The President and the Party While the Newspapers Are Full of the Senate Has Already Sustained That Defeated Brown
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VOL. IX, No. 8 APRIL 15, 1973 FORUM 25 CENTS The President and the Party While the newspapers are full of The Senate has already sustained that defeated Brown. Before the GOP stories about the growing battle be the President's veto of the Vocational caucus, U.S. Rep. Dan H. Kuykendall tween the Republican President and Rehabilitation bill, with the Republi (Tenn.) commented: "Every time a the Democratic-dominated Congress, cans supporting the White House 31- story mentions that Bud Brown has little attention has been paid to the to-10. But it appears that it was not the White House blessing, he loses lack of solidarity within the GOP's so much a question of priorities as, in more votes." own ranks. Whether it is over such Senate Minority Leader Hugh Scott's This estrangement can be traced to policy questions as funding priorities words, "that unless [Republicans} use last fall when President Nixon failed and "executive privilege" or such po our power to sustain the veto, we to make as many personal appearances litical affairs as Richard Nixon's lead wouldn't be taken seriously by the with GOP candidates as Republican ership of the party, the GOP is sharp Democrats." leaders desired. Further, U.S. Rep. Sil ly divided. And, it is not so much the The White House's assertion of vio Conte (Mass.) recently revealed traditional split between the GOP's "executive privilege" for presidential that the White House told Bob Wilson conservative and progressive wings as assistants in the Watergate investiga that he should not attempt to defeat between the Republicans on Capitol tion has also brought out GOP in 55 Democratic congressmen, mostly Hill and in the White House. dependence. Senator Scott has said he from the South, who were friendly to The President's efforts at limiting will not "interfere" if Republicans ward the Administration. the federal budget, to control taxes on the special Senate Watergate Com Finally, despite the well-publicized and inflation, are supported, in prin mittee want to subpoena presidential pledge from the Administration's con ciple, by GOP congressmen. The Re counsel John W. Dean III or others. gressional liaison, William E. Tim publicans on the Joint Economic Sen. Howard H. Baker, Jr. (Tenn.), mons, that there would be more White Committee, for example, unanimously the committee's ranking Republican, House contact with Capitol Hill, GOP voted to back the President's $268.7 believes that at least some testimony congressmen still have little access to billion budget ceiling. by Dean "would be essential to the in the President or his key aides. When But GOP congressmen are quite in vestigation. " Sen. Peter H. Dominick introduced the "Better Schools Act" for the Ad dependent of the Administration on Sen. Lowell P. Weicker, Jr. (Conn.) ministration he did so "as a matter of questions of priorities. When Agri has been the most vocal Republican culture Secretary Earl 1. Butz appear in demanding that Dean testify, but courtesy; a courtesy which I might add was not extended to any of the minor ed before a Senate subcommittee to others include Senators John Tower ity members of the subcommittee in explain that the executive branch had (Texas) and Norris Cotton (N.H.) the form of a request for suggestions, to decide what low-priority programs and U.S. Rep. Philip Crane (Ill.). to cut, Sen. Henry Bellmon (R-OkIa.) advice or guidance with regard to any exploded: "That's the same as saying Another slap at the Administra part of this legislation in its formula that you know more about what's low tion came last month when House Re tion stages by Administration officials." priority than we do and that really publicans elected Robert H. Michel Republicans like Bellmon, Baker, burns us up here." (Ill. ) chairman of the Republican Tower, Cotton, Crane, Michel, Kuyk At the end of the last Congress, the Congressional (Campaign) Commit endall, and Dominick are not candi tee. After last November's election, the President pocket vetoed several bills, dates for the White House's 1974 two of which, the Older Americans White House asked U.S. Rep. Bob Wil Charles E. Goodell Republican Radi Act and the Vocational Rehabilitation son (Calif.), the 12-year chairman, to clib Award. In fact, all are solidly step down in favor of Clarence "Bud" Act, Congress has passed again by bet conservative Republicans. There will, ter than four-to-one. Senate Republi Brown (Ohio), though Wilson resist of course, be times like the vote on the cans voted for the Older Americans ed these pressures until early March. Vocational Rehabilitation veto when bill 30-to-9 and for Vocational Re There was little to distinguish the White House will win all the Re habilitation 35-to-2, while in the Brown from Michel - both were even publican votes necessary; but if the House the GOP supported these meas members of the Chowder and March Administration continues what Senator ures 113-to-65 and 118-to-50 despite ing Society, the club of the GOP Dominick has called its "cavalier at the clear promise of another presiden House establishment - and it was the titude," it will often find itself with tial veto. affliction of Administration support out essential Republican support. RDB political efforts. And despite White House protestations, most Republican leaders were unimpressed with the Ad EDITORIAL ministration's efforts to build the GOP. Complained In diana's national committteeman, 1. Keith Bulen, "You can't even get a telephone call returned from the White Richard Nixon, it should be remembered, was once House unless you're a Southerner. They don't care did a partisan Republican. He earned the 1968 Republican dIy-damn for us or for the state chairmen either." presidential nomination on the campaign trails of 1964 Richard Nixon's re-election campaign was based not and 1966. In those years, when the GOP was so sharp on the new realities of "strategic politics" as defined by ly divided over the Goldwater candidacy, Richard Nix the pollsters, campaign consultants and direct mail spe on traveled the country as "Mr. Republican" sparking cialists who are hired to elect one candidate - and one campaign rallies for GOP congressional, gubernatorial candidate only. For Richard Nixon, they determined and senatorial candidates. that if he was to win the necessary Democratic votes Further, Richard Nixon began his political career in 1972, he should stand, like Eisenhower, above the at the bottom running for Congress, then senator, then partisan battles. Their strategy required that he build vice president, then president - and then, in a step a non-partisan coalition - and if that meant that other down that maintained his party credentials, for governor GOP candidates ",:ould have to go it alone, so be it. of California. He was not like Ronald Reagan or Nel Before, the Republican Party was an asset, but as son Rockefeller, Charles Percy or Francis Sargent, all an incumbent President with the party's nomination Republicans who because of their finances, personality secure, the rules of "strategic politics" dictated that he or luck did not have to work their way up through the ignore those whose support was guaranteed, and con ranks. Nor did he seek, as these Republicans did, to centrate on those non-Republican voters whose sUPp"<>rt project a public image that was above the partisan fray. was needed. The result was that the goal of a umfied Rather, Richard Nixon was a sharply partisan politician Republican campaign - unattainable under Eisenhower who came to symbolize, to the press at least, the worst or Goldwater - was never realized and the hope of of overly partisan politics. responsible party government died, for four more years. But party politics is not without its virtues as David As the leader of the Republican Party, Richard Broder, reporter and columnist for T he Washington Nixon needs to develop a legislative and administra Post, wrote in The Party's Over. This book is a brief tive program that will help build the GOP - that will for "responsible party government" with political par give the party the mandate from the people to exer ties defined as the "central instruments of self-govern cise some responsible party government. But this cannot ment." To Broder, "the governmental system is not be a program unilaterally handed down by White House working because political parties are not working," and aides to GOP congressmen; the Republicans on Capitol the parties "are suffering from simple neglect: neglect Hill have more than made it clear that they will not by Presidents and public officials." be, in Sen. Peter Dominick's words, "the passive and grateful recipient of OMB's set of priorities." Neither Broder was particularly critical of presidents who can the policies be developed without the ideas of the ignored their parties - Lyndon Johnson for his con Republican governors, nor the political priorities estab sensus politics which "saw no constructive role for pub lislied without the aSsistance of the individual members lic debate in the formation of national policy" and of the Republican National Committee. Dwight Eisenhower whose second Administration was "a holiday from party responsibility." Wrote Broder, The President is' the leader of the Republican Par "Finally, and this is a bit ironic, Eisenhower was a ty. But leadership demands more than simply passing shrewd enough politician himself to recognize that his the word as to what will be done next. After the disas own popularity and prestige were so much greater than trous fall campaign, Republicans across the country are his adopted party's that he could only damage his own no longer waiting patiently by the phone for that call standing by letting himself be dragged into the role from the White House to go into action.