2009 Global Hunger Index

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2009 – – – Global Hunger Index The Challenge of Hunger: Focus on Financial Crisis and Gender inequality – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

2009

Global Hunger Index The Challenge of Hunger: Focus on Financial Crisis and Gender Inequality

Klaus von Grebmer, Bella Nestorova, Agnes Quisumbing, Rebecca Fertziger, Heidi Fritschel, Rajul Pandya-Lorch, Yisehac Yohannes

Bonn, Washington D. C., Dublin October 2009 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

The silent hunger crisis – affecting one sixth of all of humanity – poses a serious risk for world peace and security. Jacques Diouf, Director of FAO, 2009

– – – Foreword

The 2009 Global Hunger Index (GHI) report comes in a year in which the world is facing a series of crises – high and volatile food prices combined with financial crunch and economic recession. Unfortunate- ly, these events pose the greatest risks to poor and vulnerable households, with often dire consequences for their food security. This is the fourth year that the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) has calculated and analyzed this multi dimensional measure of global hunger. This series of reports records the state of hunger worldwide and country by country, drawing attention to the countries and regions where action is most needed. In this way, the reports support policy advice and advocacy work on both national and international platforms. It is important to remember that this report offers a picture of the past, not the present. The calculation of the GHI is limited by the collection of data by various governments and international agencies. The 2009 GHI incorporates data only until 2007 – the most recent available. This GHI report therefore does not fully reflect the impact of recent increases in food and energy prices or the economic downturn. The report does, however, highlight the countries and regions facing the greatest risk in the current context. Twenty-nine countries have levels of hunger that are alarming or extremely alarming. South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa continue to suffer from the highest levels of hunger, despite some progress since 1990. Many countries with high rates of hunger are also especially vulnerable to the consequences of the financial and economic crisis – a situation that puts the food security of poor people in these countries at great risk. High rates of hunger also tend to go hand in hand with gender inequality in areas such as economic participation, education, political empowerment, and health. After decades of slow progress in combating global hunger, the number of malnourished people is now rising as a result of recent events. It is our hope that this report will not only generate discussion, but also stimulate action to overcome hunger, extreme vulnerability, and gender inequality worldwide.

Dr. Wolfgang Jamann Prof. Joachim von Braun Tom Arnold Secretary General and Director General of the Chief Executive of Chairperson of Welthungerhilfe International Food Policy Concern Worldwide Research Institute

2009 Global Hunger Index | Foreword 3 Contents

Summary 5

Chapter 01 The Concept of the Global Hunger Index 6 Chapter 02 Global and Regional Trends 10 Chapter 03 Financial Crisis Adding to the Vulnerabilities of the Hungry 16 Chapter 04 Gender Inequality and Hunger 20 Chapter 05 Women’s Role in Tackling Hunger 30

Appendix A Data Sources and Calculation of the 1990 and 2009 Global Hunger Indices 40 B Data Underlying the Calculation of the 1990 and 2009 Global Hunger Indices 41 C 2008 Gender Gap Index and Subindices 44 D Bibliography 48 E Partners 51

4 Contents | 2009 Global Hunger Index Summary

The Global Hunger Index (GHI) shows that worldwide progress in reducing hunger remains slow. The 2009 global GHI has fallen by only one quarter from the 1990 GHI. Southeast Asia, the Near East and North Africa, and Latin America and the Caribbean have reduced hunger significantly since 1990, but the GHI remains distressingly high in South Asia, which has made progress since 1990, and in Sub-Saha- ran Africa, where progress has been marginal. Some countries achieved noteworthy progress in improving their GHI. Between the 1990 GHI and the 2009 GHI, Kuwait, Tunisia, Fiji, Malaysia, and Turkey had the largest percentage improvements. Angola, Ethiopia, Ghana, Nicaragua, and Vietnam saw the largest absolute improvements in their scores. Nonetheless, 29 countries have levels of hunger that are alarming or extremely alarming. The countries with the highest 2009 GHI scores are Burundi, Chad, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Er- itrea, Ethiopia, and Sierra Leone. In most of the countries with high GHI scores, war and violent conflict have given rise to widespread poverty and food insecurity. Nearly all of the countries in which the GHI rose since 1990 are in Sub-Saharan Africa. The current food and financial crises, linked in complex ways, will both have implications for food security, financial and economic stability, and political security. The impacts will be greatest on the poor and hungry, and the countries with the highest levels of hunger are also among the most vulnerable to the global downturn. Although the poor and the hungry are in general hurt the most by the food and financial crises, the exact impacts at the household level differ widely. Policy responses to the food and financial crises must take these different impacts into account. Social protection strategies should be designed to mitigate the current shock for the most vulnerable, lay the foundation for sustainable recovery, and prevent negative impacts in the future. Nutrition interventions, such as school feeding programs and programs for early childhood and maternal nutrition, should be strengthened and expanded to ensure universal coverage. An important part of the solution to global hunger is reducing gender inequality. This report compares the 2009 GHI with the 2008 Global Gender Gap Index, which is made up of four subindices: economic participation, educational attainment, political empowerment, and health and survival. The evidence shows that higher levels of hunger are associated with lower literacy rates and access to education for women. High rates of hunger are also linked to health and survival inequalities between men and women. Reducing gender disparities in key areas, particularly in education and health, is thus essential to reduce levels of hunger.

2009 Global Hunger Index | Summary 5 01 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

Progress was made in reducing chronic hunger in the 1980s and the first half of the 1990s. For the past decade hunger has been on the rise.

– –6 Name des Teilbereich | Chapter 1 | Global Hunger Index 2009 The Concept of the Global Hunger Index

The Global Hunger Index (GHI) – a tool adapted and further developed The potential long-term effects of the food price crisis and recession by IFPRI for regularly describing the state of global hunger 1 – shows on poor women and children are of special concern. High and variable that although hunger varies dramatically by region, overall global food prices and lower incomes may prevent even more poor house- progress in reducing hunger remains slow. The 2009 global GHI holds from providing pregnant mothers and infants and young children has fallen by only one quarter from the 1990 GHI. Since 1990 South- with adequate nutrition. For infants and young children, even tempo- east Asia, the Near East and North Africa, and Latin America and rary undernutrition can have irreversible long-term consequences for the Caribbean have reduced hunger significantly. The GHI remains their future health, cognitive development, and productivity. distressingly high, however, in South Asia, which has made progress Accelerating progress against hunger and malnutrition requires since 1990, and in Sub-Saharan Africa, where progress has been steps to be taken to mitigate the effects of the food shortage and fi- marginal. nancial crisis and working to prevent such crises in the future. The GHI The GHI incorporates three hunger-related indicators (see fol- can contribute to effective responses by highlighting where people are lowing pages 8, 9 for information on how the GHI is calculated). This most vulnerable to hunger. year’s index reflects data from 2002 to 2007 – the most recent avail- 1 For background information on the concept, see Wiesmann (2004), and Wiesmann, von Braun, and Feld- able global data on the three GHI components – and thus does not yet brügge (2000). take account of the latest changes in hunger. For some countries suffering from severe hunger, such as Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia, too little data are available to calculate the GHI.

Most vulnerable affected worst It is clear, however, that the current situation of food crisis, financial crunch, and global recession has further undermined the food security and the livelihoods of the poor. The Food and Agricultural Organiza- tion of the United Nations (FAO) projects the number of under nourished people in the developing world to have increased from 848 million to 1,020 million from 2003-05 to 2009, mainly because of the food crisis and the world economic recession (FAO 2008; FAO 2009). Since the food price hike in 2007–08, prices have been falling, but in many countries they remain above their levels of a couple of years ago. Poor people are now exposed to additional stress stem- ming from the financial crisis as real wages and household incomes decline, jobs are lost, credit is cut, and remittances dwindle. The global recession has also increased uncertainty about the levels of future aid and funds for social protection, which are essential for avoiding hunger and starvation among the most vulnerable.

2009 Global Hunger Index | Chapter 01 | The Concept of the Global Hunger Index 7 What Is the Global Hunger Index?

0 5 10 15

≤ 4.9 5.0–9.9 10.0–19.9 low moderate serious

The GHI is a multidimensional approach to measuring hunger. It of illness, poor physical and cognitive growth, and death. In addi- combines three equally weighted indicators: tion, by combining independently measured indicators, it reduces 1. the proportion of undernourished as a percentage of the popu- the effects of random measurement errors. lation (reflecting the share of the population with insufficient di- The index ranks countries on a 100-point scale, with 0 be- etary energy intake); ing the best score (no hunger) and 100 being the worst, though 2. the prevalence of underweight in children under the age of five neither of these extremes is achieved in practice. Values less than (indicating the proportion of children suffering from weight 4.9 reflect low hunger, values between five and 9.9 reflect moder- loss); and ate hunger, values between ten and 19.9 indicate a serious prob- 3. the mortality rate of children under the age of five (partially re- lem, values between 20 and 29.9 are alarming, and values of 30 flecting the fatal synergy between inadequate dietary intake or higher are extremely alarming. and unhealthy environments). The 2009 GHI and the 1990 GHI presented in this report This multidimensional approach to calculating the GHI of- draw on revised source data and better methods of calculating es- fers several advantages. It captures various aspects of hunger in timates. The “proportion of undernourished” component in the one index number, thereby presenting a quick overview of a com- 2009 GHI is based on the new standards for human energy re- plex issue. It takes account of the nutrition situation not only of quirements of the United Nations (UN) and the 2006 revisions of the population as a whole, but also of a physiologically vulnerable UN population data (for more information, see FAO 2008). The group – children – for whom a lack of nutrients creates a high risk undernourishment component in the 1990 GHI has also been re-

8 The Concept of the Global Hunger Index | Chapter 01 | 2009 Global Hunger Index 20 25 30 35 40

20.0–29.9 ≥ 30.0 alarming extremely alarming

vised to reflect the new UN energy requirements standards and 1990–92 (FAO 2008); data on child mortality are for 1990 population estimates. The IFPRI methodology for estimating the (UNICEF 2009a); and data on child malnutrition are for 1988–92 prevalence of underweight in children has also been improved. 2 (WHO 2009; UNICEF 2009b; and MEASURE DHS 2009). See Although these enhancements in the underlying data and estima- Appendix A for more detailed background data on the data sourc- tion methodologies improve the quality of the GHI, they also make es and calculation of the 1990 GHI and 2009 GHI. the country, regional, and world 2009 GHI values and revised The 2009 GHI is calculated for 121 countries for which 1990 GHI values not directly comparable to previously calculated data on the three components are available and for which measur- GHI values (for more information on previous GHI calculations, see ing hunger is considered most relevant (some higher-income coun- von Grebmer et al. 2008; IFPRI/Welthungerhilfe/Concern World- tries are excluded from the GHI calculation because the preva- wide 2007; and Wiesmann 2006a, b). lence of hunger is very low). Data for the 2009 GHI are from 2002 to 2007. Specifical- 2 A statistical procedure was applied to the variable for underweight in children in the 2009 GHI to ly, the data on the proportion of undernourished are for 2003–05 assure that the estimation process would not produce negative values for underweight. In addition, the database for underweight in children used in the models was substantially expanded compared (FAO 2008); data on child mortality are for 2007 (UNICEF 2009a); with 2008. More data from earlier years were included by converting underweight estimates only and data on child malnutrition are for the latest year in the period available for the outdated WHO/NCHS reference standards to the new World Health Organization (WHO) reference standards released in 2006. 2002–07 for which data are available (WHO 2009; UNICEF 2009b; and MEASURE DHS 2009). Data for the 1990 GHI are for 1988–92. The data on the proportion of undernourished are for

2009 Global Hunger Index | Chapter 01 | The Concept of the Global Hunger Index 9 02 – –

Whereas in Southeast Asia the GHI has decreased by 40 percent, in Sub-Saharan Africa the GHI has fallen by only 13 percent since 1990.

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –10 Name des Teilbereich | Chapter 1 | Global Hunger Index 2009 Global and Regional Trends

As shown in the figure below, the 2009 global GHI shows some im- As indicated on the map on page 12, a handful of countries were able provement over the 1990 GHI, falling from 20.0 to 15.2 or by almost to reduce their GHI scores by half or more from 1990 to 2009. About one quarter. The proportion of underweight children declined by 2.6 one third of the countries made modest progress, reducing their GHI points, and the under-five mortality rate and the proportion of under- scores between 25 and 49.9 percent. No country in Sub-Saharan nourished also improved. The index for hunger in the world as a whole, Africa is among the ten best performers in improving the GHI since however, remains serious. 1990 (see figure on following page), but Ghana cut its GHI by more The picture varies greatly by region and country. The graph be- than 50 percent, the only country in the region to do so. 1 Kuwait’s low illustrates that the 2009 GHI had fallen by 13 percent in Sub-Sa- seemingly remarkable progress in reducing hunger is mainly due to haran Africa compared with the 1990 GHI, by about 25 percent in its unusually high level in 1990, when Iraq invaded the country. The South Asia, and by more than 32 percent in the Near East and North second-best performer, Tunisia, reduced hunger from an already low Africa. Progress in Southeast Asia and Latin America was especially level in 1990. great, with the GHI decreasing by over 40 percent. Among the ten countries in which the GHI rose the most (all in Sub-Saharan Africa, except for North Korea), the Democratic Repub- Reasons behind growing food insecurity lic of Congo is a clear outlier, with the GHI deteriorating by more than The highest regional GHI scores relate to South Asia, at 23.0, and 50 percent (see figure on following page). Conflict and political insta- Sub-Saharan Africa, at 22.1, but the causes of food insecurity in the bility in Burundi, Comoros, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Guin- two regions are different. In South Asia, the low nutritional, education- ea-Bissau, Liberia, and Sierra Leone have increased hunger. In Swazi- al, and social status of women contributes to a high prevalence of un- land, the high prevalence of HIV and AIDS, coupled with high derweight in children under five. In contrast, in Sub-Saharan Africa, inequality, has severely undermined food security despite higher na- low government effectiveness, conflict, political instability, and high tional incomes. Negative trends in economic growth and food produc- rates of HIV and AIDS lead to high child mortality and a high proportion in North Korea have increased rates of undernourishment and un- tion of people who cannot meet their calorie requirements. derweight in children. In Zimbabwe, once regarded as the breadbasket of Africa, the economic collapse has increased the proportion of underweight children.

Contribution of Components to 1990 GHI (based on data from 1988–92) and 2009 GHI (based on data from 2002–07)

35 Under-five mortality rate 30.7 Prevalence of underweight in children 30 Proportion of undernourished 25.4 25 22.1 23.0 20.0 20 15.2 14.5 15

10 8.7 7.7 8.7 5.2 5.1 5

0 GHI GHI GHI GHI GHI GHI GHI GHI GHI GHI GHI GHI 1990 2009 1990 2009 1990 2009 1990 2009 1990 2009 1990 2009 World Sub-Saharan South Asia Southeast Near East & Latin America Africa Asia North Africa & Caribbean

Note: For the 1990 GHI, data on the proportion of undernourished are for 1990–92; data on the prevalence of underweight in children under five are for 1988–92; and data on child mortality are for 1990. For the 2009 GHI, data on the proportion of undernourished are for 2003–05, data on child mortality are for 2007, and data on the prevalence of underweight in children under five are for the latest year in the period 2002–07 for which data are available.

2009 Global Hunger Index | Chapter 02 | Global and Regional Trends 11 Greenland

Iceland

Finland Norway

Sweden Estonia Russian Federation Canada Latvia Country Progress in Reducing the Global Hunger Index Lithuania Belarus (percentage decrease in 2009 GHI compared with 1990 GHI) Poland Czech Rep. Ukraine Aust. Slova. Kazakhstan Switz. Hung. Mold. France Slov. Mongolia Cro. Rom. Bos. & Herz. Serb. Mont. Bulg. Mace. Georgia Uzbekistan Kyrgyz Rep. Italy Alb. Armenia Portugal Spain Azerb. N. Korea United States Greece Turkey Turkmenistan Tajikistan of America Cyprus Syrian S. Korea Japan China Lebanon Arab Rep. Afghanistan Tunisia Israel Iraq Iran, Morocco Jordan Islamic Rep. Kuwait Pakistan Nepal Algeria Egypt, Bahrain Bhutan Libya Qatar Mexico Western Sahara Arab Rep. Bangladesh Saudi Arabia U.A.E. Cuba Dom. Rep. India Myanmar Lao Jamaica Mauritania PDR Belize Mali Oman Haiti Niger Chad Honduras Senegal Eritrea Yemen, Rep. Thailand Philippines Guatemala Sudan Nicaragua The Gambia Burkina Faso Cambodia Vietnam El Salvador Guinea-Bissau Djibouti Trinidad & Tobago Panama Guinea BeninNigeria Costa Rica Venezuela, RB Guyana Côte Togo Ethiopia Sierra Leone d'Ivoire Central African French Guiana Ghana Cameroon Republic Sri Lanka Brunei Suriname Liberia Somalia Colombia Uganda Malaysia Papua Equatorial Guinea Congo, Kenya New Ecuador Gabon Rep. Congo, Rw. Guinea Dem. Rep. Bur. Indonesia Tanzania Solomon Islands Peru Timor-Leste Brazil Comoros Angola Somoa Zambia Malawi Vanuatu Fiji Bolivia Zimbabwe Mozambique Mauritius Namibia Tonga Paraguay Botsw. Increase Note: An increase Chile Madagascar Swaziland Australia in the GHI indi- Decrease of 0.0–24.9% South Lesotho cates a worsening Africa Decrease of 25.0–49.9% of a country’s Argentina Uruguay Decrease of 50% or more hunger situation. A decrease in the Striped countries have 1990 GHI indicates an and 2009 GHI of less than five New Zealand improvement in a country’s hunger No data situation. Industrialized country

Some countries achieved noteworthy absolute progress in improving ca. In most of the countries with high GHI scores, war and violent con- their GHI. Between the 1990 GHI and the 2009 GHI, Angola, Ethio- flict have given rise to widespread poverty and food insecurity. pia, Ghana, Nicaragua, and Vietnam saw the largest improvements – In terms of the index components, the Democratic Republic of by more than 12 points – in their scores. Among the five best absolute Congo and Eritrea currently have the highest proportion of undernour- performers, the reduction in the undernourished population was the ished people – 76 and 68 percent of the population respectively. most significant driving factor, with the exception of Vietnam, where Bangladesh, India, Timor-Leste, and Yemen have the highest preva- the reduction in underweight children played an even greater role. In lence of underweight in children under five – more than 40 percent in the Democratic Republic of Congo, however, the GHI rose by 13.6 all four countries. Sierra Leone has the highest under-five mortality points, mainly because of a rise in the proportion of the population rate – 26.2 percent. that is undernourished. 1 Differences between the GHI winners and losers reported in the 2009 GHI report and the ones reported As shown in the table on page 13, the countries with the high- in the 2008 GHI report are to a large extent due to revisions in the FAO data for undernourishment and improvements in the methodology for estimating the proportion of children underweight. est 2009 GHI scores – Burundi, Chad, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Sierra Leone – are in Sub-Saharan Afri-

GHI Winners and Losers from 1990 GHI to 2009 GHI

Winners (Percentage decrease in GHI) Losers (Percentage increase in GHI) Vietnam -52.0 Congo, Dem. Rep 53.3 Brazil -52.5 Burundi 20.2 Saudi Arabia -53.4 Comoros 18.5 Mexico -54.6 Zimbabwe 9.4 Nicaragua -55.1 Liberia 7.0 Turkey -56.7 Guinea Bissau 6.9 Malaysia -58.0 North Korea 3.4 Fiji -58.3 Gambia, The 3.3 Tunisia -62.7 Sierra Leone 2.1 Kuwait -76.8 Swaziland 1.8

-80 -60 -40 -20 0 20 40 60

Note: Countries with both 1990 GHI less than five and 2009 GHI less than five are excluded.

12 Global and Regional Trends | Chapter 02 | 2009 Global Hunger Index The Global Hunger Index by country, 1990 GHI and 2009 GHI

Rank Country 1990 2009 Rank Country 1990 2009 1 Syrian Arab Republic 7.4 5.2 56 Kenya 20.0 20.2 2 Trinidad and Tobago 7.1 5.4 57 Burkina Faso 21.8 20.4 3 Paraguay 7.6 5.6 58 Pakistan 24.7 21.0 3 Suriname 9.6 5.6 58 Zimbabwe 19.2 21.0 5 China 11.6 5.7 60 Tanzania 22.9 21.1 5 Colombia 9.1 5.7 61 Cambodia 31.7 21.2 7 Morocco 7.3 5.8 62 Djibouti 32.6 22.9 8 Georgia - 6.1 63 Guinea-Bissau 21.6 23.1 8 Venezuela, RB 6.6 6.1 63 Togo 27.8 23.1 10 El Salvador 8.7 6.2 65 India 31.7 23.9 11 Turkmenistan - 6.3 66 Liberia 23.0 24.6 12 Mauritius 7.4 6.7 67 Bangladesh 35.9 24.7 13 Gabon 7.7 6.9 68 Angola 41.5 25.3 14 South Africa 7.2 7.0 68 Mozambique 35.9 25.3 15 Guyana 14.4 7.3 70 Rwanda 29.6 25.4 15 Peru 14.9 7.3 70 Timor-Leste - 25.4 17 Uzbekistan - 7.5 72 Zambia 25.3 25.7 18 Honduras 13.5 7.7 73 Comoros 22.7 26.9 19 Ecuador 13.1 7.8 74 Yemen, Rep. 30.7 27.0 20 Azerbaijan - 7.9 75 Central African Republic 30.0 28.1 20 Panama 10.1 7.9 76 Haiti 33.6 28.2 22 Thailand 16.4 8.2 77 Madagascar 28.1 28.3 23 Armenia - 9.2 78 Niger 36.5 28.8 24 Dominican Republic 14.0 9.3 79 Ethiopia 43.5 30.8 25 Nicaragua 23.4 10.5 80 Chad 37.7 31.3 26 Swaziland 10.9 11.1 81 Sierra Leone 33.1 33.8 27 Bolivia 15.4 11.3 82 Eritrea - 36.5 28 Ghana 23.5 11.5 83 Burundi 32.2 38.7 29 Vietnam 24.8 11.9 84 Congo, Dem. Rep. 25.5 39.1 30 Lesotho 13.0 12.0 31 Botswana 14.5 12.1 32 Guatemala 15.3 12.5 Country 1990 2009 Country 1990 2009 33 Mongolia 16.9 12.9 Albania 8.7 <5 Kyrgyz Republic - <5 34 Philippines 19.0 13.2 Algeria 6.3 <5 Latvia - <5 35 Sri Lanka 21.1 13.7 Argentina <5 <5 Lebanon <5 <5 36 Namibia 19.7 14.4 Belarus* - <5 Libya* <5 <5 37 Côte d'Ivoire 16.0 14.5 Bosnia & Herz. - <5 Lithuania - <5 38 Indonesia 19.7 14.8 Brazil 7.3 <5 Macedonia, FYR - <5 38 Uganda 18.7 14.8 Bulgaria <5 <5 Malaysia 8.8 <5 40 Mauritania 22.1 15.0 Chile <5 <5 Mexico 8.0 <5 41 Congo, Rep. 21.0 15.4 Costa Rica <5 <5 Moldova - <5 42 Benin 23.9 17.2 Croatia - <5 Romania <5 <5 43 Senegal 20.8 17.3 Cuba <5 <5 Russian Federation - <5 44 Cameroon 22.0 17.9 Egypt, Arab Rep. 7.1 <5 Saudi Arabia 6.3 <5 45 Guinea 22.6 18.2 Estonia - <5 Serbia & Mont.1 - <5 46 Nigeria 24.4 18.4 Fiji 6.0 <5 Slovak Republic - <5 46 North Korea* 17.8 18.4 Iran, Islamic Rep.* 8.8 <5 Tunisia 5.1 <5 48 Malawi 30.1 18.5 Jamaica 6.5 <5 Turkey 6.0 <5 48 Tajikistan - 18.5 Jordan <5 <5 Ukraine - <5 50 The Gambia 18.3 18.9 Kazakhstan - <5 Uruguay <5 <5 51 Lao PDR 29.2 19.0 Kuwait 9.5 <5 52 Mali 24.2 19.5 Note: Countries with a 2009 GHI of less than five are not included in the ranking. Differences in the 53 Myanmar* 29.8 19.6 group of countries with a GHI less than five are minimal. Countries that have identical GHI scores are 53 Sudan* 26.3 19.6 given the same ranking (for example, Paraguay and Suriname are both ranked at #3). 1 Serbia and Montenegro are two independent states since 2006, but have been grouped in the GHI, 55 Nepal 27.6 19.8 due to the available data. * indicates that the underlying data are unreliable.

2009 Global Hunger Index | Chapter 02 | Global and Regional Trends 13 Greenland 2009 Global Hunger Index by Severity

Sweden Iceland

Finland Norway Russian Federation

Estonia

United Kingdom Latvia Denmark Lithuania

Canada Neth. Belarus Ireland Poland Germany Bel. Lux. Czech Rep. Ukraine Slovakia Austria Kazakhstan Hungary Mold. France Switz. Slov. Croatia Romania Mongolia Italy Bos. & Herz.Serb. Mont. Bulgaria Georgia Mace. Uzbekistan Kyrgyz Rep. Portugal Albania Armenia Azerb. Spain N. Korea Turkey United States Greece Turkmenistan Tajikistan Japan of America S. Korea Cyprus Syrian China Lebanon Arab Rep. Tunisia Iran, Afghanistan Israel Iraq Islamic Rep. Morocco Jordan Kuwait Algeria Pakistan Nepal Egypt, Bahrain Bhutan Western Sahara Libya Arab Rep. Qatar Mexico Saudi Arabia U.A.E. Bangladesh

Cuba Dom. Rep. Myanmar Lao Mauritania India Mali PDR Belize Jamaica Haiti Niger Oman Honduras Chad Senegal Eritrea Yemen, Rep. Thailand Philippines Guatemala The Gambia Sudan Nicaragua Cambodia Vietnam El Salvador Guinea-Bissau Burkina Faso Djibouti Panama Trinidad & Tobago Benin Costa Rica Guinea Nigeria Venezuela, RB Côte Togo Guyana Sierra Leone Central African Ethiopia d'IvoireGhana French Guiana Republic Brunei Liberia Cameroon Sri Lanka Suriname Somalia Malaysia Colombia Equatorial Guinea Uganda Congo, Kenya Papua Rep. Ecuador Gabon Rw. New Guinea Bur. Indonesia Congo, Peru Dem. Rep. Tanzania Solomon Islands Timor-Leste Comoros Brazil Somoa Angola Malawi Zambia Vanuatu Fiji Bolivia Zimbabwe Mozambique Mauritius Namibia Botswana Tonga Paraguay Chile Madagascar Swaziland Australia

Lesotho South Africa Argentina Uruguay

New Zealand

> 30.0 Extremely alarming 20.0–29.9 Alarming 10.0–19.9 Serious 5.0–9.9 Moderate < 4.9 Low No data Industrialized country

14 Global and Regional Trends | Chapter 02 | 2009 Global Hunger Index Greenland

Sweden Iceland

Finland Norway Russian Federation

Estonia

United Kingdom Latvia Denmark Lithuania

Lesotho South Africa Argentina Uruguay

New Zealand

Note: For the 2009 GHI, data on the proportion of undernourished are for 2003–05, data on child mortality are for 2007, and data on child malnutrition are for the latest year in 2002–07 for which data are available.

2009 Global Hunger Index | Chapter 02 | Global and Regional Trends 15 03 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

The recession-inspired spike in hunger is a symptom of a much deeper problem: the marginalization and disempowerment of the poorest.

– – – –16 Name des Teilbereich | Chapter 1 | Global Hunger Index 2009 Financial Crisis Adding to the Vulnerabilities of the Hungry

The world is currently experiencing both a food and a financial crisis, These channels have different intensities and degrees of importance which are linked in complex ways through their implications for food for different countries. For example, declining terms of trade hurt security, financial and economic stability, and political security. Be- commodity exporters harsher, and the drop in remittances affects Lat- cause developing countries are more integrated within world markets in American countries more severely. Second-round effects of the through trade, investment flows, and remittances than in the past, the global financial crisis and recession (such as transmission of the finan- latest food and financial crises have stronger effects on those coun- cial crisis to other sectors of the economy and drops in government tries than during previous crises. The impact is also stronger on the revenue) exacerbate the negative impacts on the poor and hungry. poor and hungry, many of whom are now more closely linked to the The International Monetary Fund assessed the macroeconom- wider economy. The International Food Policy Research Institute ic vulnerability of low-income countries to the global downturn using (IFPRI) estimates that recession and reduced investment in agricul- four areas of vulnerability: trade, foreign direct investment, aid, and ture could push 16 million more children into malnutrition in 2020 remittances (IMF 2009). Countries were assigned a rank of high, me- compared with continued high economic growth and maintained in- dium, or low overall vulnerability, depending on how much they would vestments (von Braun 2008). Given that children’s undernutrition af- be affected by the financial shock and recession. 1 fects their physical and cognitive development and has implications for their earnings as adults (Hoddinott et al. 2008), the crises will Global recession aggravates situation of the poor and hungry have long-lasting negative implications for people’s livelihoods and The countries with the highest levels of hunger are also among the economic prospects long after prices come down and the financial cri- most vulnerable to the global downturn (see table on page 18). For two sis is resolved. countries with extremely alarming levels of hunger – Burundi and the The financial crisis and the resulting global recession pose di- Democratic Republic of Congo – vulnerability to the global downturn is rect threats to developing countries and transition economies in sever- also very high. Diminished aid flows are the greatest source of vulner- al ways: ability for Burundi, whereas shrinking oil revenues pose the biggest > Falling world trade volumes and changes in terms of trade. The de- threat to the Democratic Republic of Congo. The majority of countries cline in global demand for goods and services has severely hurt with a GHI between 20 and 30 also show high or medium vulnerabili- food exporters around the world. The decline in exports has also ty to the downturn. This analysis also points to those countries that reduced government revenues, which often depend heavily on ex- need measures to prevent exacerbation of hunger in the future. Tran- port revenues in developing countries. Commodity exporters have sition economies with a low 2009 GHI (that is, a relatively favorable experienced an additional blow because of falling terms of trade hunger situation) – Albania, Croatia, Kyrgyz Republic, and Moldova – (falls in the price of exports relative to the price of imports), which are highly vulnerable to the financial crisis and recession and need to limit their ability to import. take steps to prevent an increase in hunger. > Falling foreign direct investment and portfolio investment. Down- turns in investments from abroad limit the already scarce capital and technology in developing countries. Large projects are put on hold or brought to a halt, unemployment surges, and jobs are lost among people in poor households. > Falling remittances. A decline in remittances directly reduces household income in developing countries, lowers human capital investments, and impedes households’ ability to cope with food price hikes and recession. > Increasing gap between needs and foreign aid. Although some do- nor governments have increased their aid volumes, this will not be enough to meet rising needs for protecting the most vulnerable in time of crisis. Where foreign aid budgets are cut, even greater pressures are placed on the capacities of health and education systems as well as the provision of social protection.

2009 Global Hunger Index | Chapter 03 | Financial Crisis Adding to the Vulnerabilities of the Hungry 17 2009 GHI by Severity and Overall Vulnerability to the Global Downturn

≤ 4.9 5.0 to 9.9 10.0 to 19.9 20.0 to 29.9 ≥ 30.0 (low) (moderate) (serious) (alarming) (extremely alarming)

Albania Armenia Ghana Angola Burundi Croatia Honduras Lao PDR Central African Rep. Congo, Dem. Rep. Kyrgyz Republic Lesotho Djibouti Moldova Mauritania Haiti Mongolia Liberia Nigeria Zambia Sudan High Vulnerability High Tajikistan Vietnam Azerbaijan Benin Bangladesh Chad Georgia Cameroon Burkina Faso Eritrea Guyana Congo, Rep. Cambodia Ethiopia Guinea Comoros Sierra Leone Malawi India Nicaragua Madagascar Sri Lanka Mozambique Niger Pakistan Medium Vulnerability Medium Rwanda Tanzania Togo Uzbekistan Bolivia Guinea-Bissau Gambia, The Kenya Mali Yemen, Rep. Myanmar Nepal Senegal Low Vulnerability Uganda

Source: Vulnerability data are from IMF (2009). Note: For the 2009 GHI, data on the proportion of undernourished are for 2003–05, data on child mortality are for 2007, and data on child malnutrition are for the latest year in 2002–07 for which data are available. Table includes only countries for which both 2009 GHI and IMF vulnerability data are available.

At the microeconomic level, the financial crisis has decreased demand in agricultural technologies find themselves unable to pay off their for food and pushed food prices lower. Global food prices are still high, debts. Resources for the most vulnerable, such as aid from donors and however, compared with levels at the turn of the millennium and re- social protection funds from governments, are squeezed as well. main particularly high in developing countries. The financial crunch While the poor and the hungry are in general hurt the most by and recession have presented additional threats to the livelihoods of the food and financial crises, the exact impacts at the household lev- the poor and hungry. Wages of unskilled workers have been cut, jobs el differ widely. The nature and the size of effects depend on house- have been lost altogether, and remittances have diminished. Many hold characteristics such as whether the household is a net food pro- small farmers who took advantage of rising agricultural prices to invest ducer or consumer, the share of food in its budget, its access to

18 Financial Crisis Adding to the Vulnerabilities of the Hungry | Chapter 03 | 2009 Global Hunger Index services and assets, and its vulnerability to nonprice factors (Benson et al. 2008). The direct effects of financial turmoil and the fall in export revenue and remittances are likely to be felt most by the urban poor and those employed in low-skilled manufacturing industries. Yet the rural poor are also severely affected indirectly because of the close rural–urban and farm–nonfarm linkages in many developing countries Fara (Heady 2009). Within households, the food and financial crises also Southern Madagascar affect household members to different degrees. Crises tend to affect women more deeply and for longer because women more often lack “We are living on the edge.” the income and assets that could help them cope with the crisis (Quis- umbing et al. 2008). “We do not understand what is going on in Tana*. The politicians there do not care what happens to Conclusion the coastal populations.” Policy responses to the food and financial crises must recognize that impacts differ across and within countries. Social protection strategies “Many food items have become so expensive that we should be designed to mitigate the current shock for the most vulner- only consume tiny amounts of it, even fish. We eat very able, lay the foundation for sustainable recovery, and at the same time simple things, rice and more often cassava.” prevent negative impacts in the future. Nutrition interventions, such * Antananarivo, the capital as school feeding and programs for improved early childhood nutrition and improved nutrition for pregnant and lactating mothers, should be strengthened and expanded to ensure universal coverage.

1 Countries with high overall vulnerability are projected to experience a decline in real gross domestic product (GDP) of 2.5 percent or more and a decline in reserves of 0.5 months of imports or more. Medium overall vulnerability corresponds to a 0.5–2.5 percent drop in real GDP and a drop in reserves of less than 0.5 months of imports. Low overall vulnerability corresponds to less than a 0.5 percent drop in real GDP. Countries with high overall vulnerability had reserve coverage of less than three months of imports in 2008 and could lose more than an extra 0.5 months in the shock scenario. Countries with medium overall vulnerability either currently have more than three months of export coverage and are projected to lose more than 0.5 months in the shock, or currently have less than three months of coverage and are projected to lose less than 0.5 months with the shock. Countries with low overall vulnerability currently have more than three months of import coverage and are projected to lose less than 0.5 in the shock scenario.

Hojieva Jumagul Kuhistoni Mastcho district, Republic of Tajikistan

“I have a son, who lives in Russia as a migrant. He has helped me during the past 2 years. He regularly sent money, with which we repaired our house, bought a satellite dish and provided for the wedding of my daughter. He has not sent anything for 6 months, saying that he doesn’t have a job there.”

“Neighbours say that many people are afraid to go to Russia now. They are afraid that they will not be able to find jobs.”

2009 Global Hunger Index | Chapter 03 | Financial Crisis Adding to the Vulnerabilities of the Hungry 19 04 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

Gender equality is not simply socially desirable; it is a central pillar in the fight against hunger. UN Millennium Project’s Hunger Task Force, 2005

– – –20 Name des Teilbereich | Chapter 1 | Global Hunger Index 2009 Gender Inequality and Hunger

Reducing global hunger is a matter of great urgency and one that re- in America and the Caribbean (Smith et al. 2003). The study found quires a concerted mobilizaton of resources. Yet one significant factor that women’s status significantly affects child nutrition because wom- that has the potential to make a lasting contribution to reducing hun- en with higher status have better nutritional status themselves, are ger is not being sufficiently addressed. This is the issue of gender in- better cared for, and provide higher-quality care for their children. equality. Equalizing men’s and women’s status in South Asia and Sub-Saharan A large body of evidence based on household-level data shows Africa would reduce the number of malnourished children by 13.4 mil- that reducing gender inequality is an important part of the solution to lion and 1.7 million respectively. Other IFPRI studies in Egypt and global hunger. An IFPRI study explored the relationship between wom- Mozambique (Datt and Jolliffe 1998; Datt, Simler, and Mukherjee en’s status – defined as women’s power relative to men’s power in their 1999) estimate that ensuring that mothers finish primary school re- households and communities – and children’s nutrition in 39 countries duces the proportion of the population below the poverty line by 33.7 in three developing regions: South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, and Lat- percent and 23.2 percent respectively. In both of these country stud-

What Does the Global Gender Gap Index Measure?

The Global Gender Gap Index was created 2. Educational attainment subindex. The view of the differences between women to increase awareness of the challenges educational attainment subindex mea and men’s health through the gap be- that result from gender disparities on coun- sures gender disparities in education and tween women and men’s healthy life ex- try and regional levels and to contribute to literacy rates. The gap between women pectancy and the sex ratio at birth. The effective measures to reduce these gaps. and men’s current access to education healthy life expectancy measure esti- Introduced by the World Economic Forum is calculated through ratios of women to mates the number of years that women in 2006, this index is generated annually. It men in primary-, secondary- and tertia and men can expect to live in good health, captures the magnitude and scope of gen- ry-level education. The ratio of the fe- taking into account years lost due to vio- der disparities around the world and tracks male literacy rate to the male literacy lence, disease, malnutrition, or other rel- progress and changes over time (Haus- rate is included to illustrate a longer- evant variables. The second variable, sex mann, Tyson, and Zahidi 2008). The index term view of each country’s capacity to ratio at birth, specifically aims to capture is a composite of four equally weighted educate women and men in equal num- the phenomenon of “missing women” subindices, capturing four important di- bers. that prevails in countries with strong son mensions of well-being: 3. Political empowerment subindex. The preference. 1. Economic participation and opportunity political empowerment subindex mea subindex. The gap between women and sures the gap between men and women Because one might expect richer countries men’s economic participation and oppor- in political decisionmaking at the high- with more resources and opportunities to tunity arises from gaps in participation, est levels. This measure is captured perform better in terms of gender equality, remuneration, and advancement. These through the ratio of women to men in the Gender Gap Index measures gender- gaps are represented by five indicators: minister-level positions, in parliamentary based gaps in outcomes, instead of resourc- (one) differences in labor force participa- positions, and in terms of years in exec- es or input variables. For the Gender Gap tion rates, (two) the ratio of estimated fe- utive office (prime minister or president) Index and each of the four subindices, the male-to-male earned income, (three) over the past 50 years. The political em- highest possible score is one, representing wage equality for similar work (converted powerment subindex does not capture perfect equality, and lowest possible score to female-to-male ratio), (four) the ratio gender differences in participation at lo- is 0, representing total inequality. A total of of women to men among legislators, sen- cal levels of government owing to insuffi- 14 variables are included across the four ior officials, and managers, and (five) the cient availability of data. subindices, and a Gender Gap Index was ratio of women to men among technical 4. Health and survival subindex. The health generated for all countries that had data and professional workers. and survival subindex provides an over- available for at least 12 of these indicators.

2009 Global Hunger Index | Chapter 04 | Gender Inequality and Hunger 21 Strength of Relationship (CorrelaTion) between 2009 GHI and 2009 GHI and the Education Subindex of the 2008 Gender Gap the Subindices of the 2008 Gender Gap Index, 90 Countries Index, 90 Countries

Gender Gap Education Health Economic Political Gender Gap Index subindex subindex subindex subindex Index 0 1.0 -0.1 0.8 -0.2 -0.3 0.6

-0.4 0.4 -0.5 -0.6 0.2 Global Hunger Index -0.7 0 -0.8 5 10 15 20 25 30

Note: In the Global Hunger Index, higher scores mean higher levels of hunger, whereas for the Gender Gap Note: For the GHI, values less than 4.9 reflect low hunger, values between five and 9.9 reflect moderate Index and its subindices, the highest possible score is 1, representing perfect equality, and the lowest hunger, values between ten and 19.9 indicate a serious problem, values between 20 and 29.9 are possible score is 0, representing total inequality. A negative relationship means that higher gender alarming, and values of 30 or higher are extremely alarming. For the Gender Gap Index, a score of inequality is associated with higher levels of hunger. one represents perfect equality, whereas a score of 0 represents total inequality.

ies, female education had a much larger impact on poverty than other Comparing the Global Hunger Index and the Global Gender Gap Index factors, including male education. Other studies suggest that reducing Global Comparisons. Appendices B and C show the values of the gender gaps in schooling and in the control of agricultural resources 2009 Global Hunger Index and the 2008 Global Gender Gap Index by men and women in Sub-Saharan Africa has the potential to in- (henceforth Gender Gap Index) for the 90 countries for which data are crease agricultural productivity by ten to 20 percent (Udry et al. 1995; available on both. For the sake of comparison, the analysis incorpo- Quisumbing 1996). rates only countries included in both indexes. 1 The strength of the re- Comparing the GHI with a recently developed index of gender lationship between the 2009 GHI and the Gender Gap Index, and its inequality, the Global Gender Gap Index (see box on previous page), four subindices, is presented in the left figure above. 2 provides additional evidence that addressing gender inequalities is key The relationship between the GHI and the education subindex to reducing hunger. Given the complex relationship between global of the Gender Gap Index is the largest and strongest, suggesting that hunger and gender inequalities, unpacking the components of the Glo- higher levels of hunger are associated with lower literacy rates and ac- bal Gender Gap Index should help policymakers and stakeholders to cess to education for women. Indeed, the negative relationship between better understand and address the two intertwined challenges simul- the 2009 GHI and the education subindex of the Gender Gap Index, for taneously. all 90 countries, is quite clear as shown in the right figure above.

22 Gender Inequality and Hunger | Chapter 04 | 2009 Global Hunger Index South Asia

The positive end of the South Asian equity in the country. In addition, the coun- ing among the highest levels of gender in- spectrum: Sri Lanka try’s reproductive health care is considered equality in the region. Only 22 percent of In both the 2009 GHI and the 2008 Gen- the best in the region (World Bank 2009b). girls, compared with 47 percent of boys, der Gap Index, Sri Lanka fares significant- According to the 2008 Gender Gap Index, complete primary schooling (World Bank ly better than other South Asian countries. Sri Lanka ranks third in its efforts to close 2009a). Given the demonstrated impor- Although Sri Lanka’s GDP is at a develop- the gender gap. tance of access to education for rates of ing-country level, the country’s social indi- hunger, Pakistan’s staggering inequalities cators are comparable to those of the de- The negative end of the South Asian between men and women may be closely veloped world (Ramachandran 2006). spectrum: Pakistan related to the country’s high rates of hun- Success may be attributed to specific feed- Out of 90 countries, Pakistan ranks 87th ger and malnutrition. ing programs, an early emphasis on univer- on the 2008 Gender Gap Index and 83rd sal education, or perhaps overall gender for the education subindex – demonstrat-

The association of the health and survival component of the Gender South Asia. South Asian countries have some of the highest levels of Gap Index with the GHI is also significant, although it is only a quarter hunger and gender inequality worldwide. Of the five South Asian coun- of the magnitude of the association with education. This result suggests tries included in the analysis, three ranked in the bottom quartile for that high rates of hunger are also linked to health and survival inequal- three of the four 2008 Gender Gap Index subindices – economic par- ities between men and women. The remaining Gender Gap variables – ticipation, educational attainment, and health and survival – reflecting economic participation and opportunity and political empowerment – low levels of gender equality. Similarly, all but one of the South Asian have weaker associations with the GHI. Rates of hunger increase only countries ranked in the top quartile for hunger, showing that high lev- slightly with widening disparities in economic participation and oppor- els of hunger and gender inequality go hand in hand. Sri tunity, possibly because the economic indicators incorporated into the Lanka appears to be the regional exception to the rule, with a much Gender Gap Index may not capture all relevant aspects of women’s con- lower 2009 GHI and a much higher 2008 Gender Gap Index than in trol over economic resources. Informal economic activity and differenc- other countries in the region. es in asset ownership, for example, may not be captured. Similarly, in- Gender inequality in education is clearly a concern. Among the dicators of political participation at the local level and the absence of countries in South Asia, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka are the only ones women’s voice at local levels of government are not represented in the that have succeeded in achieving the Millennium Development Goal Gender Gap Index and may be more relevant to levels of hunger than the (MDG) target of gender parity in primary and secondary education en- representation of women at higher levels within the political system. rollment rates (World Bank 2007). Gender inequalities in literacy are The relationship between hunger and gender inequality may al- also widely prevalent in the region. Thus, as gender gaps in education- so be more nuanced at the local level; neither the GHI nor the Gender al attainment increase across countries in the region, the 2009 GHI Gap Index incorporates differences that may exist between urban and scores tend to increase. This regional finding supports the global rela- rural areas, different socioeconomic strata, minority or indigenous tionship between gender inequalities related to access to and opportu- groups, religion, caste, or other variables that may vary within and nities for education and the prevalence of hunger and malnutrition. across countries and regions. Despite these qualifications, the strong relationship between hunger and gender inequality globally and within regions suggests that eradicating gender inequality must be an important component of any effort to reduce global hunger.

2009 Global Hunger Index | Chapter 04 | Gender Inequality and Hunger 23 Sub-Saharan Africa

The positive end of the Sub-Saharan Government of Botswana 2004). Botswana with the fifth highest levels of hunger Africa spectrum: Botswana has also been committed to improving the worldwide and is in second place in terms Once among the poorest of the world’s nutritional well-being of its people, as re- of gender inequality. Educational inequali- least-developed countries, Botswana be- flected in the country’s relatively low GHI ties, in particular, are pervasive. Chad has came a success story as a result of an eco- compared with many of its neighbors. Bo a literacy rate of only 13 percent among nomic boom, strong policies, and the provi- tswana nonetheless faces challenges, partic- women compared with 41 percent among sion of basic services to its population (UN ularly given the dire impact of HIV/AIDS on men. Primary education enrollment is only and Government of Botswana 2004). The the health of its population. Still, the coun- 50 percent among women, compared with expansion of education to both boys and try’s longstanding dedication to universal 72 percent among males. Women’s low girls, for example, has been among the education for both boys and girls serves as status in Chad, and its impact on hunger country’s top priorities since the early 1970s a model for other countries in the region. levels, may be linked to high fertility rates, (Mehrotra and Jolly 1997). As a result, Bo extremely low contraceptive use, and the tswana achieved two key Millennium Devel- The negative end of the Sub-Saharan fact that one in 11 women face a lifetime opment Goals, providing universal access to Africa spectrum: Chad risk of maternal death (Population Refer- ten years of basic education and reducing According to the 2009 GHI and the 2008 ence Bureau 2009). gender disparity in all education (UN and Gender Gap Index, Chad is the country

According to the health and survival subindex of the Gender Gap In- South Asia’s performance on the variables assessed in the Gender dex, four of the five South Asian countries in this analysis rank very Gap Index demonstrates women’s overall low status in South Asia. The low (between 80th and 88th out of 90 countries). Again, Sri Lanka is correlation analysis between the 2009 GHI and the 2008 Gender Gap the exception to the rule, ranking 24th out of the 90 countries. Al- Index suggests that women’s status and the long- and short-term nu- though the health and survival variable in the Gender Gap Index ac- tritional status of children are linked. As gender gaps in economic par- counts only for gender differentials in life expectancy and sex ratios at ticipation and opportunity, educational attainment, and political em- birth, these disparities speak to larger challenges related to poor powerment widen from country to country, the GHI scores also tend to health status among women. The rates of maternal mortality in South increase. Asia, for example, are among the highest in the world, second only to Sub-Saharan Africa (UNICEF 2009c). There are 500 maternal deaths Sub-Saharan Africa. As in South Asia, hunger levels tend to increase per 100,000 live births. Maternal mortality is closely linked with mal- as the gender gap rises across countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. Of the nutrition, because women whose growth has been stunted by chronic 24 Sub-Saharan African countries included in the comparison of the malnutrition are more vulnerable to obstructed labor and women who 2009 GHI and the 2008 Gender Gap Index, two-thirds (16 countries) are anemic are predisposed to hemorrhage and sepsis during delivery. are in the top quartile for the GHI. In other words, a majority of coun- Women’s nutrition can also directly affect the health and nutrition of tries in the region suffer among the highest levels of hunger world- their children. Poor prenatal maternal nutrition leads to low birth wide. More than half of these countries (nine countries) are also shown weight, and micronutrient malnutrition has serious effects on both to have among the highest gender gaps, with rankings in the bottom prenatal and postnatal health (IFPRI 2002). These reasons help to ex- quartile for the 2008 Gender Gap Index score. plain the relationship between wide gender disparities in health and survival and high rates of hunger and malnutrition.

24 Gender Inequality and Hunger | Chapter 04 | 2009 Global Hunger Index Near East and North Africa

The positive end of the Near Eastern nificant protections against discrimina- Yemen’s performance on the 2008 Gen- and North African spectrum: Kuwait tion, and can readily gain access to ed der Gap Index is abysmal. Yemen has Kuwait has demonstrated greater progress ucational opportunities (UNDP-POGAR ranked last on the Gender Gap Index for than other countries in the region in im- 2009). Women constitute two-thirds of the past three years and is the only coun- proving the status of women and ensuring university-level students, a situation that try in the world to have closed less than gender equality. This progress is reflected increases their status and better equips 50 percent of its gender gap. High rates of in its first-place rank in the 2008 Gender them to exploit economic opportunities. illiteracy, limited access to reproductive Gap Index, for it has successfully closed health services and family planning, and much of the gender gap in education and The negative end of the Near Eastern the enormous gender disparities in educa- economic participation and opportunity. and North African spectrum: Yemen tion and literacy have a detrimental impact Compared with other countries in the re- In a region characterized by relatively low on both hunger and gender disparities. gion, women in Kuwait have high rates of hunger, Yemen is an outlier with an alarm- participation in the labor force, enjoy sig- ing 2009 GHI score. Not surprisingly,

Among the four variables included in the Gender Gap Index, the edu- As in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia, the strongest correlation be- cation subindex has the most significant correlation to the GHI in the tween the 2009 GHI and the 2008 Gender Gap Index is observed for region. Less than one-quarter of the countries in the region met the the education subindex. The GHI for countries in the Near East and MDG target of gender parity in primary and secondary enrollment rates North Africa tends to increase as gender gaps in educational attain- in 2005. As educational disparities between men and women increase ment increase. Across the region, Morocco and Yemen have the high- in the region, hunger levels tend to increase as well. More than 62 per- est 2009 GHI scores and the lowest scores on the education subindex cent, or 15 countries in the region, rank in the bottom quartile for the of the 2008 Gender Gap Index. Gender Gap Index education subindex, and all but three of these also ranked in the top quartile for the GHI, demonstrating parallels between the educational gap between men and women and high levels of hunger.

Near East and North Africa. General trends in the Near East and North Africa are similar to those observed in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia. Although the countries included in this region have among the lowest levels of hunger compared with the other countries assessed, the negative correlation between the 2009 GHI and the 2008 Gender Gap Index still holds – hunger levels are higher in countries with wider gender gaps. In fact, all but one of the countries in the region ranks in the bottom quartile for the 2008 Gender Gap Index. These data corroborate the association between increasing hunger and increasing gender disparities, even in a region that overall experiences lower levels of hunger.

2009 Global Hunger Index | Chapter 04 | Gender Inequality and Hunger 25 Policy implications: increasing gender equality and decreasing hunger The strong relationship between gender inequality and hunger suggests that reducing gender disparities in key areas, particularly in education and health, is essential to reduce levels of hunger. Addressing each of the subindices of the Gender Gap Index according to the Ujjwala Shatra strength of their association with the GHI, this section proposes strat- West Bengal, India egies that can contribute to reducing gender inequalities and to eliminating hunger. “...this rise in income has not translated into improved standards of living due to increased food prices.” Continue Reducing Gender Disparities in Education. Countries have continued to explore new mechanisms to reduce gender dispari- “Last year, rice cost Rs 10 per kilogram and now it is ties in education by (one) reducing the price of schooling and increas- Rs 15 for the same quality. Now we eat no fish as it is ing physical access to services; (two) improving the design of educa- too expensive to afford. We have reduced consumption tion delivery; and (three) investing in time-saving infrastructure (King of our food products and our consumption pattern and Alderman 2001). Parents’ decision to invest in girls’ education is has changed.” more sensitive to the price of education than their decision to invest in boys’ education. Thus, reducing the costs parents pay to send their “Food price rises have resulted in increased migration. daughters to school is one way to reduce the gender gap in schooling. If men migrate, women are overburdened with work. Mexico's national program Oportunidades (previously called PROGRE- Women too have migrated to cities, sometimes SA), in which cash transfers are conditioned upon school attendance leaving their children behind with their parents or and health visits, has successfully increased girls’ enrollment and is in-laws. Family life of such women and men has being replicated and adapted worldwide (Skoufias 2005). Bangla- been disrupted.” desh’s food- and cash-for-education programs, as well as stipend programs, have helped increase girls’ enrollment rates and close the “Big families break into nuclear families because of gender gap in primary schooling (Ahmed and del Ninno 2002). In Ma- food price rises. People don’t want to take care of lawi, conditional cash transfers are being piloted as a way to keep girls their parents and there are more clashes over share in school and delay the onset of risky sexual behavior that could ex- in family property.” pose them to HIV and AIDS (Ozler 2007). Improving education delivery also means improving the quality, gender balance, and attitudes of teachers. In Kenya, studies based on household survey data show that the attitudes and quality of teachers affect the demand for girls’ schooling more than that for boys (Mensch and Lloyd 1998). Changing attitudes among parents, teachers, and principals will require long-term efforts. To this end, training staff and reviewing and revising school curricula play important roles in ensuring that gender stereotypes are not perpetuated in the class- room. Schools also need to be safe places for children, especially girls, to learn. It is important to work at a policy level, and with teachers and parents, to ensure that both the school and the route to school are free from violence in all its forms to ensure that girls can enroll in and complete a course of high-quality education while attaining the best possible grades.

26 Gender Inequality and Hunger | Chapter 04 | 2009 Global Hunger Index Investments that reduce distance to school can help female enrollment rates in part by reducing the opportunity cost of schooling for girls. Similarly, increasing access to local health care facilities reduces the time women and girls need to spend on in-home care for sick family members. Equally important are investments in basic water and energy infrastructure. In most settings, collecting water and fuelwood Purnima Mal is largely the responsibility of women and girls. In Ghana, Tanzania, West Bengal, India and Zambia, two-thirds of those undertaking these tasks are women – indeed mostly girls. They spend between five and 28 percent of house- “Income has increased because of better wages, but hold time in water and fuel collection (World Bank 2001). Investments prices have risen a lot over the last few months. I have in time-saving infrastructure benefit all household members and girls reduced my own intake of oil, spices, and vegetables.” in particular. Low-cost child care can help both mothers and daughters. In “I have cut my own diet, but not of the childrens’. There Kenya, a ten percent reduction in the price of out-of-home child care is certainly no discrimination between girls and boys.” increased the demand for such care and increased mothers’ participation in the labor force. Low-cost child care can also increase girls’ school attendance: in rural and urban Kenya, a ten percent decrease in the price of out-of-home care would be expected to result in a 5.1 percent increase in the enrollment rates of eight- to 16-year-old girls (after controlling for other factors) while having no effect on the enrollment rate of boys (Lokshin, Glinskaya, and Garcia 2000).

Invest in Women’s Health and Nutrition. Another strategy is to invest in women’s health and nutrition throughout their life cycle and to empower women to seek better care for themselves and their children. Women’s health and nutritional status is important for both the quality of their lives and the survival and healthy development of their children (Gillespie 2001). Because women’s health and nutrition is a life cycle issue, interventions must attend to female malnutrition from adolescence, through pregnancy and lactation, to promotion of growth of the newborn child, and then during preschool years, school age, and adolescence. Direct actions to improve women’s health and nutrition Jalolova Yoqutoy complement the struggle to achieve long-term goals of gender equity Panjakent district, Tajikistan and women’s empowerment. Direct nutrition action needs to focus on both macro- and micronutrients, particularly iron; on energy intake “Due to lack of money we only cook once a day and the and energy expenditure; on disease prevention; and, above all, on rest of the time we just have tea with bread. We have strengthening the capacity and practice of caring for women and ado- not had rice and meat for a long time. We reduced lescent girls. Efforts are needed to space births to prevent maternal using sugar, oil, and macaroni, and never buy fruit nutritional depletion, which is now widespread. Mothers need a recu- at all.” perative interval of at least six months following cessation of breast- feeding. Accessible good-quality pre- and post-natal services run by “When my husband was going to Russia we borrowed supportive workers are vital to early registration of pregnant women, some money from one of our acquaintances with inte- counseling on nutrition and reproductive health, and access to contra- rest payments. Debts are increasing but I am not able ception. Adolescent pregnancies need priority attention. to pay them off. I am waiting for when the crisis is over and my husband sends me money. I don’t have any other choice.”

2009 Global Hunger Index | Chapter 04 | Gender Inequality and Hunger 27 In South Asia, especially, where the link between the low status of women and high rates of child malnutrition is strongest, interventions must aim to improve women’s status and to build support for women’s empowerment among communities. In areas where women’s status is known to be low and efforts to increase it are met with resistance, Odinaeva Khosiyat such as an increased incidence of domestic violence, strategies to Ayni district, Tajikistan promote children’s nutritional status can include actions to increase support from husbands, and from the community in general, for wom- “The salary of my husband has increased, but the en’s roles in ensuring child nutrition. prices of products have risen twofold. As a result, we have begun to borrow money. The quantity of cattle Reduce Gender Gaps in Economic Participation and Opportunity. has decreased as we have started to sell it to It is important to reduce barriers to market access for women and in- purchase flour and oil.” crease their control of productive assets. In most of the developing world, women have fewer resources and face higher barriers to partic- “The meal for the women in the family has decreased. ipation in economically productive spheres than men. General policies It became difficult to study in high school for my to improve income-earning abilities and opportunities for women in- daughter. I therefore decided to transfer my daughter clude reforming property rights systems to be more equitable toward from internal to correspondence courses.” women; eliminating barriers to women’s labor market participation; re- moving constraints to participation in credit and other markets; and “Reduction of labour migration has reduced the developing technologies that increase the returns to female labor, income of families. Many labour migrants have whether through increased demand or increased labor productivity returned from Russia without any salaries or money.” (Quisumbing 2008; Smith et al. 2003). In countries where gender gaps are long entrenched, policies to reduce gender gaps will entail not only policy reform to eliminate gender discrimination but also interventions that enable women to catch up to men. Examples of reforms that have strengthened women’s property rights range from land registration and changes in inheritance law to giving landless women control over small plots of land. Ethiopia’s low-cost, rapid, and transparent land registration scheme required land administration committees at the lowest level to have at least one female member. Land certifications, issued after public registration for transparency, included maps and pictures of husband and wife, important in a society with low levels of literacy (Deininger et al. 2007). In Ghana, the inheritance law was reformed to enable a man’s wife and children to inherit if he died without leaving a will (Quisumbing et al. 2001). In India, where women traditionally have little access to land, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have begun experimenting with giving landless farmers and women’s groups small plots to cultivate, together with technical assistance in agricultural practices (RDI n.d.).

28 Gender Inequality and Hunger | Chapter 04 | 2009 Global Hunger Index Perhaps the best-known example of interventions that directly aim to 1 The most up-to-date data available were used for the comparison, thereby correlating the 2009 GHI with the 2008 Gender Gap Index. It is important to note that the year that each of the two indices was increase women’s access to markets is the microfinance movement in generated does not reflect the year for all data incorporated into each index; however, the most Bangladesh. A number of NGOs in Bangladesh have attempted to im- up-to-date data were used across all indicators in both cases. 2 Strength of association between 2009 GHI and the 2008 Gender Gap Index is measured by pairwise prove women’s status, and the well-being of children in their house- correlation coefficients calculated for the 2009 GHI and the 2008 Gender Gap Index, as well as between the 2009 GHI and the subindices of the 2008 Gender Gap Index. Because the GHI uses a scale of 0 to holds, by directing credit to women. Microfinance programs have now 100, with a higher score indicating higher levels of hunger, whereas the Gender Gap Index uses a scale been launched worldwide. of 0 to 1, with a higher score indicating higher levels of gender equality, a negative correlation between the GHI and Gender Gap Index suggests that global hunger was associated with higher gender inequality. Conversely, a positive correlation between the GHI and Gender Gap Index would suggest that global hunger was associated with lower gender inequality. The left figure on page 22 shows the value of the Reform of Legal Systems. Legal systems should be reformed to elim- correlation coefficients between the GHI and the Gender Gap Index. These range between 1 and -1, with inate gender discrimination and increase political participation. Policy numbers closer to zero showing lower strength of association, numbers closer to 1 showing a positive association, and numbers closer to -1 showing a negative association. The overall pairwise correlation reform to eradicate gender discrimination promotes gender equality by coefficient between the GHI and the Gender Gap Index is -0.42, which is significant at 1 percent. creating a level playing field for women and men. The strengthening of democratic institutions through legislation, the rewriting of constitu- tions so that they explicitly disavow discrimination, and the reform and enforcement of an anti-discriminatory rule of law are important steps toward achieving this goal. Improving women’s political voice and participation, particularly at local levels, is vital to any fundamental shift in women’s status. Creating a level playing field is not enough, however, when women are extremely disadvantaged because of lower educational attainment, poorer health, less representation at both national and local levels, lower levels of economic participation, and other manifestations of the power imbalance, including gender-based violence. Thus efforts to remove discrimination need to be accompanied by specific interventions to target resources to women, to build their skills and confidence to participate in the public sphere, and to enable them to take advantage of new opportunities that may be created. Involving more women in development processes will require special outreach and training for poorer and less-educated women and for those who hesitate to voice their needs in front of men for cultural reasons.

Conclusion The evidence clearly shows that gender inequality goes hand in hand with hunger in many countries. Fortunately, this evidence also points to a clear avenue for reducing hunger by improving women’s educational attainment, economic participation, health status, and political empowerment. Many successful interventions in these areas have already been initiated. Many more innovations will be needed, however, to unleash women’s potential to make significant contributions to the food security and well-being of their families.

2009 Global Hunger Index | Chapter 04 | Gender Inequality and Hunger 29 05 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – Unleashing women’s potential makes a significant contribution to the food security and well-being of their families.

– – – – – – – – – – – – – 30 Name des Teilbereich | Chapter 1 | Global Hunger Index 2009 Women’s Role in Tackling Hunger by Concern Worldwide and Welthungerhilfe

The analysis presented in this report emphasises the fundamental role Women in employment and the need for substitute care that gender equality plays in the reduction and ultimate elimination of Despite the many challenges, Nairobi’s slums also present women hunger. For Concern Worldwide, Welthungerhilfe, and their respective with opportunities to start small enterprises or obtain employment; partners in developing countries, gender mainstreaming is an integral furthermore, various factors, including peer pressure, a will for finan- component of all projects and programmes. It is a cross-cutting issue cial independence, or poverty may drive them into these non-tradition- which relates to all decision-making processes and affects all fields of al roles. Working women are more likely to be away from home for long activity at all levels. The objective of a gender approach is to ensure periods and may therefore not be able to access services, participate socially, economically, and environmentally sustainable development in interventions to reduce childhood malnutrition or take part in sur- processes through the empowerment of women, the elimination of veys. Thus, it is important to consider their employment status. gender-specific discrimination, and the implementation of programmes As women increasingly earn their own income, the power bal- which are responsive to the needs and aspirations of women. The fol- ance regarding decision-making may shift. In general, when women lowing contributions illustrate how the changing roles of women – and become economically empowered, their influence over resource allo- notably their increased economic activity – impact decision making cation is likely to increase. They tend to favor the immediate well-be- and food security at household level. ing of the family, especially children, which should have a positive effect on child health and nutrition outcomes. 6 However, working outside the home may reduce mothers’ time with their children and the gains Linking women’s economic from an increased income and control over spending may be offset by empowerment and tackling hunger a decline in the quality of child care because in their absence, mothers must rely on a substitute caregiver to ensure their children receive The complexities of work and care in Korogocho slum, Nairobi, Kenya the care they need. By Lilly Schofield, Danny Harvey, Gudrun Stallkamp, Jasinta Achen, This study was conducted to explore the opportunities and Mueni Mutunga, Nicky Dent and Lynnda Kiess (Concern Worldwide) constraints faced by working and stay-at-home mothers in ensuring the best possible child care. The urban slum context and malnutrition The urban slums in Kenya are among the largest and most populated Study methods in Africa. People living there face multiple challenges: poor housing; This qualitative study in Korogocho was conducted in June/July 2009. poor water, inadequate sanitation; little communication infrastructure; Focus group discussions and in-depth interviews were conducted in crime, violence, and insecurity; high unemployment and inadequate order to better understand mothers’ choices of substitute care for their coverage of health, education, and social services. 1,2 The vulnerability children and the impact of working outside the home on maternal roles of urban poor families to shocks, such as the 2008 post election vio- and responsibilities for young child care. All respondents were drawn lence, is high, and families often lack the traditional social safety nets from Korogocho and identified through local Community Health commonly available in rural areas. Korogocho, a working area of Con- Workers who were briefed on the objectives and selection criteria for cern Worldwide Kenya since 2002, is a large slum in Nairobi East Dis- respondents. Enumerators were experienced in data collection and trict. Approximately 150,000 people live in an area of 1.5 km2, mak- underwent a three-day training that included gender aspects. ing it one of the most densely populated slums in the city. 3 A recent survey in Korogocho and other slums in Nairobi North and East 4 revealed that 3.5% of young children suffer from acute and 37.9% from chronic malnutrition. 5 In addition to inadequate access to affordable foods, a poor health environment, and low coverage of health services, the survey showed poor childcare practices were an underlying cause of malnutrition in this area. For example, on the day preced- ing the survey, less than half of the children aged 0-5 months were ex- clusively breastfed and only 38.6% of children aged six-23 months received an adequate diet in terms of frequency and diversity.

2009 Global Hunger Index | Chapter 05 | Women’s Role in Tackling Hunger 31 Focus groups consisted of five-13 respondents. The discussions were Informally employed mother conducted with mothers of children under the age of five, falling into Korogocho the following categories (number of focus groups): A. mothers in formal or salaried employment (six), B. mothers in informal employment “You can buy that extra nutritious food for the child, (nine), and C. stay-at-home mothers (six). One focus group discussion e.g. fruit, which the husband never buys…” each was conducted with husbands of working and non-working mothers. Individual in-depth interviews were conducted with mothers (11 formally, eight informally employed, 15 stay-at-home mothers), day- care workers (17) and other local substitute caregivers (12). Further- Formally working mother more, direct observations were made of day-care conditions, including Ngomongo, Korogocho when possible observation of a meal time at the day-care facility.

“…I must have my own money to raise my child Results effectively. I want to do it from my own purse and The study revealed that the pathway between the employment situa- not rely on my parents...” tion and nutrition-related outcomes via child care (primary, substitute, mixture of both) is extremely complex in this urban poor context, often depending on the families’ specific circumstances.

Informally employed mother 1. Economic empowerment and increased influence in decision-making Ngomongo, Korogocho The study indicated that having access to her own income changed a mother’s influence within her home on how money is spent. Many of “…I would like to leave my child in proper day-care the informally employed and almost all of the formally employed moth- with good facilities […] but am not able to because ers decided themselves how to spend their own income. the facility is not available to us in the slums…” Working mothers, in both formal and informal employment, expressed a sense of pride in their independence and the ability to provide for their children. A few mothers stated that their influence in decisions in- Informally employed mother creased as their income increased. Despite this progress, several Gomongo village working mothers said that they were unaware of their husband’s income or employment and that he would spend it all himself. Compar- “…I would prefer to be with my child at my kibanda atively, in households where the mother stays at home, husbands com- (market stall) than leave him at home because I know monly make the decision on spending. he will be properly fed...” 2. How mothers manage child care Both stay-at-home and working mothers utilized multiple sources of substitute care for their young children. Working mothers, however, relied more heavily on substitute care over longer periods of time. The options available to mothers in Korogocho included day-care (both formal and informal), neighbors, relatives/older siblings of the child, and leaving children alone in the house or neighborhood. A minority of mothers, more so those informally employed, were able to take the child with them to work. In the in-depth interviews, almost all formally working mothers mentioned that they paid their substitute caregiver, though very few of the informally working mothers and none of those staying at home did so.

32 Women’s Role in Tackling Hunger | Chapter 05 | 2009 Global Hunger Index Hellen Auko with her youngest children and husband Enock Omurunga in a Nairobi slum.

This study suggests that nutrition and health knowledge of working tion or safe play-areas for children. Many day-care workers oversaw and stay-at-home mothers did not differ substantially, although the more than ten children under two years of age single-handedly, reduc- sources of information varied. The ability to translate this knowledge ing time for individual attention, including active and responsive feed- into practice, however, was influenced by time, access to income and ing. Most centers and other substitute carers relied on mothers to the level of decision-making power. Lack of money was a specific bar- bring food for the children; otherwise they would not eat until the rier for mothers to act on their health/nutrition knowledge. Mothers mother returned. While mothers themselves recognized that these with greater access to and control over money could more easily over- sub-standard substitute care options compromised their child’s well- come this barrier. being, without alternatives, they were forced to continue to rely on Two key factors were found to influence substitute care: first, them. a majority of mothers said they were only able to give instructions about how to care for their child if they paid the substitute caregiver. Conclusions Remuneration of substitute caregivers, if mothers were financially able The study indicates that by earning their own income, working moth- to do so, was felt to both increase motivation and responsibility of sub- ers in Korogocho increased their influence in decisions about purchas- stitute caregivers. Secondly, a mother’s personal relationship with a ing food, health care, and other essential needs for their children. substitute carer, especially neighbors and relatives, was considered to However, the increase in resources could not be translated easily into improve child care quality, particularly when the mother could not pay better nutrition and health because substitute care options available for the care. While this form of social capital was important, mothers to working mothers in Korogocho were suboptimal. Mothers staying at who were away working faced difficulties maintaining good rapport be- home, however, could provide care, but were limited in their ability to cause they had less time to interact within their community. purchase food, health care, and other essential needs.

3. Linkages to well-being and child nutrition The quality of care given to young children has long been recognized as a key determinant of child health and nutritional status. 7 Mothers’ reports and direct observation of day-care centers confirmed that the quality of substitute care available in Korogocho was largely poor. Day- care centers were generally overcrowded and without adequate sanita-

2009 Global Hunger Index | Chapter 05 | Women’s Role in Tackling Hunger 33 Implications for programs and policy 1 Mitullah, W. 2003. Urban slums reports: the case of Nairobi, Kenya. Understanding slums: case studies for the Global Report on Human Settlements 2003. United Nations Centre for Human Settlement. The positive benefits of mothers’ labor force participation and control 2 African Population and Health Research Center (APHRC). 2002. Health and livelihood needs of resi- over their own income on improving child health and nutrition are well dents of informal settlements in Nairobi City. Nairobi. APHRC. 3 Population extrapolated from Pamoja Trust. Korogocho informal settlements enumeration report. July, documented. 8, 9 This study reinforces these findings. First, a mother’s 2001. Nairobi. Pamoja Trust. 4 Schofield, L. 2009. Report of baseline urban nutrition assessment in the slums of Nairobi, East and ability to earn an income was found to increase her ability to control North Districts, Nairobi, Kenya. February 2009. Concern Worldwide Kenya. how income was spent in the household. That control extended to in- 5 Based on WHO 2006 growth standards. 6 Kurz, K.M., and Johnson-Welch, C. 2000. Enhancing nutrition results: the case for a women’s resourc- come contributed by other household members. It also strengthened es approach. ICRW/ OMNI Research Program. Washington, D.C.. ICRW. 7 UNICEF. 1998. The state of the world’s children 1998. Oxford. Oxford University Press. her own sense of independence and her ability to provide for her chil- 8 Smith, L., Ramakrishnan U., Ndiaye A., Haddad L., Martorell, R. 2003. The importance of women’s dren. However, these very positive gains were offset by the fact that status for child nutrition in developing countries. IFPRI Research Report 131. Washington, D.C.. IFPRI. 9 Kurz, K.M., and Johnson-Welch, C. 2000. Enhancing nutrition results: the case for a women’s resourc- working required mothers to leave their young children in sub-standard es approach. ICRW/OMNI Research Program. Washington, D.C.. ICRW. caring environments. Therefore, access to affordable, quality, substitute care needs to be addressed so that the positive benefits of mothers who work can be fully realized. Second, given that social capital is an important asset for all women, interventions aimed at supporting mothers – either through economic empowerment or in their role as caregivers – need to include ways to increase mutual support and social networks. Strengthening group saving and credit schemes or building in a child care aspect, for example, has the potential to both increase economic opportunities and contribute to the provision of quality substitute care. Third, the research reinforced the need for programs to consider the implications of interventions targeted to mothers on their various roles in the community and household. Programs seeking to increase women’s economic empowerment need to consider the implications on mothers’ ability and time to provide quality care to their children. Further research is required to fully understand the complex gender relations in the slums and their impact on child care and nutrition as well as to place this aspect of care into the wider context of poverty, food insecurity, and poor hygiene and sanitation that contribute to childhood malnutrition in the slums.

Acknowledgements We gratefully acknowledge the women and men in Korogocho who generously gave us their precious time during the discussions and interviews and community health care workers and enumerators who as- sisted in the study.

34 Women’s Role in Tackling Hunger | Chapter 05 | 2009 Global Hunger Index “We have changed our mindset” Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) Hunger and gender equality from the perspective of Indian women By Welthungerhilfe Goal 1 Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger Goal 2 Achieve universal primary education In many countries, hunger is linked to the unequal treatment of the Goal 3 Promote gender equality and empower women sexes. The example of Sarwan, a village in India where the aid organi- Goal 4 Reduce child mortality sation Welthungerhilfe has been active since 2005, illustrates this as- Goal 5 Improve maternal health sertion vividly. Sarwan is one of 15 Millenniumsdörfer supported by Goal 6 Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria, and other diseases Welthungerhilfe whose population is striving to achieve one or several Goal 7 Ensure environmental sustainability Millennium Development Goals by the year 2010 (see box MDGs). Goal 8 Develop a global partnership for development The villagers themselves decide which goals are to be priori- tised in their villages. Developments on the ground are observed by means of household surveys and are discussed in workshops with se- lected representatives of various groups in the village on an annual ba- tive on achievement of development goals). In this way, the people sis. This monitoring of Millennium Development Goals scrutinises concerned remind themselves time and again how and why their living progress and problems in two ways: by collecting data, for example conditions are changing. This form of consciousness-raising not only changes in household incomes or girls’ school enrolment rates, and by enables village communities to adapt priorities to current needs, but the village communities assessing their development steps to date on also makes it possible to improve project measures, an approach fully a scale from “excellent” to “very poor” (see figure: Villagers’ perspec- in line with the goal of helping people help themselves.

Villagers’ perspective on achievement of development goals

maternal health gender equality (women empowerment) food security excellent very good good moderate poor very poor

2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006/07 2007/08 2008/09

Note: Development Goals relating to MDG-Monitoring: Food Security: Improved health conditions and affordable health services, Dependence on rainfed agriculture, Seasonality of Rainfall. Gender Equality: Equal access to education for boys and girls, Equal work load for men and women, Increased role of women in taking decisions in Gram Sabha. Maternal Health: Increased nutrition for pregnant mothers, Full utilization of Governmental hospital and medicines, Access to safe drinking water.

2009 Global Hunger Index | Chapter 05 | Women’s Role in Tackling Hunger 35 These data and assessments also permit insights into the linkage between hunger and the lack of equal rights. The local people’s perspectives are crucial here: it is clear that improving the position of women in society plays an important role in increasing food security. Food security exists when all people, at all times, have physi- Betiya Soren cal and economic access to sufficient, safe, and nutritious food to Informally working mother, Sarwan meet their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life (FAO, World Food Summit, 1996). In rural India, women play a central role at these levels of food security – availability, access, and utilisation.

Gender equality supports food availability at the household level In rural areas of the Indian state of Jharkhand (India State Hunger In- dex 1 score: 28.67; severity of hunger: alarming), about half of all men Anita Hembram and women work on small family farms; 41% of women and 27% of Informally working mother, Sarwan men work as agricultural labourers. Many agricultural tasks that even a few years ago were the responsibility of men are now taken on by women because men are switching to better-paid wage labour. This “feminisation of agriculture” can be observed across India. Policy-making is slow to take this development into account, though, and support for women in agriculture is accordingly being granted only hesitantly. Experiences and studies suggest, however, that equal access to education and agricultural resources can increase Sonamuni Murmu productivity by ten to 20% (see page 22). This aspect plays an impor- Informally working mother, Sarwan tant role in the Millenniumsdorf of Sarwan: women receive support and training to improve agricultural cultivation methods. In addition, they have the option to purchase better seed and equipment, for example, via self-help credit groups. Betiya Soren from Sarwan learned in a group setting how to use her land more efficiently: “Very recently we also got some irriga- tion facilities and learned about improving farming through our group meetings. We are growing vegetables on our homestead and using Gita Devi them for our daily consumption.” Anita Hembram in turn is not only Informally working mother, Sarwan growing more vegetables for her family’s consumption, but is also increasing her income: “We women were working as agricultural labourers, but different meetings held in the village have changed our mindset. I was not growing anything near my homestead land, but last year I started to produce some vegetables for us to have in our food. I also sell them on the local market if we have extra production. This also has given me some income occasionally.” Birma Devi Informally working mother, Sarwan

36 Women’s Role in Tackling Hunger | Chapter 05 | 2009 Global Hunger Index MDG Monitoring

The monitoring programme for the 15 Mil- lenniumsdorf as well as make comparisons maternal mortality, severe illnesses, envi- lenniumsdörfer managed by Welthunger of development in different villages. ronment and natural resources, and exter- hilfe has a quantitative and a qualitative as- In the qualitative part, a workshop nal conditions for development. For each pect. Questionnaires are used once a year – “Participatory Impact Assessment” – is key topic, the participants define three de- to collect data in the villages for quantita- held annually with a representative cross- velopment goals relevant to the village that tive monitoring. The survey includes most section of the village population. Every so- they would like to attain in five years. For of the 48 indicators used officially by the cial group is represented, including offi- example, for the key topic hunger, the goals United Nations to monitor the Millennium cials, youths, women, farmers, and might include sufficient access to seed or Development Goals. For example, one indi- representatives of poor families. The par- the availability of draught animals for work- cator for the goal “ensure environmental ticipants determine step by step which ing the fields. In addition, they take stock sustainability” (MDG 7) is the fraction of changes in the village community they want of how progress in achieving the goals is people with access to clean drinking water. to use to measure the Millennium Develop- linked to measures in Welthungerhilfe’s There are also questions about income, ment Goals. The discussion follows nine projects in the Millenniumsdörfer. For ex- child mortality rates and school enrolment key topics, based on the eight UN Millenni- ample, this makes it possible to observe rates. The standardised results make it um Development Goals: poverty, hunger, how the construction of a well affects the possible to measure changes in each Mil- education, gender equality, child mortality, attainment of individual Millennium Goals.

Yet the societal status of women does not improve automatically when Development of “MDGs” at village level they take on a more important role in agricultural production. On the contrary, there is the risk that their standard of living is not raised de- 100 cisively but that their workload increases when they must perform additional tasks. In order to improve their income and food situation, it is therefore crucial that women obtain access to resources, that is, to 80 credit, land, and agricultural means of production.

Sonamuni Murmu experienced how important it is to be able 60 to take on responsibility: “My husband used to earn money for the family and I was involved in domestic work most of the time. But now I spend my time in my own field. My husband helps send the children 40 to school and sometimes also with the housework. I could not take any decisions and I had to accept whatever my husband wished. But now 20 we both decide what we should do for our family. Now we are both thinking together about increasing our farming towards strengthening our livelihood.” 0 2006/07 2007/08 2008/09

Proportion of population below minimum dietary energy consumption Ratio of literate women to men ages 15-24 Proportion of births attended by skilled health personnel

2009 Global Hunger Index | Chapter 05 | Women’s Role in Tackling Hunger 37 To date, women have seldom owned land. But more important than Equal rights for women improve the utilization of food land ownership is the question whether women have control over what Even if enough food is available within a family, this says nothing they harvest. Only then can the income women earn in agriculture sup- about whether all family members can access an appropriate diet. In port them in making their own decisions at home. Besides these eco- India, for example, the traditional custom is that women eat only when nomic aspects, the organization of women in self-help groups outside all other family members have eaten their fill. If food is scarce, it their own families is of particular major importance. The groups pro- means that hardly anything is left for women. In other words, the avail- vide them with the space they need for discussions and the experience ability of food by no means guarantees that women have appropriate of learning new things. Gita Devi speaks about how helpful self-help access to it. Sonamuni Murmu suffered because of this tradition for a groups are: “I feel self-help groups are the best work done by the or- long time: “A few years back, I used to put my cooking pot over the ov- ganisation, and they are important for the empowerment of women. en and waited. If my husband brought something, I would cook it. I did We discuss the rights of women and they give us so many ideas. We not have three full meals and I used to eat what my children left.” are also learning how to work together in group activities.” A poor diet can also be the result of a lack of knowledge and In this way, equal access to knowledge and resources can con- insufficient education. This affects men just as it does women. In the tribute to increasing households’ food security. If women are mobi- Indian context, however, the woman is considered the key person for lised in form of training, information sessions etc. at village level, their her family’s diet. Traditionally, she is the person responsible for the roles in the community can be transformed. Once this process has task of preparing food. This is how Gita Devi describes the situation: been set in motion, it can develop its own dynamics: women’s in- “I got training on improved farming, and we talked about the impor- creased self-confidence generates economic innovation power, which tance of eating vegetables in meetings. I started to plant some seeds in turn contributes to increasing food security. in my homestead. We now have different varieties of food, like vegeta- The positive effects of the measures described – continuing bles, pulses, and sometimes also fish. We used to eat only rice and education in methods of agricultural cultivation and establishment of potatoes with salt but now we get full meals.” a microcredit system for women, among others – can be supported or A lack of education encourages people to keep to traditionally constrained by outside influences, in India especially by the negative or culturally determined beliefs that do harm: for instance, Indian effects of cultural or traditional norms relating to women. At the same women gain an average of just five kilograms during pregnancy; the time, the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, passed by the In- international average is ten kilograms. The background for this is the dian government in 2005, is helpful. It can create new employment notion that a pregnant woman should not eat meals too rich. Other- opportunities especially for women in rural areas. Equal pay for equal wise, it is thought the child will grow particularly large and heavy, work is mandated by law and is put into practice by government em- making giving birth difficult. ployers as well as non-governmental organisations. Various education- But good nutrition counselling that includes all relevant actors al programmes outside of the project are working towards realising (local health services, government agencies, mayors, village adminis- gender justice. Birma Devi emphasises: “But earlier we were told that tration heads, radio, etc.) can change poor habits, as Anita Hembram girls can’t do anything except work in the kitchen. Hence our male confirms: “I immunized my children and also took iron pills when I was counterparts used to enforce their decisions about girls’ education. pregnant, but we used to be afraid to take them.” Birma Devi’s com- Now, due to different government and other developmental pro- ment makes clear that such beliefs are especially hard to change when grammes such as the Millenniumsdorf Sarwan initiative, the situation the new knowledge questions basic gender roles, thereby expressing a is changing, resulting in male members of our society starting to co- shift in the power structure: “As our priority is to serve food first to operate with us on girls’ education. We are sending our girls to my husband and children, I sometimes have nothing or little to eat school.” left for myself. Such practices are still widespread, but we now cook enough food.”

38 Women’s Role in Tackling Hunger | Chapter 05 | 2009 Global Hunger Index Meeting of women’s self-help group and women’s credit group in the Millenniumsdorf Sarwan, Jharkhand.

If mothers are undernourished, it has disastrous consequences not Acknowledgements only for them, but also for their children: hunger is “hereditary”, for We are grateful to Welthungerhilfe partner organization Centre for undernourished mothers give birth to undernourished babies. In the World Solidarity (CWS), Jharkhand Resource Centre, and to Pravah state of Jharkhand, 57.1% of children under five years of age are and their team for supporting this article. Furthermore, we would like underweight. 1 to thank the women in Sarwan who gave their time during discussions Birma Devi’s statement points to the fact that this cycle can be and interviews. overcome once and for all only if women receive comprehensive sup- 1 Menon P., Deolalikar, Bhaskar. 2009. India State Hunger Index – Comparison of Hunger Across States. port in internalising their status as family members and members of IFPRI/Welthungerhilfe/UC Riverside. Washington D.C., Bonn, Riverside. society with equal rights and in assuming their rights.

Conclusion In conclusion, the example of Sarwan shows that overcoming hunger is particularly promising where women are members of society with equal rights (including equal decision-making rights), both at home and in politics. The likelihood of success increases even more if the approach employed tackles all three levels of food security – availability, access, and utilisation. Finally, underlying political conditions supportive of development which aim for equal rights for women contribute considerably to overcoming hunger.

2009 Global Hunger Index | Chapter 05 | Women’s Role in Tackling Hunger 39 Appendix

Data Sources and Calculation of the 1990 and 2009 Global Hunger Indices The Global hunger index is calculated as follows: All three index components are expressed in percentages and weighted equally. Higher GHI values indicate more hunger. The index varies GHI = (PUN + CUW + CM)/3 between a minimum of 0 and a maximum of 100. However, the maxi- with GHI: Global Hunger Index mum value of 100 would only be reached if all children died before PUN: proportion of the population that is their fifth birthday, the whole population were undernourished, and all undernourished (in %) children under five were underweight. Likewise, the minimum value of CUW: prevalence of underweight in children zero does not occur in practice, because this would mean there were under five (in %) no undernourished in the population, no children under five who were CM: proportion of children dying before the underweight, and no children who died before their fifth birthday. age of five (in %) The calculation of GHI scores is restricted to developing countries and countries in transition for which measuring hunger is considered most relevant. The table below provides an overview of the data sources for the Global Hunger Index.

Global Hunger Index Components, 1990 GHI and 2009 GHI

GHI Number of Indicators Reference years Data sources countries with GHI

1990 99 Percentage of undernourished in 1990-92 b FAO 2008 and authors’ estimates the population a Percentage of underweight in 1 9 8 8 - 9 2 c WHO 2009 d; UNICEF 2009b; MEASURE DHS children under five 2009; and authors’ estimates Under-five mortality 1 9 9 0 UNICEF 2009a 2009 121 Percentage of undernourished in 2003-05 b FAO 2008 and authors’ estimates the population a Percentage of underweight in 2002-07 e WHO 2009 d; UNICEF 2009b; MEASURE DHS children under five 2009; and authors’ estimates Under-five mortality 2 0 0 7 UNICEF 2009a a Proportion of the population with calorie deficiency. b Average over a three-year period. c Data collected from the year closest to 1990; where data for 1988 and 1992, or 1989 and 1991, were available, an average was used. The authors’ estimates are for 1990. d Based on the World Health Organization (WHO) Child Growth Standards, which were revised in 2006 (for more information, see WHO 2006). WHO 2009 data are the primary data source, and UNICEF 2009a and MEASURE DHS 2009 are secondary. e The latest data gathered in this period.

40 Data Sources and Calculation of the 1990 and 2009 Global Hunger Indices | Appendix A | 2009 Global Hunger Index Data Underlying the Calculation of the 1990 and 2009 Global Hunger Indices

Country Proportion of undernourished Prevalence of underweight in Under five mortality GHI in the population (%) children under five years (%) rate (%) 1990 2009 (with data from (with data from 1990-92 2003-05 1988-92 2002-07 1990 2007 1988-92) 2002-07)

Afghanistan - - - 32.8 26.0 25.7 - - Albania 11.0 ** 5.0 ** 10.4 ** 6.6 4.6 1.5 8.7 <5 Algeria 4.0 ** 3.0 ** 8.0 3.0 6.9 3.7 6.3 <5 Angola 66.0 46.0 32.6 ** 14.2 ** 25.8 15.8 41.5 25.3 Argentina 1.0 ** 1.0 ** 3.9 ** 2.9 2.9 1.6 <5 <5 Armenia - 21.0 3.6 ** 4.2 5.6 2.4 - 9.2 Azerbaijan - 12.0 11.2 ** 7.7 9.8 3.9 - 7.9 Bahrain - - 6.3 4.5 ** 1.9 1.0 - - Bangladesh 36.0 27.0 56.5 41.0 15.1 6.1 35.9 24.7 Belarus* - 3.0 ** 2.4 ** 1.3 2.4 1.3 - <5 Benin 28.0 19.0 25.3 ** 20.2 18.4 12.3 23.9 17.2 Bhutan - - 34.0 - 14.8 8.4 - - Bolivia 24.0 22.0 9.7 6.1 12.5 5.7 15.4 11.3 Bosnia & Herzegovina - 3.0 ** 3.3 ** 1.6 2.2 1.4 - <5 Botswana 20.0 26.0 17.9 ** 6.4 ** 5.7 4.0 14.5 12.1 Brazil 10.0 6.0 6.1 2.2 5.8 2.2 7.3 <5 Bulgaria 4.0 ** 9.0 ** 3.6 ** 2.5 1.8 1.2 <5 <5 Burkina Faso 14.0 10.0 30.8 ** 32.0 20.6 19.1 21.8 20.4 Burundi 44.0 63.0 33.6 ** 35.0 18.9 18.0 32.2 38.7 Cambodia 38.0 26.0 45.2 ** 28.4 11.9 9.1 31.7 21.2 Cameroon 34.0 23.0 18.0 16.0 13.9 14.8 22.0 17.9 Central African Rep. 47.0 43.0 25.8 ** 24.0 17.1 17.2 30.0 28.1 Chad 59.0 39.0 33.9 ** 33.9 20.1 20.9 37.7 31.3 Chile 7.0 2.0 ** 1.0 ** 0.6 2.1 0.9 <5 <5 China 15.0 9.0 15.3 6.0 4.5 2.2 11.6 5.7 Colombia 15.0 10.0 8.8 5.1 3.5 2.0 9.1 5.7 Comoros 40.0 52.0 16.2 22.1 12.0 6.6 22.7 26.9 Congo, Dem. Rep. 29.0 76.0 27.5 ** 25.1 20.0 16.1 25.5 39.1 Congo, Rep. 40.0 22.0 12.5 ** 11.8 10.4 12.5 21.0 15.4 Costa Rica 3.0 ** 4.0 ** 2.5 1.1 ** 1.8 1.1 <5 <5 Croatia - 4.0 ** 0.5 ** 0.2 ** 1.3 0.6 - <5 Cuba 5.0 1.0 ** 4.6 ** 3.5 1.3 0.7 <5 <5 Côte d'Ivoire 15.0 14.0 18.0 ** 16.7 15.1 12.7 16.0 14.5 Djibouti 60.0 32.0 20.2 24.0 17.5 12.7 32.6 22.9 Dominican Republic 27.0 21.0 8.4 3.1 6.6 3.8 14.0 9.3 Ecuador 24.0 15.0 9.5 ** 6.2 5.7 2.2 13.1 7.8 Egypt, Arab Rep. 3.0 ** 3.0 ** 9.1 6.0 9.3 3.6 7.1 <5 El Salvador 9.0 10.0 11.1 6.1 6.0 2.4 8.7 6.2 Eritrea 67.0 68.0 - 34.5 14.7 7.0 - 36.5 Estonia - 4.0 ** 2.2 ** 1.2 ** 1.8 0.6 - <5 Ethiopia 71.0 46.0 39.2 34.6 20.4 11.9 43.5 30.8 Fiji 8.0 2.0 ** 7.7 ** 3.7 ** 2.2 1.8 6.0 <5 Gabon 5.0 3.0 ** 8.9 ** 8.5 ** 9.2 9.1 7.7 6.9 Gambia, The 20.0 30.0 19.6 ** 15.8 15.3 10.9 18.3 18.9 Georgia - 13.0 1.7 ** 2.3 4.7 3.0 - 6.1 Ghana 34.0 9.0 24.4 13.9 12.0 11.5 23.5 11.5 Guatemala 14.0 16.0 23.6 ** 17.7 8.2 3.9 15.3 12.5 Guinea 19.0 17.0 25.7 ** 22.5 23.1 15.0 22.6 18.2 Guinea-Bissau 20.0 32.0 20.8 ** 17.4 24.0 19.8 21.6 23.1 Guyana 18.0 6.0 16.4 ** 10.0 8.8 6.0 14.4 7.3

Note: For countries with an *, data underlying the GHI are unreliable; ** indicate authors’ estimates.

2009 Global Hunger Index | Appendix B | Data Underlying the Calculation of the 1990 and 2009 Global Hunger Indices 41 Data Underlying the Calculation of the 1990 and 2009 Global Hunger Indices

Haiti 63.0 58.0 22.5 18.9 15.2 7.6 33.6 28.2 Honduras 19.0 12.0 15.8 8.6 5.8 2.4 13.5 7.7 India 24.0 21.0 59.5 43.5 11.7 7.2 31.7 23.9 Indonesia 19.0 17.0 31.0 24.4 9.1 3.1 19.7 14.8 Iran, Islamic Rep.* 3.0 ** 4.0 ** 16.1 ** 6.2 ** 7.2 3.3 8.8 <5 Iraq - - 10.4 7.1 5.3 4.4 - - Jamaica 11.0 5.0 5.2 3.1 3.3 3.1 6.5 <5 Jordan 3.0 ** 4.0 ** 4.8 3.6 4.0 2.4 <5 <5 Kazakhstan - 2.0 ** 2.8 ** 4.9 6.0 3.2 - <5 Kenya 33.0 32.0 17.3 ** 16.5 9.7 12.1 20.0 20.2 Kuwait 20.0 5.0 ** 7.1 ** 0.5 ** 1.5 1.1 9.5 <5 Kyrgyz Republic - 3.0 ** 4.4 ** 2.7 7.4 3.8 - <5 Lao PDR 27.0 19.0 44.3 ** 31.0 16.3 7.0 29.2 19.0 Latvia - 3.0 ** 1.8 ** 1.1 ** 1.7 0.9 - <5 Lebanon 3.0 ** 2.0 ** 4.6 ** 3.5 3.7 2.9 <5 <5 Lesotho 15.0 15.0 13.8 12.5 10.2 8.4 13.0 12.0 Liberia 30.0 40.0 18.4 ** 20.4 20.5 13.3 23.0 24.6 Libya* 1.0 ** 2.0 ** 5.9 ** 2.9 ** 4.1 1.8 <5 <5 Lithuania - 1.0 ** 2.2 ** 1.4 ** 1.6 0.8 - <5 Macedonia, FYR - 4.0 ** 2.5 ** 2.0 3.8 1.7 - <5 Madagascar 32.0 37.0 35.5 36.8 16.8 11.2 28.1 28.3 Malawi 45.0 29.0 24.4 15.5 20.9 11.1 30.1 18.5 Malaysia 2.0 ** 3.0 ** 22.1 7.0 2.2 1.1 8.8 <5 Mali 14.0 11.0 33.6 ** 27.9 25.0 19.6 24.2 19.5 Mauritania 10.0 8.0 43.2 25.0 13.0 11.9 22.1 15.0 Mauritius 7.0 6.0 12.9 ** 12.7 ** 2.4 1.5 7.4 6.7 Mexico 5.0 ** 4.0 ** 13.9 3.4 5.2 3.5 8.0 <5 Moldova - 7.0 ** 2.4 ** 3.2 3.7 1.8 - <5 Mongolia 30.0 29.0 10.8 5.3 9.8 4.3 16.9 12.9 Morocco 5.0 4.0 ** 8.1 9.9 8.9 3.4 7.3 5.8 Mozambique 59.0 38.0 28.5 ** 21.2 20.1 16.8 35.9 25.3 Myanmar* 44.0 19.0 32.5 29.6 13.0 10.3 29.8 19.6 Namibia 29.0 19.0 21.5 17.5 8.7 6.8 19.7 14.4 Nepal 21.0 15.0 47.6 ** 38.8 14.2 5.5 27.6 19.8 Nicaragua 52.0 22.0 11.3 ** 6.1 6.8 3.5 23.4 10.5 Niger 38.0 29.0 41.0 39.9 30.4 17.6 36.5 28.8 Nigeria 15.0 9.0 35.1 27.2 23.0 18.9 24.4 18.4 North Korea* 21.0 32.0 26.9 ** 17.8 5.5 5.5 17.8 18.4 Oman - - 21.4 8.8 ** 3.2 1.2 - - Pakistan 22.0 23.0 39.0 31.0 13.2 9.0 24.7 21.0 Panama 18.0 17.0 8.9 ** 4.3 ** 3.4 2.3 10.1 7.9 Papua New Guinea - - 21.8 ** 17.0 ** 9.4 6.5 - - Paraguay 16.0 11.0 2.8 3.0 4.1 2.9 7.6 5.6 Peru 28.0 15.0 8.8 5.0 7.8 2.0 14.9 7.3 Philippines 21.0 16.0 29.9 20.7 6.2 2.8 19.0 13.2 Qatar - - - - 2.6 1.5 - - Romania 3.0 ** 0.0 ** 5.0 3.5 3.2 1.5 <5 <5 Russian Federation - 2.0 ** 2.4 ** 1.6 ** 2.7 1.5 - <5 Rwanda 45.0 40.0 24.3 18.0 19.5 18.1 29.6 25.4 Saudi Arabia 2.0 ** 1.0 ** 12.4 ** 5.3 4.4 2.5 6.3 <5

Note: For countries with an *, data underlying the GHI are unreliable; ** indicate authors’ estimates.

42 Data Underlying the Calculation of the 1990 and 2009 Global Hunger Indices | Appendix B | 2009 Global Hunger Index Data Underlying the Calculation of the 1990 and 2009 Global Hunger Indices

Senegal 28.0 26.0 19.6 14.5 14.9 11.4 20.8 17.3 Serbia & Montenegro 1 - 8.0 ** - 1.8 - 0.8 - <5 Sierra Leone 45.0 47.0 25.4 28.3 29.0 26.2 33.1 33.8 Slovak Republic - 5.0 ** - 1.0 ** 1.5 0.8 - <5 Somalia - - - 32.8 20.3 14.2 - - South Africa 6.0 ** 5.0 ** 9.3 ** 10.1 6.4 5.9 7.2 7.0 Sri Lanka 27.0 21.0 33.2 ** 18.1 ** 3.2 2.1 21.1 13.7 Sudan* 31.0 21.0 35.4 ** 27.0 12.5 10.9 26.3 19.6 Suriname 11.0 7.0 12.8 ** 7.0 5.1 2.9 9.6 5.6 Swaziland 12.0 18.0 11.1 ** 6.1 9.6 9.1 10.9 11.1 Syrian Arab Republic 4.0 ** 4.0 ** 14.5 ** 10.0 3.7 1.7 7.4 5.2 Tajikistan - 34.0 9.8 ** 14.9 11.7 6.7 - 18.5 Tanzania 28.0 35.0 25.1 16.7 15.7 11.6 22.9 21.1 Thailand 29.0 17.0 17.2 ** 7.0 3.1 0.7 16.4 8.2 Timor-Leste 18.0 22.0 - 44.6 18.4 9.7 - 25.4 Togo 45.0 37.0 23.5 22.3 15.0 10.0 27.8 23.1 Trinidad & Tobago 11.0 10.0 6.8 ** 2.8 ** 3.4 3.5 7.1 5.4 Tunisia 1.0 ** 1.0 ** 9.1 2.6 ** 5.2 2.1 5.1 <5 Turkey 1.0 ** 2.0 ** 8.8 ** 3.5 8.2 2.3 6.0 <5 Turkmenistan - 6.0 13.7 ** 8.0 9.9 5.0 - 6.3 Uganda 19.0 15.0 19.7 16.4 17.5 13.0 18.7 14.8 Ukraine - 2.0 ** 1.4 ** 0.9 ** 2.5 2.4 - <5 Uruguay 5.0 2.0 ** 6.2 ** 6.0 2.5 1.4 <5 <5 Uzbekistan - 14.0 9.7 ** 4.4 7.4 4.1 - 7.5 Venezuela, RB 10.0 12.0 6.7 4.4 3.2 1.9 6.6 6.1 Vietnam 28.0 14.0 40.7 20.2 5.6 1.5 24.8 11.9 Yemen, Rep. 30.0 32.0 49.3 ** 41.6 12.7 7.3 30.7 27.0 Zambia 40.0 45.0 19.5 15.0 16.3 17.0 25.3 25.7 Zimbabwe 40.0 40.0 8.0 14.0 9.5 9.0 19.2 21.0

1 Serbia and Montenegro are two independent states since 2006, but have been grouped in the GHI, due to the available data.

2009 Global Hunger Index | Appendix B | Data Underlying the Calculation of the 1990 and 2009 Global Hunger Indices 43 2008 Global Gender Gap Index and Subindices 1

Region/country 2008 Global Gender Gap Index Economic participation and opportunity subindex

Composite Rank Rank Score Rank Rank Score Rank Rank Score Rank Rank Score Rank Rank score (global) (regional) (global) (regional) (global) (regional) (global) (regional) (global) (regional)

Eastern Europe and Former Soviet Union Latvia 0.7397 2 1 0.7458 8 4 1.0000 1 1 0.9796 1 1 0.2332 16 1 Moldova 0.7244 7 2 0.8017 2 1 0.9982 20 7 0.9791 32 4 0.1184 42 9 Lithuania 0.7222 9 3 0.7421 11 6 0.9949 28 10 0.9791 32 4 0.1726 23 2 Belarus 0.7099 14 4 0.7260 17 8 0.9902 38 15 0.9791 32 4 0.1442 33 8 Bulgaria 0.7077 17 5 0.6975 24 12 0.9901 39 16 0.9791 32 4 0.1641 26 4 Estonia 0.7076 18 6 0.7004 22 10 0.9954 25 9 0.9791 32 4 0.1555 29 7 Kyrgyz Republic 0.7045 21 7 0.6816 33 15 0.9933 33 13 0.9796 1 1 0.1636 27 5 Russian Federation 0.6994 22 8 0.7426 10 5 0.9994 15 4 0.9791 32 4 0.0764 67 14 Kazakhstan 0.6976 25 9 0.7413 12 7 0.9968 23 8 0.9791 32 4 0.0731 68 15 Croatia 0.6967 26 10 0.6554 37 16 0.9944 30 11 0.9791 32 4 0.1579 28 6 Macedonia, FYR 0.6914 31 11 0.6466 41 18 0.9873 44 17 0.9635 76 16 0.1681 25 3 Uzbekistan 0.6906 33 12 0.7541 7 3 0.9517 57 19 0.9770 45 15 0.0794 66 13 Ukraine 0.6856 37 13 0.7139 18 9 0.9985 19 6 0.9791 32 4 0.0507 81 17 Azerbaijan 0.6856 37 13 0.7863 4 2 0.9673 53 18 0.9313 89 19 0.0575 79 16 Slovak Republic 0.6824 40 15 0.6380 44 19 1.0000 1 1 0.9796 1 1 0.1121 46 10 Romania 0.6763 43 16 0.7001 23 11 0.9936 32 12 0.9791 32 4 0.0321 84 20 Armenia 0.6677 49 17 0.6969 25 13 0.9993 16 5 0.9279 90 20 0.0468 82 18 Georgia 0.6654 53 18 0.6350 46 20 1.0000 1 1 0.9386 87 18 0.0881 61 11 Albania 0.6591 55 19 0.6491 40 17 0.9907 35 14 0.9553 80 17 0.0413 83 19 Tajikistan 0.6541 57 20 0.6891 31 14 0.8675 72 20 0.9785 42 14 0.0811 65 12 Latin America and Caribbean Trinidad and Tobago 0.7245 6 1 0.6663 35 4 0.9973 22 11 0.9796 1 1 0.2547 10 5 Argentina 0.7209 10 2 0.6070 52 11 0.9941 31 15 0.9796 1 1 0.3027 4 1 Cuba 0.7195 11 3 0.6110 51 10 1.0000 1 1 0.9745 53 18 0.2926 6 2 Costa Rica 0.7111 13 4 0.5860 56 14 0.9954 25 12 0.9796 1 1 0.2833 7 3 Panama 0.7095 15 5 0.6781 34 3 0.9948 29 14 0.9796 1 1 0.1855 22 10 Ecuador 0.7091 16 6 0.6234 49 9 0.9953 27 13 0.9796 1 1 0.2381 13 7 Jamaica 0.6980 24 7 0.7301 14 1 1.0000 1 1 0.9707 62 21 0.0913 60 20 Honduras 0.6960 27 8 0.6338 47 7 1.0000 1 1 0.9796 1 1 0.1707 24 11 Peru 0.6959 28 9 0.5961 55 13 0.9814 48 19 0.9714 58 20 0.2348 14 8 Colombia 0.6944 29 10 0.6966 26 2 0.9987 18 9 0.9796 1 1 0.1026 51 18 Uruguay 0.6907 32 11 0.6422 43 6 0.9995 14 7 0.9796 1 1 0.1415 34 14 El Salvador 0.6875 35 12 0.5632 64 16 0.9880 43 17 0.9796 1 1 0.2194 17 9 Venezuela, RB 0.6875 35 12 0.6336 48 8 0.9988 17 8 0.9796 1 1 0.1382 37 16 Chile 0.6818 41 14 0.5154 71 18 0.9856 46 18 0.9796 1 1 0.2467 12 6 Nicaragua 0.6747 44 15 0.4608 81 22 1.0000 1 1 0.9765 46 17 0.2616 9 4 Dominican Republic 0.6744 45 16 0.6008 54 12 1.0000 1 1 0.9796 1 1 0.1172 44 17 Brazil 0.6737 46 17 0.6526 38 5 1.0000 1 1 0.9796 1 1 0.0625 75 21 Suriname 0.6674 50 18 0.5507 67 17 0.9905 37 16 0.9730 54 19 0.1555 29 12 Bolivia 0.6667 51 19 0.5837 58 15 0.9713 52 21 0.9668 75 22 0.1450 32 13 Mexico 0.6441 64 20 0.4789 76 20 0.9780 50 20 0.9796 1 1 0.1399 36 15 Paraguay 0.6379 65 21 0.4827 75 19 0.9974 21 10 0.9796 1 1 0.0921 58 19 Guatemala 0.6072 75 22 0.4746 78 21 0.9148 63 22 0.9796 1 1 0.0599 78 22 Near East and North Africa Kuwait 0.6358 66 1 0.5697 60 1 0.9900 40 1 0.9612 77 11 0.0224 87 8 Tunisia 0.6295 68 2 0.4757 77 4 0.9619 55 5 0.9697 65 10 0.1105 47 1 Jordan 0.6275 69 3 0.4889 74 3 0.9860 45 2 0.9710 61 9 0.0642 73 4 Syrian Arab Republic 0.6181 71 4 0.5084 72 2 0.9275 61 7 0.9761 49 4 0.0603 77 5 Algeria 0.6111 74 5 0.4680 79 5 0.9491 58 6 0.9714 58 7 0.0558 80 6

Note: Countries sorted by 2008 Global Gender Gap Index rank in each region. Source: Data from Hausmann, Tyson, and Zahidi 2008.

44 2008 Global Gender Gap Index and Subindices | Appendix C | 2009 Global Hunger Index Educational attainment subindex Health and survival subindex Political empowerment subindex

Composite Rank Rank Score Rank Rank Score Rank Rank Score Rank Rank Score Rank Rank score (global) (regional) (global) (regional) (global) (regional) (global) (regional) (global) (regional)

1 Only countries with both 2009 Global Hunger Index and 2008 Global Gender Gap Index are included in the table.

2009 Global Hunger Index | Appendix C | 2008 Global Gender Gap Index and Subindices 45 2008 Global Gender Gap Index and Subindices 1

Region/country 2008 Global Gender Gap Index Economic participation and opportunity subindex

Composite Rank Rank Score Rank Rank Score Rank Rank Score Rank Rank Score Rank Rank score (global) (regional) (global) (regional) (global) (regional) (global) (regional) (global) (regional)

Near East and North Africa Iran, Islamic Rep. 0.6021 79 6 0.4485 82 6 0.9650 54 4 0.9776 44 2 0.0172 88 9 Turkey 0.5853 83 7 0.4123 85 8 0.8901 68 9 0.9712 60 8 0.0675 72 3 Egypt, Arab Rep. 0.5832 84 8 0.4367 84 7 0.9018 65 8 0.9717 56 5 0.0227 86 7 Morocco 0.5757 85 9 0.3926 87 9 0.8437 77 10 0.9716 57 6 0.0952 56 2 Saudi Arabia 0.5537 88 10 0.2589 89 10 0.9795 49 3 0.9765 46 3 0.0000 90 11 Yemen, Rep. 0.4664 90 11 0.2523 90 11 0.6179 89 11 0.9796 1 1 0.0159 89 10 South Asia Sri Lanka 0.7371 3 1 0.5598 65 1 0.9925 34 1 0.9796 1 1 0.4164 1 1 Bangladesh 0.6531 58 2 0.4436 83 3 0.9093 64 2 0.9496 85 4 0.3098 3 2 India 0.6060 76 3 0.3990 86 4 0.8452 76 3 0.9315 88 5 0.2484 11 3 Nepal 0.5942 81 4 0.4618 80 2 0.7454 84 5 0.9553 80 2 0.2144 19 4 Pakistan 0.5549 87 5 0.3724 88 5 0.7509 83 4 0.9498 84 3 0.1465 31 5 Southeast Asia Philippines 0.7568 1 1 0.7734 5 1 1.0000 1 1 0.9796 1 1 0.2741 8 1 Mongolia 0.7049 20 2 0.7563 6 2 1.0000 1 1 0.9796 1 1 0.0839 63 6 Thailand 0.6917 30 3 0.7283 16 4 0.9906 36 3 0.9796 1 1 0.0685 70 7 China 0.6878 34 4 0.6915 30 5 0.9778 51 5 0.9410 86 8 0.1408 35 2 Vietnam 0.6778 42 5 0.7287 15 3 0.8943 66 7 0.9700 63 3 0.1184 42 3 Indonesia 0.6473 60 6 0.5714 59 7 0.9445 59 6 0.9719 55 5 0.1014 52 4 Cambodia 0.6469 61 7 0.6588 36 6 0.8559 74 8 0.9796 1 1 0.0933 57 5 Malaysia 0.6442 63 8 0.5548 66 8 0.9895 41 4 0.9695 66 7 0.0631 74 8 Sub-Saharan Africa Lesotho 0.7320 4 1 0.7311 13 4 1.0000 1 1 0.9796 1 1 0.2173 18 4 Mozambique 0.7266 5 2 0.8345 1 1 0.7990 81 18 0.9782 43 7 0.2948 5 2 South Africa 0.7232 8 3 0.5685 61 18 0.9956 24 3 0.9754 51 10 0.3534 2 1 Namibia 0.7141 12 4 0.7091 20 6 0.9826 47 5 0.9683 72 18 0.1964 21 6 Tanzania 0.7068 19 5 0.7889 3 2 0.8698 71 12 0.9688 68 14 0.1998 20 5 Uganda 0.6981 23 6 0.6943 28 9 0.8890 69 10 0.9758 50 9 0.2333 15 3 Botswana 0.6839 39 7 0.6492 39 12 0.9999 13 2 0.9527 82 23 0.1338 38 7 Madagascar 0.6736 47 8 0.6962 27 8 0.9566 56 6 0.9796 1 1 0.0619 76 23 Ghana 0.6679 48 9 0.7445 9 3 0.8749 70 11 0.9674 74 20 0.0847 62 19 Malawi 0.6664 52 10 0.6872 32 11 0.8936 67 9 0.9612 77 21 0.1235 40 9 Gambia, The 0.6622 54 11 0.7063 21 7 0.8355 78 15 0.9796 1 1 0.1272 39 8 Kenya 0.6547 56 12 0.6928 29 10 0.9261 62 8 0.9681 73 19 0.0319 85 24 Zimbabwe 0.6485 59 13 0.6113 50 15 0.9344 60 7 0.9522 83 24 0.0964 54 16 Mauritius 0.6466 62 14 0.5269 68 21 0.9884 42 4 0.9796 1 1 0.0914 59 18 Nigeria 0.6339 67 15 0.6459 42 13 0.8252 80 17 0.9686 69 15 0.0960 55 17 Zambia 0.6205 70 16 0.5679 62 19 0.8478 75 14 0.9612 77 21 0.1050 50 14 Mali 0.6117 72 17 0.7112 19 5 0.6567 87 22 0.9695 66 13 0.1093 48 12 Mauritania 0.6117 72 17 0.4894 73 24 0.8561 73 13 0.9796 1 1 0.1216 41 10 Angola 0.6032 77 19 0.5843 57 17 0.7779 82 19 0.9796 1 1 0.0711 69 21 Burkina Faso 0.6029 78 20 0.6377 45 14 0.7068 85 20 0.9699 64 12 0.0971 53 15 Cameroon 0.6017 80 21 0.5211 69 22 0.8343 79 16 0.9686 69 15 0.0825 64 20 Ethiopia 0.5867 82 22 0.5654 63 20 0.7001 86 21 0.9686 69 15 0.1129 45 11 Benin 0.5582 86 23 0.5162 70 23 0.6329 88 23 0.9754 51 10 0.1081 49 13 Chad 0.5290 89 24 0.6028 53 16 0.4683 90 24 0.9765 46 8 0.0685 70 22

Note: Countries sorted by 2008 Global Gender Gap Index rank in each region. Source: Data from Hausmann, Tyson, and Zahidi 2008.

46 2008 Global Gender Gap Index and Subindices | Appendix C | 2009 Global Hunger Index Educational attainment subindex Health and survival subindex Political empowerment subindex

Composite Rank Rank Score Rank Rank Score Rank Rank Score Rank Rank Score Rank Rank score (global) (regional) (global) (regional) (global) (regional) (global) (regional) (global) (regional)

1 Only countries with both 2009 Global Hunger Index and 2008 Global Gender Gap Index are included in the table.

2009 Global Hunger Index | Appendix C | 2008 Global Gender Gap Index and Subindices 47 Bibliography

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48 Bibliography | Appendix D | 2009 Global Hunger Index Ozler, B. 2007. Personal communication. Udry, C., J. Hoddinott, H. Alderman, and Lawrence Haddad. 1995. Gender differentials in farm productivity: implications for household Population Reference Bureau. 2009. Data by geography > Chad > efficiency and agricultural policy. Food Policy 20 (5): 407–23. Summary. http://www.prb.org/Datafinder/Geography/Summary.aspx? region=57®ion_type=2. UN (United Nations) and Government of Botswana. 2004. Botswana: Millennium Development Goals status report 2004: achievements, Quisumbing, A. R. 1996. Male-female differences in agricultural pro- future challenges, and choices. http://www.unbotswana.org.bw/undp/ ductivity. World Development 24 (10): 1579–95. docs/mdg_status_report_2004.pdf.

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50 Bibliography | Appendix D | 2009 Global Hunger Index Partners

The International Food Policy Re- The Vision: All the people of this world search Institute (IFPRI) was found- leading their lives autonomously in dignity ed in 1975. Its mission is to provide and justice – free from hunger and poverty. policy solutions that reduce poverty Welthungerhilfe was founded in 1962 as in developing countries, achieve the national committee for the support of sustainable food security, improve health and nutrition, and promote the United Nations’ Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO). Today, environmentally friendly agricultural growth. To achieve these goals, it is one of Germany’s biggest non-governmental relief organisations. the Institute focuses on research as well as capacity strengthening Non-profitmaking, politically independent and non-denominational, and policy communication. It works closely with national agricultural the organisation is run by a Supervisory Board of honorary members research and nutrition institutions and regional networks in developing under the patronage of the President of the Federal Republic of Ger- countries. The Institute also engages in wide-ranging dialogue so that many. Its work is funded by private donations and public grants. the new scientific insights generated by its research results can be integrated into agricultural and food policies and can raise public aware- Welthungerhilfe’s goals ness regarding food security, poverty, and environmental protection. > Welthungerhilfe campaigns worldwide for food security, rural de- IFPRI is funded by governments, international and regional organisa- velopment, and the conservation of natural resources. Our work is tions, and private foundations, many of which are members of the successful if people improve their quality of life to such an extent Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (www.cgiar. that they can take responsibility for providing for themselves – org). This association consists of 15 international agricultural research helping people to help themselves. centres that work closely with national agricultural research systems, > Together with the people of Germany and with partners from the governments, NGOs, and the private sector. world of politics, economics and the media, Welthungerhilfe campaigns for a more just form of cooperation with the developing countries – so that we do not merely pay lipservice to the idea of Our identity – who we are solidarity with the poorest members of the human race. Concern Worldwide is Ireland’s larg- > Its personnel stands for courage, passion and competence in ful- est non-governmental organisation, filling its mission. dedicated to the reduction of suffering and working towards the ultimate elimination of extreme poverty. Welthungerhilfe’s work We work in 29 of the world’s poorest countries and have over 3,500 > Welthungerhilfe is a “one-stop” source of aid: from rapid disaster committed and talented staff. relief, to reconstruction, and long-term development projects. In providing this aid, the organisation works as closely as possible Our mission – what we do with local partner organisations. Our mission is to help people living in extreme poverty achieve major > Welthungerhilfe provides support for people in rural areas who improvements in their lives which last and spread without ongoing need start-up aid in order to lead autonomous lives in dignity and support from Concern Worldwide. To this end, Concern Worldwide will justice – free from hunger and poverty. work with the poor themselves, and with local and international part- > Welthungerhilfe funds its work from donations by private individu- ners who share our vision, to create just and peaceful societies where als and businesses as well as public grants. the poor can exercise their fundamental rights. To achieve this mission > Its work is strictly quality and impact driven. we engage in long-term development work, respond to emergency sit- > It uses the funds entrusted to it in an economical, effective and uations, and seek to address the root causes of poverty through our transparent way. In recognition of this, it has for many years regu- development education and advocacy work. larly been awarded the “seal of approval” from Germany’s Central Institute for Social Issues (DZI). Our vision – for change > Clear accountabilities and control functions ensure that funds are A world where no-one lives in poverty, fear or oppression; where all used correctly. have access to a decent standard of living and the opportunities and choices essential to a long, healthy and creative life; a world where everyone is treated with dignity and respect.

2009 Global Hunger Index | Appendix E | Partners 51 Imprint

Deutsche Welthungerhilfe e. V. Authors: Friedrich-Ebert-Str. 1 Klaus von Grebmer (director of communications division), Bella Nestorova 53173 Bonn, Germany (research analyst), Agnes Quisumbing (senior research fellow), Rebecca Tel. +49 228-2288-0 Fertziger (consultant), Heidi Fritschel (consultant writer), Rajul Pandya- Fax +49 228-2288-333 Lorch (chief of staff and head of 2020 initiative), Yisehac Yohannes www.welthungerhilfe.de (research analyst) at IFPRI Washington DC

Secretary General and Chairperson: Concept, design and production: Dr. Wolfgang Jamann muehlhaus & moers kommunikation gmbh, Cologne, Germany Tobias Heinrich, Pascal Schöning, Dorina Volkhausen International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) 2033 K Street, NW Printing: Washington, DC 20006-1002, USA DFS Druck, Cologne, Germany, [email protected] Tel. +1 202-862-5600 Fax +1 202-467-4439 Ordering number: www.ifpri.org 460-5382

Director General: Picture credits Prof. Joachim von Braun Cover photography: The cover picture was taken by Dieter Telemans in Mali, Maribougou, Koulikoro Region. Fulani (Peul) girls walk home with Concern Worldwide buckets of water on their heads. They have to walk more than a kilom- 52-55 Lower Camden Street eter between the well and home several times a day. Traditionally, wa- Dublin 2, Ireland ter transportation is a woman’s job, one of such importance that many Tel. +353 1 417 7700 girls are kept from attending school. July 2005. Fax +353 1 475 7362 Page 2: Thomas Lohnes/Welthungerhilfe, India, Sengaratoppu, District www.concern.net Cuddalore, 2005; page 6: Jens Grossmann/Welthungerhilfe, Zimba- bwe, Nkayi, region Matabeleland, 2009; page 10: Florian Kopp/Welt- Chief Executive: hungerhilfe, Cambodia, Yul Chék Village, Takeo Province, 2007; page Tom Arnold 16: Thomas Lohnes/Welthungerhilfe, Ecuador, Millenniumsdorf San Andres, 2006; page 20: Jens Grossmann/Welthungerhilfe, Kenya, re- Editor: gion Nyanza, Suba District, 2008; page 30: Philip Flaemig/Welthun- Constanze von Oppeln gerhilfe, Mali, 2008; page 33: Sarah Elliott/Concern Worldwide; page 39: Joerg Boethling/Welthungerhilfe. Portraits: The women’s portraits were taken by Welthungerhilfe staff.

Made of paper awarded the European Union Eco-label reg.nr FI/11/1, supplied by UPM.

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Friedrich-Ebert-Str. 1 2033 K Street, NW 52-55 Lower Camden Street 53173 Bonn, Germany Washington, DC 20006-1002, USA Dublin 2, Ireland Tel. +49 228-22 88-0 Tel. +1 202-862-5600 Tel. +353 1-417-7700 Fax +49 228-22 88-333 Fax +1 202-467-4439 Fax +353 1-475-7362 www.welthungerhilfe.de www.ifpri.org www.concern.net