Greeks, Barbarians and Strangers in Papyrological Fragments of Lost Novels*

H/CEA/7WWXVII-XVIII, 1998-1999

GREEKS, BARBARIANS AND STRANGERS IN PAPYROLOGICAL FRAGMENTS OF LOST NOVELS*

MARÍA PAZ LÓPEZ MARTÍNEZ University of Alicante For Emilio, SI8OCCKÓ(A,CJÚI (|nA,oco(¡)íac

Una de las cuestiones que ha despertado reciente interés entre los helenistas es la postura que los griegos adoptaron hacia los otros pueblos antiguos con los que mantuvieron contacto, en una actitud oscilante entre la presunción y la curiosidad. Nuestro propósito es ilustrar el tema en el marco concreto de los fragmentos de novela, intentando alcanzar alguna hipótesis de carácter más general.

One of the question which has aroused great interest amongs Hellenists over the last decades, surrounding which there ¡s extensive bibliography, is the Greeks' attitude to other peoples they termed barbarians. Even though we risk simplifying we could sum up by stating that the Greeks.

Our aim here is to ¡Ilústrate this con- and 28-29; Zimmermann 1936, n° 6A, 6B and tradiction within the specific framework of 6C, 52-63; Stephens and Winkler 1995, 72-100; papyrolog'ical fragments which could have López Martínez 1998b, 121 -144): We shall start belonged to novéis now lost to us\ and by this with some fragments which recréate an short study arrive at some general conclusión2. atmosphere akin to Chariton's historical novel First, we will refer to texts which, directly (Hágg, 1987, 184-204). Parthenope (Ziegler, or indirectly, defend the Greek character. To RE, 18.4.1935-36), the daughter of the famous follow we will look at fragments, which have as tyrant Polykrates of Samos, is the heroine of a their main characters members of those novel in which the male protagonist is another barbarían nations the Greeks kept such cióse character from the history of Greece. Par- ties with over the centuries. For that very reason thenope's partner was Metiochos (Fabricius, they were so familiar to them: Phoenicians, 'Metiochos', RE, 15.2.1407-1408), son in turn Egyptians, Persians, Syrians, Babylonians, of the victorious hero at the battle of Marathón. Scythians, Arabs, Ethiopians... The desire to The plot takes place in a context which is learn about them usually follows one of two relatively near in time and space for the trends: apparent objectivity or a tendency towards xenophobia3. However, this is not the end of the matter. * Our thanks to Professor A. Bernabé, Universidad Complutense Greeks and barbarians both lived in the same and to Professor B.P. Reardon, UC Irvine, who have read this world of the «known», so the coordinates of the article and who are not responsible for any errors that remain. stories included in the above mentioned groups 1 These fragments have been catalogued as novéis in a way which are life-like, or even at times, taken from reality. may appear somewhat provisional. We have opted to apply an We are referring in particular here to the all-embracing criterion, even at the risk of offering, at times, more suggestions than conclusions, awaiting respondeant meliores historical novel. Beyond these limits lies an et doctiores, The catalogue we propose appeared in López unknown universe, governed by completely Martínez, 1997,636-642. imaginary laws. This is the world of the texts 2 Here we are exclusively concerned with the panorama the we include in the last section. fragments offer, and how the non-Greek influenced the complete novéis, and regarding the Greek/Barbarian antithesis itself, from I. Metiochos and Parthenope (PBerol a global viewpoint, we recommend Bibliography-Appendix A. 9588, PBerol. 7927, PBerol. 21179, POxy. 3 On the themes of nationaiism and the antithesis of the barbarían 435?; OBodl. 2175) (Lavagnini 1922, 21-24 and the Greek, please refer to the Bibliography-Appendix B.

221 iníended reader (Herodotus 3.124; 3.140-51; 1995, 277-288; López Martínez 1998b, 296- 6.39-4I). The type of episode narrated in the 306): In the papyrus entitled Antheia there is a novel threw a rosy light on the role of the Greeks possible reference to the Taurians5. These in history. However, we cannot presume that people were the former inhabitants of the the same applies to the other peoples who Crímean península. They were pírates in the supposedly took part in the events, for it is a Black Sea and became allies of the Scythian well-known historical fact that Polykrates of king at the end of the Xlth century B.C. Samos was executed by the Persian satrap PS/151 and PMil Vogl. 260 (Lavagnini, Oroetes, and, according to a very plausible 1922, 32-33; Zimmermann, 1936, n° 5, 50-52; reconstruction of the story (Hágg, 1984, 61 -92), Stephens and Winkler 1995, 391-399; López young Parthenope was abducted by the king of Martínez 1998b, 329-336): Apollonius is the Persia and was thus the victim of another vile protagonist of some fragments in which the act. presence of satraps and magnates gathered PHarris 173 (López Martfnez 1998b, 337- together at a banquet held by the king filis the 340): The classification as novel of this papyrus scene with the atmosphere of the Orient. Some can not be ensured due to its poor condition. scholars believe this to be the original from The little left to us would lead us to believe ¡t to which the Latin novel Historia Apollonii Regís be linked to the work of Pseudo-Callisthenes, Tyr/laterderived. Possibly the oftquoted foreign as in the first chapter of this fictional biography adulteress also figured here (Chiarini, 1983, we are told that Alexander is educated by Greek 267-292). teachers. Terms such as Ttpóc jraí8et)Civ, xbv PBerol. inv. 11517 (Stephens and eXXr\vic\ióv and 'éXXr\v yevóuxvoc seem to Winkler 1995, 375-388; López Martínez 1998b, refer to the peculiarities of the Greek character. 266-275): Alongside all these fragments and their propaganda, one text stands out. We II. Kalligone(PSI981; POxy. ined. 112/ cannot fully ensure that it is a member of the 130 a4) (Zimmermann 1936, N° 4, 46-50; genre, although this would seem quite proba Stephens and Winkler 1995, 267-276; López ble. The plot refers directly to the sacred in Martínez 1998b, 145-155): At other times we Greek civilization, the sanctuary at Delphi and clearly see evidence of Greek chauvinism in the Pythia's oracle. To be highlighted is the fact the papyri. Kalligone's ñame which speaks for that there is fierce criticism here of a cultural itself and her strong personality lead us to symbol so cióse to the heart of the Greeks that assume that she must have been the heroine not even such a fine mind as Sócrates himself of the lost novel which the fragment bearing was capable of ever questioning its existence. the same ñame probably belonged to. We have The criticism is charged with fine rationalist tried to reconstruct the storyline of the novel spirit. In the scene we see the priest of Delphi by comparing it to one of Lucian's works entitled begging a bloodthirsty individual called Daulis Toxaris. Judging from this, Kalligone was for mercy. This character can be seen to be the abducted by the Scythians and in a fit of rage leader of a foreign army, according to the first she gives a speech in favour of her Greek editor's conjecture, or else he could be the head identity. The character is in many ways similar of a paramilitary group of villains like the one to that of Eurípides' Medea: both prove to have described in Phoinikika by Lollianus (v. infra). a very strong personality. There is even a Daulis fires his accusations of mercenary suggestion that they are slightly mentally behaviour in an expressive speech which is unbalanced. It turns out that they are also both striking for how modern his line of argument foreigners, although paradoxically they are in sounds. He also dares to boast about his cruelty opposite situations. Medea is a barbarían in to the cowering prophef whom he is threatening Hellenic territory and Kalligone is a Greek in to kill. The prophet implores his executioner not foreign lands. to commit the sacrilege of spilling his blood on POxy. 417 (Stephens and Winkler 1995, 438-443; López Martínez 1998b, 322-328): The Scythians could also be the ones who are res 4 Ourthanks to Professor Parsons, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford ponsable for the kidnapping of the small son of for having pointed out the existence of an unpublished papyrus, which would oorrespondto the same novel, POxy. ined. 112/130 a woman called Theano, who asks the Gods to (a). help her find his whereabouts. 5Line 2 of column III." Apteuav in line 7 of this same column PS/726 (Lavagnini, 1922,29-30, Zimmer could back up this theory. Refer to Iphigenia Among the Taurians, mann, 1936, n° 9, 78-84; Stephens and Winkler by Eurípides on this question.

222 the god's altar. The sacrilegious nature of to appear young, tender and loving in a way which Daulis' character would be easier to justify if appealed to people's taste during the Hellenistic we could maintain that he ¡s a foreigner who and Imperial Ages, but this is far from the image gets his just deserts for his impious behaviour. reflected by other sources (Plutarchus, Erotikos The ñame Daulis provides us with no information 753 d-e.Others Greek sources: Herodotus, 1.184, in this respect. 3.155; Hesychius, s.v.; Lucianus, De Syria dea D. 14 and Aelianus, Varia historia 7.1). The III. The next group to be discussed shows protagonists are two adolescents in love who evidence of a great step forward as it includes follow the social conventions dictated by a cul several texts which grant the barbarians leading tural koinh/ which goes far beyond linguistic roles. In these fragments, the barbarians clearly concerns. The young man is a soldier both brave play an important role right from the start. We are and skilled at speech-making, whilst Semiramis referring of course to figures like that of the Syrian is a young maiden as shy as she is chaste. king Ninus or the Egyptian leader Sesonchosis. Sesonchosis' Romance (POxy. 1826, Nevertheless, on studying these texts, we have POxy. 2466, POxy. 3319) (Zimmermann 1936, to take into account another important factor: the 36-40, n° 2; Stephens and Winkler 1995, 246- héroes of these works may very possibly have 266; López Martínez 1998b, 357-375): The actually existed. This fact makes them worthy of same apparently objective picture is given of belonging to the subgenus, the historical novel, Senwosret I, the Egyptian pharaoh who lived as was the case with Chariton's work or the around 1918 B.C. and inspired Sesonchosis' fragments of Metiochos and Parthenope. Ho- Romance. During his father's lifetime he was wever, if you compare how recent Chaireas and appointed co-ruler. He later reigned alone Kallirhoe or Metiochos and Parthenope are to the without too much going amiss. We know that date their respective novéis were written the during the Middle Empire literary texts were barbarían protagonists are separated from their written in which reference is made to the role readers by a gaping abyss of time. This distance of Senwosret I and his father in the political could be due to the fact that the main attraction events of that period. The latter are given a these characters held in the story lies in their being ficticious explanation. leaders of great empires; an attraction no longer Most Greek sources (Herodotus 2.102-111; so strong at later dates6. Diodorus Siculus 1.53-58; Pseudo-Callisthenes Ninus Romance (PBerol 6926, PGen. inv 1.33.6; 3.17.17; 3.24.2; 3.34.4; Apollonius 85, PS/1305, OEdfou 306?) (Lavagnini, 1922,1- Rhodius 4.272. Kees, 'Sesonchosis' and 15; Zimmermann 1936, n° 1, 13-35; Kussl 1991, 'Sesostris', RE, 2.A.2, 1855-1861 and 1861- 13-101; Stephens and Winkler 1995,23-71; López 1876) portray Sesonchosis as a great conqueror Martínez 1998b, 37-80): The visión of the historical and statesman comparable to Alexander, but past in the Ninus Romance gives the impression there already existed a literary tradition in Egypt that it is objective. The figure of Ninus is well known which told of the exploits of this figure. Therefore in Greek tradition. He was the mythical founder of the city of Nineveh and the inventor of militan/ skills. For the first time he got together great armies7. Although the papyri have not passed down to us any special mention of the ñame of the 6 heroine of the novel, we suppose that it was the The carliest possible date put forward for the writing of these novéis -Novel of Ninus and Metiochos and Parthenope is the Syrian queen, Sammu-ramat, who was of first century B.C. The histórica! characters Callirhoe or Par Babylonian origin and married to Shamshi-adad thenope, are from around the years 413-411 B.C. and 522 B.C, V -823-811 B.C-. This Assyrian king died when respectively. By comparison the real referents Ninus or his son Adad-nirari III -810-783- was still a minor, Sesonchosis date from 1244-1208 B.C. -Ninus- and 1918-1875 B.C. -Sesonchosis-. Cf. Dihle, 1978,47-55. A recent panoramic for which reason Sammuramat took charge of the view of the development of the genre can be read in: Ruiz Montero, regency. Diodorus Siculus tells us that Semiramis "The Rise of the Greek Novel" in Schmeling 1996, 29-85. was the ¡Ilegitímate daughter of the Syrian goddess 7 We are studying the possibility that this legendary figure could Derketo. She carne to the aid of her husband have been inspired by the Assyrian king Tukulti-ninurta I who Onnes, the king's adviser, at the expedition against reigned from 1244 to 1208 and was, like the legendary Ninus, Baktra, which is precisely where king Ninus met founder of a new capital: Kal Tukulti-ninurta. A poem was her (Diodorus Siculus 2.1-20). composed in his honour which is the only epic story which has come down to us from this ancient people. It tells of the war The characters are portrayed in a domestic between Tukulti-ninurta and Kasthiliash IV of Babylon (1242- setting in one of the fragments. They are made 1235).

223 we can say that Sesonchosis was probably the Although the work of lamblichos has not protagonist of a legend from time immemorial. In come down to us in any papyrus, we believe it time, Senwosret I was also said to have taken worthy of note that in the novel Babyloniaka part in events which did not take place until later (Habrich, 1960; Henry, 34-48 and Stephens and during the reign of Senwosret III, and some people Winkler 1995, 179-245) the story takes place believe that the saga of Sesonchosis as along the royal Persian road, as indicated by conqueror of the world (which we find in the title itself. The road follows the course of Herodotus) dates from this period (West, 1980, the river Euphrates where all kinds of dangers 11-12). lie in wait in an atmosphere of uncertainty and confusión. The novel probably told the story of how Phoinikika, Lollianus: PColon. inv. great pains were taken to edúcate Sesonchosis 3328, POxy. 1368 (Lavagnini 1922, 33; very well. Naturally, the study of military Stephens and Winkler 1995, 314-357; López strategy was not overlooked. Sesonchosis' Martínez 1998b, 163-208): The very subscriptio response to the Arabs' attack on Egyptian (fragment A2 verso) preserved in the papyrus territory was to invade Arabia, and its king of Lollianus's work guarantees the Phoenicians Webelis was brought down in status to vassal an important role8. With this work we have to king. Sesonchosis probably showed himself to start a new chapter in our study. The author of be magnanimous and kind-hearted by getting Phoinikika crudely reflects the Greek's xe- engaged to the daughter of Webelis. Thus the nophobic tendencies9. For them anyone not novel was guaranteed to have the couple's Greek automatically personifies uncertainty and triumphal return to Egypt and a happy ending. insecurity. We can assume what kind of héroes Indeed, we know from what Diodorus tells the novel had by looking at how they spent their us that an Egyptian campaign against the Arabs time: deflowering, human sacrifice, orgies, did take place. It was in his father's lifetime masquerade, .... As the late Professor Winkler when Sesonchosis was still a boy. However, as remarks in his study, such cruel pastimes are far as the ñame Webelis is concerned, the only from the average Greek's point of view thing we can say is that two Arabian kings are inconceivable for any civilized people like his known called Wahbil. They lived at a much later own. Once again a real precedent could have date than the real Sesonchosis, in the years served as the model for tríese savage crimináis. 310-290 B.C. and 180-160 BC. respectively. But Around the year 172 B.C. a group or shepherds, nothing is known of any invasión of Egypt by known as POUKÓ^OI (Achules Tatius 3.15; Cassius Dio 71.4; Sethe, 'Bot>KÓA,oi 1', RE, 3.1, the Arabs, either in general or specifically by a 10 certain Webelis. Perhaps Egyptian national 1013) , who lived in the Eastern part of the Nile Delta, led an uprising of which several Greek sentiment invented the prior provocation to sources give an account. These gangs of justify their attack. conspirators, prompted more by antisocial POxy. 30/V(López Martínez 1998b, 341- feelings than by religious conviction, also 346); There is little evidence to back the inspired other Greek and Latin novelists hypothesis of the existence of a historical no (Apuleius' Metamorphoses, 4.22; Pseudo- vel centred on the figure of Amenhotep III, the Lucianus,"Ovoc 19). Egyptian pharaoh who reigned pacifically and PTurner 8 (Kussl 1991, 171-1172; prosperously around 1390-1353 B.C. Patrón of Stephens and Winkler 1995, 400-408; López gigantic buildings, he is known in Greeksources Martínez 1998b, 254-265)11: Another papyrus (Manetho Hist. FGrH 609 F 2; Pietschmann, 'Amenophis', RE, 1.2, 1824-1825) as Ame- 8On the question of the mention of the Orient in the novéis: Treu nophis and Greek mythology identifies him with (1984,457) and Holzberg (1986, 46 and 103). the famous Memnon. This ruler reigned over 9 Cf. Winkler (1980,155-181)."' the Ethiopians and died in the Trojan war. One 10 of the places he may be from is Thebes. Of the Schwartz (1967, 536-52); Liviabella (1985, 25-40) and Graf (1986, 43-44). Stephens and Winkler (1995, 320-321) do not famous statues Amenhotep III erected one was favour associating the protagonists of the Phoinikika with Greek called the Colossus of Memnon in his honour. herdsmen. The papyrus in question describes a road which 11 Interesting comparisons can be made with the text of this probably led to Memphis and then the narrator papyrus and those in different languages from different periods, asks someone he calis "brother" to behave like such as Life of Achikar and Life of Aesop. During the I9th a man, and he carries him across the sea. The Groningen Colloquium on the Novel, I proposed that this corpus could be enlarged, taking into consideration one more reference reading of ' Auxváxluc is not very clear (lines point: the fragment called Dream of Nektanebos (v. López 21-22). Martínez 1998b, 21-36).

224 fc'wrvww. DFU roí AÍTCIOI tr I TmiT.'-ft.TrvíiiTn.T,, ut *ríTNATJV I. GREEKS II. GREEKS/ III. BARBA IV. STRANGERS BARBARIANS RIANS Metiochus and Kalligone(PS/981) (+) Antonius Diogenes, The Incredible Things Parthenope P.Berol. Ninus Romance beyond Thule (PSI1177, P.Oxy. 3012) 9588, P.Berol 2927, P.Berol 6926; P.Sero/. 21179, P.Oxy. F.Goi. inv 85, PS7 435, O.Bodl. 2175 1305); O.Boctf. 306?

Ptfarrál73 Theano (P.Oxy. 417) (+) Sesonchosis Romance (P.Oxy. 1826, P.Oxy. 2466; P.Oxy. 3319) Antheia(PS7726) (+) Amenophis (P.Oxy. 301 m PS/151 and PMil. Vogl. (-) 260 Lollianos' /l Phoenician Story (P.Colon. inv. 3328, P.Oxy. 1368)

Daulis (P.Berol. inv. (-) 11517) Tinouphis (P.Turner 8) Nectabebo's Dream (P.Le/

which paints a none too flattering picture of 140-166; Reyhl, 1969; Fusillo, 1990; Kussl 1991, foreigners is the one with the leading character 173-175; Stephens and Winkler, 1995, 101- Tinouphis. Examples are given here too of the 172). Thus, the protagonists of the novel by cruelty which governs relationships between the Antonius Diogenes come in their wanderings barbarians. In this case the story appears to be right up to the edge of the known world, but set either in the territory of Prehellenistic Persia, they do not stop at the threshold, but, before or in Egypt at the time of the Persian invasión. returning home, cross it. What they find on the An Egyptian prophet, who has been condemned other side deserves to be described as ÓOTICTOV. to be entombed alive, finally manages to esca To the far west of the Mediterranean live pe thanks to the shrewdness of the builder who peoples whose customs are surprising; the has a Greek-sounding ñame, Sosias. inhabitants of one of the cities of Iberia can see at night, but become blind during the day, IV. All tríese texts have allowed us to horses change colour on leaving the country, travel around a world where the behaviour of kings altérnate power depending on the phases Greeks and barbarians is determined by the of the moon, and men stay at home doing the limits of the plausible, governed by the same women's work whilst their women make war. laws that govern reality. We have set forth from The action goes on this time northwards to the civilized lands which mean safety, and have northern-most tip of the world. The island of gone farther afield to barbarían territory, to the Thule is taken as the starting point of a route north (Scythians, Taurians), the south (E- which leads to the North Pole and the moon gyptians, Ethiopians) and the east (Persians, itself. Naturally, the reader would have been Syrians, Babylonians, Phoenicians and Arabs). interested in reading about all these adventures, However, one last frontier remains to be because he would have been able to identify crossed, a leap in the dark, into a realm where with the characters as they seemed believable. the writer is allowed to do almost as he likes To strengthen the credibility Antonius Diogenes (amongst recent studies on fiction and fic- presents written proof: there is a manuscript to tionality: Bowie, 1977; Tatum, 1989; Reardon 1991)12. The Incredible Things beyond Thule, 12 We think that the fictitious paradise of utopian novéis such as Antonius Diogenes: PS11177, POxy. 3012 the one by lambulus, could also fit into this category (v. Holzberg (Zimmermann, 1936, 85-89 n° 10; Henry, 1960, and Kuch ¡n Schmeling 1996,621-628 and 216-217).

225 back up the events of the novel. His story can be Quaderni dell'lstituio di fiiosofia deila Facoltá di checked out13. Magistero - Perugia, 3, 25-40. LÓPEZ MARTfNEZ, M.P. 1997: "The Greek Novel. A Case We would like to ask whether a text like of 'Opera Aperta'. Suggestions for a Catalogue of Novel that by Antonius Diogenes, could, in spite of Fragments", in KRAMER, B., LUPPE, W., MAEHLER, everything, reflect a step back to the universe H. and POETHKE, G. (edd.), 21.InternationalCongress of myth, away from the rationality and realism of Papyrology in Berlín 1995, II vol., Stuttgart-Leipzig, 636-642. aimed at in novéis like the Ninus Romance, or 1998a: Tas otras novelas griegas", in ADRADOS, F.R. the Phoinikika. and MARTÍNEZ DÍEZ, A. (edd.), Actas del IX Congreso To conclude we would comment that the español de Estudios Clásicos, Madrid 1995, Madrid, 208- "superiority complex" of Greek nationalism is 212. reflected, once more, in the small sphere of the 1998b: Fragmentos papiráceos de novela griega, Alicante (1994 on microfiche). papyrologícal fragments of the lost novéis. The MAEHLER, H. 1983: "Fragmente aus Liebesromanen" in K. illustrious barbarían kings, like Ninus, Se- KYTZLER (ed.) Im Reiche des Eros. Samtliche Liebes- sonchosis, and, possibly, Amenophis, are an und Abenteuerromane derAntike II, München, 715-750. exception. Their antiquity, considering the date MENDOZA TUÑÓN, J. 1979: "Fragmentos novelescos", Cantón de Afrodisias, Quéreas y Calírroe. Jenofonte de of the novéis in which they are principal Éfeso, Efesíacas, Fragmentos novelescos, Madrid, 317- characters, confers notable prestige on them. 417. The respect in which the Greeks held the PECCERE, O. and STRAMAGLIA, A. (edd.). 1996: La Egyptians in particular possibly helped to boost Letteratura di consumo nel mondo greco-latino. Atti del that prestige. Convegno Internazionale. Cassino, 14-17setiembre 1994, Cassino. To aid clarity we have included all the RATTEMBURY, R. M. 1933: "Romance: Traces of Lost Greek papyrii referred to in a table here below. Where Novéis" in POWELL, J.U. (ed.), New Chapters in the the barbarians play a leading role, the signs "+" History of the Greek Literature, Oxford, 211 -257. and "-" indícate the positive or negative image REARDON, B. P. (ed.), 1977: Erótica Antigua: Acta of the International Conference on the Ancient Novel 1976, reflected by the fragments. Bangor, Wales. 1991: The Form of Greek Romance, Princeton, 46-126. REYHL, K. 1969: Antonius Diogenes: Untersuchungen zu BIBLIOGRAPHY den Román-Fragmenten der 'Wunder jenseits von Thule' undzu den 'Wahren Geschichterí des Lukian, Tübingen. SANDY, G. N. 1989: in B. P. REARDON (ed.) Collected BOWIE, E. L. 1977: "The Novéis and the Real World" ¡n Ancient Greek Novéis, Berkeley-Los Angeles, 801-827. REARDON, 1977, 91-96. 1994: "New Pages of Greek Fiction" in MORGAN, J. R. CHIARINI, G. 1983: "Esogamia e incesto nella Historia and STONEMAN, R. (edd.) Greek Fiction. The Greek Apollonii regís Tyri", MD, 10-11, 267-292. Novel in Context, London-New York, 139-145. DIHLE, A. 1978: "Zur Datierung des Metiochos-Romans", SCHMELING, G. (ed.). 1996: The Novel in The Ancient WJA, 4, 47-55. World, Leiden-New York-Kóln. DOSTÁLOVÁ, R. 1991: // romanzo greco e ipapiri, Prague SCHWARTZ, J. 1967: «Quelques Observations sur des (review by LAPLACE, M. M. J. 1993: REG, 106, 256- romans grecs», AC, 36, 536-52. 259). STEPHENS, S. A. and WINKLER, J. J. 1995: Ancient Greek FUSILLO, M. (ed.). 1990: Antonio Diogene. Le incredibili Novéis. The Fragments. Introduction, Text, Translation, avventure al di lá di Tule, Palermo. and Commentary, Princeton-New Jersey (Review by GARIN, F. 1920: i Papiri d'Egitto e i Romanzi Greci", SIFC, WOUTERS, A. 1996: EC, 64, 300-301 and LÓPEZ 1,163-181. MARTÍNEZ, M. P. 1996: Tempus. Revista de actualiza GRAF, F. 1986: "BOYKOAOI", ZPE, 62, 43-44. ción científica, 13, 73-77). HABRICH, E. (ed.). 1960: lamblichi Babyloniacorum STEPHENS, S. A. 1996: "Fragments of Lost Novéis" in Reliquiae, Leipzig. SCHMELING, 1996, 655-683. HÁGG, T. 1984: «The Parthenope Romance Decapitated?», TATUM, J. 1989: Xenophon's Imperial Fiction, Princeton. SO, 59,61-92. TREU, K. 1984: "Román und Geschichtsschreibung", Kilo, 1987: "Callirhoe and Parthenope. The beginnings of the 66, 456-459. historical novel", CIAnt., 6, 184-204. WEST, S. 1980: The Oxyrhynchus-Papyri, 47, 11-19. HENRY, R. (ed.). 1960: Photius, Bibliothéque, vol. 2, Paris, WINKLER, J. J. 1980: «Lollianos and the Desperadoes», 34-48. JHS, 100,155-181. HOLZBERG, N. 1986: Derantike Román: Eine Einführung, ZIMMERMANN, F. 1936: Griechische Roman-Papyri und München. verwandte Texte, Heidelberg. KUSSL, R. 1991: Papyrusfragmente griechischer Romane. Ausgewáhlte Untersuchungen, Tübingen (Reviews of GRONEWALD, M. 1993: Góttingische Gelehrte Anzeige, 13There are authors who consider the possibility of classifying 3/4, 187-200 and LAPLACE, M. M. J. 1995: REG 108, other papyri as Antonius Diogenes' fragments: PMich. inv. 5(Reyhl 256-264). 1996,14-20); PDubl. C3(Stephens and Winkler 1995,158-172) LAVAGNINI, B. 1922: Eroticorum Graecorum Fragmenta and PGen. inv. 187(Kussl 1991,173-175). We have not included Papyracea, Leipzig. the aforesaid papyri in this study because we entertain doubts LIVIABELLA, P. 1985: "Religione e letteratura nel 'racconto' about identifying them in this way, and, above all, because neither di sacrifici umani presso y romanzieri greci d'amore", text ¡s linked to the non-Greek context.

226 Appendix A PAPANIKOLAOU, A. 1983: Index Xenophontis Ephesii, Athens, 18. BASLEZ, M.F., HOFFMANN Ph. and TRÉDÉ M. (edd.), ROMM, J. S. 1992: The Edges of the Earth in Ancient 1992: Le monde du román grec. Actes du colloque Thought, Geography, Exploration, and Fiction, Princeton. international tenu á l'École nórmale supáríeure (París 17- Wdécembre 1987), París. Appendix B BASLEZ, M. F. 1992: "De l'histoire au román: la Perse de Chariton", in BASLEZ, HOFFMANN and TRÉDÉ, 1992, BARNS, J. W. B. 1978: Egyptians and Greeks, Bruxelles, 199-212. 3-23. BONNEAU, D. 1992: "Les realia du paysage égyptien dans CARTLEDGE, P. 1993: The Greeks. A Portrait of Self and le román grec: remarques lexicographiques" in BASLEZ, Others, Oxford - New York. M.F., HOFFMANN Ph. and TRÉDÉ M. (edd.), 1992, 213- DIHLE, A. 1994, Die Griechen und die Fremden, München. 219. DILLER, H. 1962: "Die Hellenen-Barbaren-Antithese im BRIQUEL-CHATONNET, F. 1992: "L'image des Phóniciens Zeitalter der Perserkriege", in Grecs et Barbares. dans les romans grecs" in BASLEZ, M.F., HOFFMANN Entretiens sur l'Antiquité Classique 8, Vandoeuvres- Ph. and TRÉDÉ M. (edd.), 1992,189-197. Genéve, 37-82. CAUDERLIER, P. 1992: "Réalités égyptiennes chez LAUROT, A. 1981: "Idéaux Grecs et Barbarie chez Hérodote", Héliodore", in BASLEZ, M.F., HOFFMANN Ph. and Ktema, 6, 39-48. TRÉDÉ M. (edd.), 1992, 221-231. LLOYD, A. B. 1982: "Nationalist Propaganda in Ptotemaic CONCA, F, DECARLI, E. and ZANETTO, G. 1983: Lessico Egypt", Historia, 31, 33-55. deiRomanzieri Greci, I (A-G) Milán, 136, s.v. (36p(3apoc. MACMULLEN, R. 1964: "Nationalism in Román Egypt", KUCH, H. 1989: "Die 'Barbaren' und der antike Román", Aegyptus, 44, 179-199. DasAltertum, 35, 80-86. NIPPEL, W. 1990: Griechen, Barbaren und "Wild", Frankfurt/ 1996, "The Margin of the Ancient Novel."Barbarians" and Mainz. Others" in SCHMELING, 1996, 209-220. REVERDIN, O. 1962: "Crise Spirituelle et Evasión", in Grecs O'SULLIVAN, J. N. 1980: A Lexicón to Achules Tatlus, Berlin, et Barbares. Entretiens sur l'Antiquité Classique 8, 59. Vandoeuvres-Genéve, 83-120.

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