organizational life. Then, it has a positive impact on various public categories of the organization, due to the specific mechanisms of the influence of ethical and responsible organizational communication. Of course, this is what could be called, in the shadow of Lyotard’s reflections, a philosophy in search of logos, therefore, of meaning. This meaning doesn’t only refer to searching for the ultimate meaning of one’s own life or the general meaning of life. It is also important to find a common meaning and to share what can be meaningful for a certain group or a community built on professional criteria. The leader is a guide that holds the secret of the path that must be taken and keeps us on the path. Those who participate in the search for 146 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) unity discovered early on that unity is never complete, unity is realized in mul- tiplicity, therefore in desire, or, more precisely, in the journey between desire and love. We don’t want to turn love into an emotional manner of relating between people working in multinational companies, economic organizations or even charitable organizations. It is more than anything a philosophical concept that we might understand if we look at it in the interference between existence, communication and living. It can become part of human existence by taking on the values, in particular the ethical values that the leader brings into the professional space through personal example and through the leader’s acts of ethical and efficient communication. Leadership programs manage to turn love into an asset by associating love with the necessary sacrifice to succeed. “There is no success without sacrifice—this is the truth that people who become leaders get to know. To get to the top of the pyramid, you have to bow down to the idea of sacrifice,”37 says John C. Maxwell, encouraging us to practice a philosophy of sacrifice, which means a philosophy of love integrated in the actions that require solving our everyday problems. On this level, the appeal to philosophy is a privileged means to make meaningful life possible, to experience the joy of being, of living, of doing something about one’s own growth, about another’s development, and of improving the way life unfolds. The instrumentalization of seduction in the field of such a philosophy is the most firm basis upon which to build inner communication, communication with the other, including nature regarded as the reality of radical exteriority.

Instead of Conclusions

ert Oliver reveals in a critical manner the particular way Baudrillard places postmodernity under the sign of a logic of seduction, associating it with the reality of the simulacrum and an artificial construction of real- B 38 ity, of a superficial experience of life. His work has the merit of emphasizing that a characteristic dimension of the postmodern era is given by the fact that seduction becomes an instrument of interpreting reality, even if this reality is visible only in the minimal shapes seduction and communication take.39 This is a good opportunity to reveal that philosophy may offer an authentic language of communication, of experiencing the ultimate meanings and of framing it in daily life. The various means of investigating philosophy have in common the fact that they set into motion a type of seduction of philosophy. The result is that every time the desire to escape daily banality will supersede our tendency to place borders in relation to the various ways of becoming aware of the need for authenticity that we feel as human beings. Philosophy • 147

Starting from Socrates’ affirmation that “the unexamined life is not worth living,” Lou Marinoff says that “examining one’s own life from a philosophical perspective is not only possible, but advisable.”40 Moreover, when Aurel Codoban states that “Seduction lives from communication and in communication, and its reality is only a communicational one,”41 or when Jean Baudrillard says that “the basic dynamic of the world is seduction,”42 they reveal the meaning of philosophy as testing, provoking, as fascination with the values and the beauty of an existence experienced by bringing them in our personal lives. Personal development may benefit from the seduction of philosophy as irresistible attraction, as attraction towards accomplishing something on a higher ontological level. Bearing in mind a minimal form of seduction, the way in which we speak and the existence of a minimal ethics, the seduction of the leader can be especially noticed in the way she/he assumes a vision according to which she/he organizes her/his professional life and daily existence. She/he has a philosophy of life that can be offered as an alternative to the life lived without the awareness of its value, as an alternative to the life lived without strategies connected to the meaning of the actions undertaken, as an alternative to the life lived without a clear plan of development and personal and professional fulfillment. A life lived with the knowledge of the possibility to accomplish the real potential that is offered is the life of the leader that needs to surface within each person that assumes the role of a leader—manifesting one’s influence in other people’s lives. q

Notes

1. Pascal Bruckner, Paradoxul iubirii, translated by Irina Mavrodin (Bucharest: Trei, 2011), 63. 2. Ibid., 62. 3. Paul Heger, “The Seducer and the Rapist,” Journal of Ancient Judaism 6, 2 (2015): 232–252. 4. Jean Baudrillard, Seduction, translated by Brian Singer (Montreal: New World Per- spectives, 1990), 1. 5. Ibid., 8. 6. Jean Baudrillard, Cuvinte de acces, translation and preface by Bogdan Ghiu (Bucha- rest: Art, 2008), 31. 7. Erin Amann Holliday-Karre, “The Seduction of Feminist Theory,” Feminist Theory 16, 1 (2015): 31–48. 8. Michelle Ballif, Seduction, Sophistry, and the Woman with the Rhetorical Figure (Car- bondale–Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 2001), 12. 9. Ibid., 81. 10. Bruckner, 30–31. 148 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

11. Baudrillard, Seduction, 3. 12. Aurel Codoban, Amurgul iubirii: De la iubirea-pasiune la comunicarea corporalã (Cluj- Napoca: Idea Design & Print, 2004). 13. Rujie Qu, Onne Janssen, and Kan Shi, “Transformational Leadership and Follower Cre- ativity: The Mediating Role of Follower Relational Identification and the Moderating Role of Leader Creativity Expectation,” Leadership Quarterly 26, 2 (2015): 286–299. 14. Gilles Lipovetsky, A treia femeie, translated by Radu Sergiu Ruba and Manuela Vra- bie (Bucharest: Univers, 2000), 40. 15. Aurel Codoban, “Manipulare, seducþie ºi ideologie ostensivã,” Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies 2, 4 (2003): 133. 16. Platon, Banchetul. Marsilio Ficino, Asupra iubirii sau “Banchetul” lui Platon, translated by Cezar Papacostea and Nina Façon (Timiºoara: Editura de Vest, 1992). 17. Codoban, “Manipulare, seducþie ºi ideologie ostensivã,” 134. 18. Ibid., 138. 19. So⁄ ren Kierkegaard, Jurnalul seducãtorului, translated by Kjeld Jensen and Elena Dan (Bucharest: Scripta, 1992). See also Paul L. Holmer, On Kierkegaard and the Truth, eds. David J. Gouwens and Lee C. Barrett III (Cambridge: James Clarke, 2012). 20. ªtefan Vlãduþescu and Dan Valeriu Voinea, “How the Message Becomes Part of the Com- munication Process,” Social Sciences and Education Research Review 3, 2 (2016): 134. 21. Christopher A. Howard, “Touring the Consumption of the Other: Imaginaries of Authenticity in the Himalayas and beyond,” Journal of Consumer Culture 16, 2, Spe- cial Issue (2016): 354–373. 22. Aurel Codoban, “From Persuasion to Manipulation and Seduction (A Very Short History of Global Communication),” Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies 5, 14 (2006): 155. 23. Iulia Grad and Sandu Frunzã, “Postmodern Ethics and the Reconstruction of Au- thenticity in Communication-Based Society,” Revista de cercetare ºi intervenþie socialã 53 (2016): 326–336. See also Cristian Iftode, “Postmodern Ethics, Multiple Selves, and the Future of Democracy,” Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies 14, 42 (Winter 2015): 3–26. 24. Mihaela Frunzã, “Advertising, Gender Stereotypes and Religion: A Perspective from the Philosophy of Communication,” Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies 14, 40 (Spring 2015): 72–91; A. van Niekerk and E. Lubbe, “Rhetorical figures as intellectual play in advertising communication,” Tydskrif Vir Geesteswetenskappe 54, 3 (2014): 446–461. 25. Anne Krogstad and Aagoth E. Storvik, “Reconsidering Politics as a Man’s World: Images of Male Political Leaders in France and Norway,” Historical Reflections- Reflexions Historiques 36, 3 (2010): 19–38. 26. Sandu Frunzã, “Political Communication and the Median Space of Religious Expe- rience,” Revista de cercetare şi intervenþie socialã 39 (2012): 176–186. 27. Hannah Arendt, Originile totalitarismului, 3rd edition, translated by Ion Dur and Mircea Ivãnescu (Bucharest: Humanitas, 2014). 28. Mihnea S. Stoica, “Political Myths of the Populist Discourse,” Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies 16, 46 (2017): 63–76. Philosophy • 149

29. Nicoleta Corbu, Valeriu Frunzaru, Mãdãlina Boþan, and Constantin Schifirneþ, “Sta- bilirea agendei publice referitoare la Uniunea Europeanã: Alegerile europarlamen- tare din 2009, în România,” in Europenizarea societãþii româneşti şi mass-media, ed. Constantin Schifirneþ (Bucharest: Comunicare.ro, 2011), 158–179. 30. Arthur Schopenhauer, Lumea ca voinþã şi reprezentare, vol. 2, translation and glossary by Radu Gabriel Pârvu (Bucharest: Humanitas, 2012), 625. 31. Cristian Iftode, Filosofia ca mod de viaþã: Sursele autenticitãþii (Piteºti: Paralela 45, 2010). 32. Sandu Frunzã, “Ethical Leadership, Religion and Personal Development in the Context of Global Crisis,” Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies 16, 46 (2017): 3–16. 33. Louis Althusser, Iniþiere în filosofie pentru nefilosofi, text established by G. M. Gosh- garian, preface by Alain Badiou, translated by Iulia Dondorici (Cluj-Napoca: Tact, 2016), 31. 34. Jean-François Lyotard, De ce sã filosofãm? translated by Ciprian Mihali and Lelia Marcãu (Cluj-Napoca: Casa Cãrþii de ªtiinþã, 2013), 92–93. 35. John C. Maxwell, Începe sã gândeºti, translated by Iris Manuela Anghel-Gîtlan (Bu- charest: Amaltea, 2005), 72. 36. Daniel Goleman, Focus: Motivaþia ascunsã a performanþei, translated by Iustina Cojo- caru and Bogdan Georgescu (Bucharest: Curtea Veche, 2014). 37. John C. Maxwell, Totul despre lideri, atitudine, echipã, relaþii, translated by Iris Manuela Anghel-Gîtlan (Bucharest: Amaltea, 2006), 140. 38. Bert Olivier, Philosophy and Communication: Collected Essays (Bern: Peter Lang, 2009). 39. Sandu Frunzã, Advertising Constructs Reality: Religion and Advertising in the Con- sumer Society (Bucharest: Tritonic, 2014). 40. Lou Marinoff, Întrebãri fundamentale: Filosofia îþi poate schimba viaþa, translated by Oana Zamfirache (Bucharest: Trei, 2013), 484. 41. Codoban, “From Persuasion to Manipulation and Seduction,” 155. 42. Jean Baudrillard, Celãlalt prin sine însuºi, translated by Ciprian Mihali (Cluj: Casa Cãrþii de ªtiinþã, 1997), 45.

Abstract Seduction, Communication and Leadership

In the present text, seduction is released from the pressure of negative significations that accom- pany the theological and erotic registers. Viewed from the perspective of a theory of communication, seduction works as an instrument to build interpersonal communication and public communication. Starting with the idea of a philosophy of seduction and the seduction of philosophy, we are talking about a minimal seduction that works within personal development strategies and leadership. The premise is that the marketing of seduction implies having a life philosophy, revealing the need for a philosophy to participate in building a meaning and to open towards the existential meanings of valuing the subject as a relational subject in a vision that is essential for the leader to organize her/his professional and daily life around.

Keywords communication, public communication, philosophy of seduction, seduction of philosophy Book Reviews

genres de la culture écrite. Dès ses origines Sorin Mitu gréco-latines, l’histoire locale ou celle du De la Burebista la Iohannis. Istorii, monde connu a incorporé, outre la succes- analize, satire sion de faits, les opinions de l’auteur sur (Depuis Byrébistas à Iohannis. Histoires, les sujets abordés, fruits de sa formation et analyses, satires) de sa propre éthique mais aussi des évalua- Iaşi, Polirom, 2017 tions des historiens qui l’avaient précédé. En vertu d’une fidélité remarquable à la tradition des prédécesseurs, les historiens otivée par des raisons pragma- M modernes et contemporains ont cultivé la tiques générées par la perception de la propension à l’introspection méthodique relation avec le temps, investie de signi- et à l’esprit polémique, de sorte que chaque fications religieuses cryptées issues d’un nouvelle direction historiographique s’est besoin de dialogue avec la divinité ou pour proposée de fonder ses propres écoles de des raisons étatiques ou civiques, dominée pensée. Ce qui les individualisait, c’était la par des tendances providentialistes et des manière critique de se rapporter aux pré- revanches anthropo-centristes, l’histoire cédents et la nouvelle interprétation des continue à représenter un cadre de débat dans la république des lettres contempo- conclusions devenues presque officielles raines. Cette permanente maîtresse de la par leur intégration dans les programmes vie a été la bénéficiaire de l’actuel creuset éducatifs et dans le discours étatique. idéologique qui met en cause les para- L’écrit historique roumain a été parfai- digmes socioéconomiques du monde post- tement compatible avec la tendance géné- moderne, de même que l’éthique fondée rale européenne de la réflexion introspec- sur la confiance sans réserves dans le po- tive des historiens et avec les attitudes face tentiel créatif de l’individu, privilégié par aux défis issus de la perception collective de rapport aux formes traditionnelles de soli- l’histoire. L’intégration de la conception et darité. La justesse de ce débat est confir- des méthodes spécifiques de l’investigation mée par la diversité des réflexions que historique moderne a généré des tentatives ceux qui avaient assumé la responsabilité d’affirmation des thèses de philosophie de de leur mission historique ont proposée au l’histoire et des éclaircissements concep- sujet de leur propre démarche. Depuis les tuels concernant le but et le rôle de celle-ci. notations sommaires des chroniques rédi- L’histoire a représenté un livre de la nation gées par les scribes de empires antiques pour les auteurs de la génération roman- d’Orient aux réflexions du père officiel de tique formés à l’école de Herder, l’expres- l’histoire et à la pléiade d’auteurs de l’his- sion de l’appartenance des Roumains à la toriographie classique, l’histoire écrite a civilisation européenne dans l’acception de assumé des principes, a établi des objectifs l’école positiviste, la source essentielle de et s’est individualisée dans le champ des la légitimité nationale des Roumains qui Book Reviews • 151 avait été couronnée par le triomphe de intégrés dans le profil identitaire de la na- 1918 pour la direction historiographique tion et par la tendance de répudier les mé- personnifiée par Nicolae Iorga. Si les mé- thodes classiques de rédaction du discours thodes employées et l’interrogation sur des historiographique. Bien que rivales en ce conclusions affirmées par les historiens des qui concerne la théorie et la méthode de années 1930 ont été brutalement inter- travail, ces deux manières d’approche sont rompues par les expériences totalitaires placées sous les mêmes auspices de l’effort que la société roumaine a connues à partir de redéfinir la position de l’histoire dans de 1938, quand l’histoire a été dégradée la hiérarchie des domaines d’intérêt de la au niveau d’un instrument de propagande société contemporaine. Elles se sont ainsi sous la main du régime politique, le retour matérialisées en une production éditoriale à la démocratie a signifié pour l’histoire inégale comme valeur et comme impor- l’apparition de nouveaux défis issus d’un tance scientifique, depuis les appels à la besoin de refaire les rapports avec la socié- documentation et à l’érudition aux tenta- té et de trouver sa place en un monde de tives de valoriser les opportunités offertes la compétition gouverné par des règles ap- par l’affranchissement de la tyrannie de la proximatives, propres au relativisme moral rigueur classique. de la transition. Le plus récent des livres de l’histo- Les avatars de ces évolutions se re- rien Sorin Mitu, professeur à l’Univer- trouvent dans l’effort de re-crédibiliser sité Babeş-Bolyai et auteur de nombreux l’histoire en relation avec les disciplines ouvrages d’histoire moderne, représente essentielles pour la connaissance globale, une contribution insolite à ce débat et met dans la discussion au sujet de la position en évidence l’intérêt constant de l’auteur de cette discipline dans le cadre des pro- de rendre l’histoire intéressante pour les grammes scolaires et dans le débat sur le nouvelles générations tentées par le refus caractère scientifique de la reconstitution du conformisme docte et des concepts du passé. Les origines de cette dernière partiellement altérés par l’affiliation à la préoccupation sont à chercher dans les démarche politique. Les efforts du pro- efforts des fondateurs de l’historiogra- fesseur d’identifier les moyens les plus phie nationale d’opérer avec des méthodes efficaces de transmission du savoir à ses validées par l’écrit historique européen, disciples, qui ont inspiré les options mé- les efforts des spécialistes en ce sens étant thodologiques de l’auteur et ont d’ailleurs motivés aussi par un certain techno-cen- généré de vives controverses publiques, trisme qui avait dominé les politiques gouvernent une fois de plus sa propension publiques éducationnelles après 1990, ce à l’originalité. L’originalité vise princi- qui a eu des effets immédiats au niveau des palement l’aspect formel de l’ouvrage, sa ressources allouées à la recherche histo- structure affranchie de l’autorité du critère rique. En opposition avec les promoteurs chronologique et la familiarité étudiée du de cette direction qui voulaient renouer les discours. L’intérêt du lecteur est stimulé connexions avec la tradition sur des posi- par l’appel à une véritable chorégraphie tions scientifiques, les adeptes d’une soi- du style, où l’histoire nationale, le per- disant démythification de l’histoire se sont sonnage central du livre, est désacralisée à laissés tenter par le succès garanti de l’ico- travers des connexions avec l’actualité, en noclasme interprétatif au sujet de concepts une tonalité délibérément stridente, par- 152 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) fois ludique. L’option pour l’histoire-essai prétexte pour une série de considérations ou pour l’histoire-problème est accom- sur l’histoire de la Roumanie en général, pagnée d’auto-persiflage, de suggestions en partant de la position de la Transylvanie discursives et de données biographiques, dans le patrimoine imagologique roumain et se refuse toute conclusion investie d’un et de la carrière de quelques personnalités caractère sentencieux. L’apparent icono- politiques transylvaines. L’osmose insolite clasme de la technique du discours, qui entre l’histoire et l’actualité ne diminue pas pourrait tout aussi bien être une stratégie la valeur scientifique de l’ouvrage, qui est de capter l’attention du lecteur, est doublé mise en évidence par les considérations de de la fidélité de l’auteur envers les éléments l’auteur sur la signification de certains hé- qui certifient la dimension scientifique du ros du patrimoine national moderne, sur métier d’historien, l’esprit critique, l’érudi- les réalités roumano-hongroises placées tion et l’organisation de l’exposé. Même en sous les auspices de la compétition géné- l’absence d’une unité thématique, chacun rée par l’affirmation des nationalismes mo- des sujets de l’ouvrage est analysé en vertu dernes, par l’esquisse insolite de l’histoire d’une chronologie propre, la mention des du football roumain, du point de vue de la sources et les exercices d’herméneutique relation entre centralisme et régionalisme rappelant l’auteur de La genèse de l’identité mais aussi des rapports compliqués entre nationale chez les Roumains transylvains. totalitarisme, liberté et puissance écono- Ce double ancrage dans l’innovation mique. et la tradition est explicitement assumé Le chapitre suivant continue cette ten- dès l’Introduction. Elle invite le lecteur à dance à rapporter la partie à l’entier et réfléchir aux diverses acceptions de l’his- cherche à établir la place des Roumains toire, l’ouvrage se définissant non pas dans l’histoire. L’auteur tente de nuan- comme un livre d’histoire mais comme cer ou de contester des lieux communs l’écrit d’un historien sur l’histoire. L’es- dans l’historiographie roumaine au sujet sayiste et l’homme de science confère à de l’origine éloignée des Roumains, de la sa démarche une dimension civique, le fil mobilité géographique des habitants et des rouge de ses analyses étant l’intérêt pour différences entre l’élite et la majorité rurale le destin de son pays et pour les facteurs activée par le dynamisme des commen- qui en inhibent l’évolution dans la poste- cements de la modernité. Ce préambule modernité. L’auteur établit lui-même les organisé en conformité avec les exigences limites de la valeur scientifique du livre en chronologiques d’un ouvrage historique déclarant qu’il continue en quelque sorte est suivi de considérations sur des concepts la série d’articles de vulgarisation publiés comme la nation, l’État et ses fonctions dans la revue Sinteza. et, surtout, la dimension réelle ou sym- La première section de ce plaidoyer bolique de ces dernières. Le non-confor- pour un dadaïsme historiographique a misme de l’auteur inspire aussi sa réflexion pour objet la Transylvanie, avec son pré- sur l’imaginaire collectif roumain et sur la sent et son passé, assumée par l’auteur conduite politique des Roumains à l’égard comme zone d’appartenance et comme des nations voisines, relevant la même ten- espace de thésaurisation de loyautés per- dance à démythifier des thèmes comme les sonnelles. L’histoire régionale devient un relations roumano-serbes. Le champion de Book Reviews • 153 l’innovation historiographique s’avère tou- La troisième section concerne la société tefois fidèle à des stéréotypies présentes au roumaine et son évolution de la tradition à niveau de l’écrit historique et des théories la modernité. Elle est centrée sur la famille géopolitiques sur la russophobie inspirée traditionnelle et sur le village roumain et, par l’axe est-ouest ou sur la précarité des surtout, sur leurs projections culturelles et valeurs démocratiques en Russie contem- les débats qu’elles avaient générés durant poraine. Les chapitres consacrés aux rela- les deux siècles d’existence de la culture tions roumano-russes se remarquent par roumaine moderne. Le chapitre contient la même structure éclectique du discours aussi des fragments d’histoire du mental ancré en une lecture propre des réalités his- collectif telle que la relation entre l’indi- toriques, alors que les conclusions sont tri- vidu, la famille et la communauté, l’arché- butaires des préjugés rencontrés dans l’écrit type du héros, essentiel dans un monde roumain, telle que la tendance à diaboliser affecté par la crise de repères, ou bien la la Russie, vue comme la principale menace réflexion originale sur Père Noël. à l’adresse de la Roumanie, à hypertrophier Les notations de la quatrième section les moments de conflit et à diminuer l’im- forment la composante la plus cohérente portance des événements telles que les ini- du point de vue des exigences de l’écrit tiatives de Dimitrie Cantemir ou bien les historique classique et représentent une partenariats roumano-russes au moment histoire sommaire de la culture roumaine à de la conquête de l’indépendance d’État ou travers l’introspection opérée par les intel- au cours de la Première Guerre mondiale. lectuels des deux derniers siècles, entière- Les convictions fermes de l’auteur par- ment compatible avec les préoccupations viennent à inhiber la disponibilité pour la générales de l’auteur. La présentation des tolérance, tendance manifeste par la néga- opinions des adeptes et des contestataires tion de la légitimité des options contraires, des paradigmes de la modernisation de la qui sont expédiées dans une zone de vul- Roumanie et la prolongation de ce débat nérabilités aux prétendus ressorts de psy- au cours du XXe siècle et même à présent chanalyses ou dans la zone de la pensée est suivie de considérations qui portent anti-système. La liberté interprétative as- l’empreinte des options éthiques et intel- sumée comme une prémisse de l’ouvrage lectuelles de l’auteur au sujet des hiérar- revient dans l’analyse de la relation entre chies et des dichotomies qui touchent les libertés individuelles et la sécurité dans l’intellectualité roumaine. Son intérêt le contexte des menaces générées par les porte à la fois sur les récepteurs de l’acte de crises du Proche Orient. Le final de cet culture, l’évolution de l’enseignement, les excursus vise les conséquences d’un événe- dilemmes éthiques de la société roumaine ment de l’histoire récente que la mémoire tels que l’histoire et l’impact de la délation. collective n’a pas encore entièrement inté- La section finale révèle une autre di- gré, la première décennie de présence de la mension de l’historien-auteur, celle de per- Roumanie dans l’Union européenne. Les sonnage impliqué dans la vie de la Cité. opinions ouvertement pro-européennes de Ses réflexions portent principalement sur l’auteur ne l’empêchent pas de réfléchir aux les défis et les échecs de la participation défis qui se dressent actuellement devant le de la société à la décision politique mais projet européen. aussi sur les fraudes électorales enregistrées 154 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017) dans l’histoire de la Roumanie moderne et Macarie Drãgoi, ed., contemporaine. L’admiration de l’auteur Artisan of Christian Unity between pour la monarchie constitutionnelle qui North and East: Nathan Soderblom. inspire les derniers chapitres de ce grou- His correspondence with Orthodox page ne l’empêche pas de faire une analyse personalities (1896–1931) sceptique au sujet de la possibilité de la Stockholm: Felicitas Publishing House, Roumanie de revenir à une pareille forme 2014 d’organisation politique. La série d’essais réunis par Sorin Mitu en une tentative de réfléchir à l’histoire Despite his importance for con- des Roumains en tant que partie inté- temporary theology, Nathan Soderblom grante de l’histoire universelle a le mérite (1866–1931) is not very well-known in de capter l’intérêt du lecteur par son ca- the Romanian historical space. The last ractère non-conventionnel et par la série book of His Grace Macarie, the Romanian d’interrogations auxquelles il tente de ré- Orthodox bishop of Northern Europe, pondre. L’historien peut trouver dans cet published in 2014 at Felicitas Publish- ouvrage composite un moyen de rendre ing House of Stockholm, which contains son œuvre plus accessible au public ainsi Soderblom’s correspondence with the Or- que les risques engendrés par l’abandon thodox world between 1896 and 1931, de la rigueur critique et de la cohérence brings him to our attention. thématique, essentielles pour le succès de The editor, Bishop Macarie, is known la mission éternelle de l’historien, la quête among theologians space for his research- de la vérité telle qu’elle a été. À son tour, es on ethnography and history. Now, with le lecteur passionné d’histoire pourrait y this anthology, containing the correspon- découvrir une invitation à la réflexion et dence of the aforementioned pastor and même à la contestation, dans une tentative bishop of the Evangelical Christians from de concilier la liberté avec la rigueur. Sweden with Orthodox personalities, he q offers a new interesting book and opens a Florian Dumitru Soporan new subject of discussion. His book is preceded by a foreword (pp. 9–11), written by His Beatitude Daniel, patriarch of the Romanian Orthodox Church, who underlines the most important qualities of the Swedish clergyman and shows that: “By publishing the correspondence between Archbishop Nathan Soderblom and the foremost figures of the Eastern Orthodox Church, and also by presenting an analysis of the Stockholm conference of Au- gust 1925, this book shows us the way in which these relations effected the Ortho- dox Church’s opening up to broader dialogue of witness and how the Protestant Book Reviews • 155

Churches, in their turn, gained a deeper form of invitations or briefings, but, from knowledge of Orthodoxy” (p. 10). time to time, there are also long and beau- After the words of the patriarch, the tiful epistles, where the Swedish bishop book contains a long introduction (pp. shows his friendship and attachment to 13–93), where the editor presents the the ones that the letter is addressed to, most important aspects of Soderblom’s or there are investigations of important biography, showing where he was born, problems for the Church. The same thing who his parents were, where and when happens with the replies. For example, (Uppsala, between 1883 and 1892, then the invitation to the Ecumenical Confer- in France) he studied, how he became fa- ence in Stockholm for 31 December 1924, miliar with the Oriental culture and spiri- addressed to the Metropolitan Nicolae tuality and how he started to develop a Bãlan of Sibiu can be put in the first sec- long cooperation with it. Then, the editor tion (pp. 437–438), just like the reply of presents some aspects of Soderblom’s cor- Vartolomeu of Râmnic and George Ispir respondence, including Soderblom’s im- to the invitation to the same conference pressions of the Orthodox Churches and (pp. 442–443), while the letter from of the bishops he had met (pp. 17–25), Victor Popescu to the Evangelical bishop but also considerations about Soderblom’s (pp. 453–455) can be put in the second correspondence with the historical patri- one. archates of Constantinople, Jerusalem, Written in a simple and interesting Antioch and Alexandria (pp. 25–47), and way, with beautiful technical touches, the with other Orthodox Churches (such as book of His Grace Macarie brings into house of Russia, Romania, Serbia, Bul- discussion new aspects from the history garia, Georgia, and so on). of practical ecumenism and offers a new Subsequently, the documents are seg- and interesting subject for discussion and mented into 14 chapters, each one corre- investigation. Thus, the need to highlight sponding to a Church institution. There- this book and to emphasize some aspects fore, in the book, the reader can find the of its content is evident. correspondence of Nathan Soderblom with q the Ecumenical Patriarchate, maintained Iuliu-Marius Morariu between 1915 and 1931 (pp. 93–238), with the patriarchates of Alexandria (pp. 239–268), Jerusalem (pp. 269–275), and with the Churches of Russia (pp. 276– 394), Serbia (pp. 395–422), Romania (pp. 423–461), Bulgaria (pp. 463–490), Georgia (pp. 491–498), Cyprus (pp. 499– 502), Greece (pp. 503–516), Poland (pp. 517–534), Finland (pp. 535-452), the Coptic Church of Egypt (pp. 543–546), Armenia (pp. 547–550) and the Church of Malabar and India (pp. 551–552). Often, we find short and telegraphic texts, in the 156 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

contemporary history, Mihnea S. Stoica Mihnea S. Stoica Populismul în Europa: Dezvoltare proposes a transdisciplinary approach istoricã, discurs politic şi susþinãtori (rejoining the historical-geographic evo- ai dreptei radicale lution of populism and the recourse to (Populism in Europe: Historical develop- demographic themes, which stand as a ment, political discourse and supporters foundation of the populist speech of the of the radical right) radical right). The volume in question Cluj-Napoca: Presa Universitarã Clujeanã, proposes a heuristic analysis model, able to 2017 deconstruct, understand and integrate the populist messages within a logical scheme applicable to empirical research. The book is structured in two sections. n recent times, the phenomenon of I The theoretical approach aims to bring to populism has been automatically included as a “fashionable” concept in politics (pre- light the essence of contemporary popu- dominantly in the context of elections). In lism, emphasizing the ongoing dispute Europe, more or less recent events (the ter- within the literature regarding the inte- rorist attacks in Paris, the crisis of the refu- gration of the abovementioned concept, gees, etc.) favored the consolidation and either as an ideology or a political strategy. diversification of the populist discourse In the empirical part, Stoica underlines the of the parties. The increased attention to populist tactics attracting the votes and populism is justified by several facts: in electoral loyalty towards the extreme right many countries, leaders, parties and pop- political parties. As assumed by the author, ulist movements have become relevant, the core of the book reflects the analysis of based on unexpectedly good electoral per- “populism in relation to the radical right, formance. Generally speaking, democratic coagulated in political entities that have systems continue to face the danger of var- recorded important political successes in ious forms of political radicalism, above all contemporary Europe” (p. 11). that of ethnocentric populism. The systematic study of populism is in- Despite the increased interest in under- creasing due to the fact that the 2014 Eu- standing the changing political landscapes ropean Parliament elections have become and features of populism in East Europe, a zero point in the rise of extremist par- there is very little research dedicated to ties in Europe. Political organizations with Romanian populism. In relation to these strong Euroskeptic, nationalist or ultra- ambiguities and conceptual inconsisten- conservative views have come to represent cies, we would like to bring to attention a the interests of millions of European citi- book published by Mihnea S. Stoica. The zens disappointed with the performance volume structured in six chapters aims of traditional parties and concerned with to fill a gap in the scientific literature on the crises that have eroded confidence in populism from a political communication the values of the European Union. Grosso perspective, providing a critical under- modo, the scientific ambition of the author standing of current European trends (fois to portray the political parties which cusing primarily on right-wing populism). manifested themselves through rhetorical Extremely familiar with the populist phe- violence, rather than the entities engaged nomenon and with a solid background in in acts of physical violence (the latter Book Reviews • 157 being usually the object of study concern- mocracy and media-centrism) designed to ing extremist political movements). attract as many votes as possible without Undeniably, populism has different a solid ideological foundation” (p. 19). meanings depending on the context or the In support of this perspective, the author author. All specialists recognize the diffi- adopts a neutral position highlighting the culty, if not the impossibility, of finding a adaptable nature of populism, which is be- definition capable of covering the common ing applied as an umbrella term by parties aspects of extremely diverse manifestations on the right and on the left side of the po- in time and space. At the same time, this litical spectrum. very possibility to define different, of- The first part of the book explores the ten contradictory, realities has made the historical roots of populism following term populism intensely used and popu- three perspectives: linguistic, historical- lar among researchers. It is imperiously geographic and political-ideological. In necessary to notice that Mihnea S. Stoica the end, the author identifies a few lines of does not place populism into an ideologi- continuity between classical and contem- cal universe. The researcher argues that porary populism. From an American per- ideologies excel through ambiguity, raising spective, populism developed in the 19th uncertainties about the basis and validity of century is a mass movement of indepen- our deepest questions. Following this as- dent farmers and other modest social cat- sumption, the possible correlation between egories that start from the grassroots and ideology and populism would only nurture express some real interests of its adherents, the “chameleonic” features of the latter, at even though they are often defined in a the same time offering a precarious ground nebulous way. In nuce, this type of popu- for justifying its intrinsic components. As lism revives the idea of a Jeffersonian dein the case of ideology, populism encapsu- mocracy: a patriarchal society of farmers- lates pejorative connotations. Assimilating citizens and a minimal state that can only the perspective of Slavoj Žižek, the author be felt through subsidies. In the Russian confirms that populism is being often per- version, populism is essentially a product ceived as Euroskepticism. Stoica argues of urban intelligence fed with German Ro- that “the confusion between ideology and manticism and marginalized in terms of populism is maintained due to the fact political decision-making. Foreign ideas that populism works close to ideologies, as alter the true spirit of the nation, forcing ‘conceptual sieves.’ In other words, what Russian populism to apply its own grid to remains above this ‘sieve’ is populism, and peasant tradition, and thus derive specific what is going through it is ideology in its forms of social-economic organization, purest form” (p. 336). usually collectivist. The relationship with In order to establish a political identity the state is not even clear here: especially for populism and clarify its “constitutional through its anarchist component, the na- ambiguity” (P.-A. Taguieff), Mihnea S. tional movement is an enemy of principle Stoica presents the concept as “a politi- of the existing state institutions. On the cal super-strategy, that is, an ensemble of other hand, there is a strong nostalgia for communication strategies (anti-elitism/ the (hypothetical) mystical unity of the conspiracy, stigmatization, political re- people grouped in village communities, dundancy, the call for absolute direct de- rebuilt in a supposedly medieval tradition. 158 • Transylvanian Review • Vol. XXVI, No. 3 (Autumn 2017)

Moving forward to contemporary pop- ain). The punctilious analysis is performed ulism, Mihnea S. Stoica contends that the taking into consideration the agreement central element in the populist discourse is method. The scientific endeavor of Stoica the importance of the people, since popu- is to prove that “despite the different geo- lists identify themselves with an idealized graphical positioning, historical experi- community to which they belong (empha- ences and different political developments, sizing a sense of community and unity). populism develops relatively identical fea- The second central element of populism is tures” (p. 20). Mastering a variety of rig- antagonism, expressed not only against a orous methodological instruments in ad- corrupt elite, but against a more general dressing this case studies, he analyses party category, an “alter” built by context (in documents, interviews or press statements which we include corrupt elites, a certain of the party representatives, and newspa- social category, an ethnicity, etc.). Popu- per articles, printed or online, regarding lism identifies itself as demagogy and anti- the activity of the respective parties. system rhetoric, and those who are using Mihnea S. Stoica identifies similari- it are accused of dissimulating the direct ties regarding the populist tactics applied dialogue with citizens, a dialogue that they by contemporary parties. In Europe, but actually do only through televisions, hence also throughout the world, populism has the birth of concepts such as “tele-popu- proven to be a winning strategy. Populism lism” and “video demagogy” (p. 59). and extremism have come to be seen as vi- Adopting the position of M. Canovan, able alternatives in various corners of the the author assumes that, charismatic lead- world, in important countries, which we ers spread an “extra emotional ingredient” consider to be states with solid democracy. that distinguishes populist politics from The discourse applied by the leaders of routine politics, transforming it into a the National Front, the Freedom Party of campaign to save the country. In this way, Austria etc., are based on an incessant at- “populism succeeds, however, nothing tack upon the capabilities and competitive- more than an apparent resuscitation of de- ness of the European Union, as well as the liberative democracy, because it does not poor administration of the immigration propose reconnecting through real solu- crisis. Marine le Pen (the National Front), tions with the electorate, but exploits their Jörg Haider (the Freedom Party of Aus- immediate needs, creating the illusion that tria), Timo Soini (the Finns Party etc.) use the voice of the voter is heard” (p. 84). messages that fully exploit the component The second part of the book presents of national identity, defined by religion, seven illustrative case studies on radical ethnicity, or culture, cultivating the adher- right-wing parties in the European space, ence to xenophobia and authoritarianism which have adopted the populist super- in terms of immigration or the free move- strategy: the National Front (France), ment of people. the Northern League (Italy), the Free- In the Romanian case, the populist dis- dom Party of Austria (Austria), the Free- course is not coagulated around citizens, dom Party (the Netherlands), the Finns but rather towards the organic community Party (Finland), the Dan Diaconescu whose borders are defined by Romanians, People’s Party (Romania) and the United the Orthodox religion, and a mythical Kingdom Independence Party (Great Brit- history. The pathogens are primarily the Book Reviews • 159

Hungarian minority (in the 1990s), but the following questions: Is Euroskepticism also other groups of “foreigners” who are an opportunistic movement of parties to fighting against Romania (Americans, gain more political support in the national Jews, Hungarians, etc.). These extremist context? Which parties are inclined to use or populist parties try to convince us that populist features? What should be done national sovereignty can only be saved if to limit populism and save the European these values can be defended, invocating a Union? The volume stresses the need to rejection of the ideas of multiculturalism, understand populism from a discursive by proposing a nostalgia for a mythical point of view, encapsulating the interpre- world of racial and cultural homogeneity, tation of visual, oral, written actions and but at the same time allowing the develop- messages of several contemporary political ment of threats posed by Islam, terrorism populist leaders. The constant application or immigration. of populist rules determines the de-profes- In the second part of the volume, sionalization of the political environment Mihnea S. Stoica focuses on building and, as a consequence, leads to a deep the profile of the electorate of the radical institutional instability (in governments, right-wing populist parties presented in public administration, national political the first half of the book. In this way, the institutions). However, a solution to stop author fulfils the quality condition of re- the rise of populism is the “resuscitation” search, enriching the comparative litera- of the public agenda by affirming right ture on populism through this transdisci- or left answers to migration, a sustain- plinary approach. able economic model to be followed, and The statistical data used as foundation European integration. Until a sustainable for this rigorous work was provided by plan is devised, the artificial consensus be- Kieskompas, a Dutch research institute tween the two ideologies is an invitation based in Amsterdam. The author sought to the rise of populism and the constant to identify and arrange the distribution “Balkanization” of the political sphere. of these people in electoral colleges, by q drawing maps for six of the seven case Iulia Medveschi studies (in the absence of data for the Netherlands case). In order to provide a stronger picture in respect to the views of these populist supporters compared to those who express loyalty for others parties, the author divided the questions into three categories: those that refer to cultural opinions, economic opinions and, ultimately, those referring to the European Union. This book is a valuable resource for specialists in political communication, contemporary history and researchers studying the populist phenomena, offering pertinent observations and answers to contributors

Mircea-Gheorghe Abrudan, Ph.D. St. Katharine’s Lodge, The Scores, St. Andrews Fife, Researcher at George Bariþiu Institute of History, KY169BA, United Kingdom Romanian Academy e-mail: [email protected] 12–14 Mihail Kogãlniceanu St., Cluj-Napoca 400084, Romania Iulia Medveschi, Ph.D. candidate e-mail: [email protected] Department of Communication, Public Relations and Advertising, Faculty of Political, Administrative Veronica Câmpian, Ph.D. and Communication Sciences, Babeş-Bolyai Lecturer at the Faculty of Political, Administrative and University Communication Sciences, Babeº-Bolyai University 71 General Traian Moºoiu St., Cluj-Napoca 400132, 71 Traian Moºoiu St., Cluj-Napoca 400132, Romania Romania e-mail: [email protected] e-mail: [email protected]

Horaþiu Sorin Dan, Ph.D. Iuliu-Marius Morariu, Ph.D. candidate Lecturer at the Faculty of European Studies, Babeº- Faculty of Orthodox Theology, Babeş-Bolyai Bolyai University University 1 E. de Martonne St., Cluj-Napoca 400090, Romania Episcop Nicolae Ivan St., Cluj-Napoca 400692, e-mail: dan.horatiu.sorin @gmail.com Romania e-mail: [email protected] Sandu Frunzã, Ph.D. Professor at the Department of Communication, Ioan-Aurel Pop, Ph.D. Public Relations, and Advertising, Babeº-Bolyai Member of the Romanian Academy, rector of University Babeş-Bolyai University, director of the Center 71 T. Moşoiu St., Cluj-Napoca 400132, Romania for Transylvanian Studies e-mail: [email protected] 12–14 Mihail Kogãlniceanu St., Cluj-Napoca 400084, Romania Peter Labanc, Ph.D. e-mail: [email protected] Senior lecturer at the Faculty of Philosophy, Trnava University Vesselin Popov, Ph.D. 23 Hornopotočná St., Trnava 91843, Slovakia Research professor in the School of History, e-mail: [email protected] University of St. Andrews St. Katharine’s Lodge, The Scores, St. Andrews Fife, Olga Lukács, Ph.D. KY169BA, United Kingdom Associate professor at the Faculty of Reformed e-mail: [email protected] Theology, Babeş-Bolyai University 7 Horea St., Cluj-Napoca 400174, Romania Florian Dumitru Soporan, Ph.D. e-mail: [email protected] Researcher at the Center for Transylvanian Studies, Romanian Academy Mircea Teodor Maniu, Ph.D. 12–14 Mihail Kogãlniceanu St., Cluj-Napoca Associate professor at the Faculty of European 400084, Romania Studies, Babeº-Bolyai University e-mail: [email protected] 1 E. de Martonne St., Cluj-Napoca 400090, Romania e-mail: [email protected] Marc Stegherr, Ph.D. Associate professor at the Institute for Slavic Elena Marushiakova, Ph.D. Philology, Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität Research professor in the School of History, 1 Geschwister-Scholl-Platz, Munich 8059, Germany University of St. Andrews e-mail: [email protected]