Israel Museum Studies in Archaeology Volume 8 · 2016‒2017 Israel Museum Studies in Archaeology Volume 8 • 2016‒2017
An annual publication of The Samuel and Saidye Bronfman Archaeology Wing, The Israel Museum, Jerusalem
This volume was made possible by The Montgomery Securities and Friends Endowment Fund of the Israel Museum Additional support was provided by Dr. David and Jemima Jeselsohn, Zurich
Editor: Silvia Rozenberg Associate editors: Shirly Ben-Dor Evian, Debby Hershman English editor: Miriam Feinberg Vamosh Advisory Board: Tallay Ornan, Rina Talgam, Haim Goldfus
Design adaptation: Batya Segal Original design concept: Masha Pozina Printed by Elinir Digital Print, Petah Tikva
All correspondence and papers for publication should be addressed to:
The Editor Israel Museum Studies in Archaeology The Israel Museum, Jerusalem P.O.B. 71117, Jerusalem 9171002 Israel
E-mail address: [email protected]
ISSN 1565-3617 © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, 2017 All rights reserved
Front cover: Bronze candelabra and lamps from a Byzantine hoard, 6th century CE Back cover: Bezel design of a bronze signet ring from a Byzantine hoard, 6th century CE (drawn from the positive) Contents
Yigal Bloch and Laura A. Peri 2 I Placed My Name There: The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I, King of Assyria, from the Collection of David and Cindy Sofer, London
Rachel Caine Kreinin 57 “Divine Reflexivity”: a Case Study of Greco-Roman Egyptian Terracotta Figurines from the Collection of the Israel Museum, Jerusalem
Orit Peleg-Barkat, Hillel Geva and 74 A Monumental Herodian Ionic Capital Ronny Reich from the Upper City of Jerusalem
Ronny Reich 89 Addendum 1: Where was the Capital Incorporated?
Orit Peleg-Barkat, Hillel Geva 91 Addendum 2: A Monumental Herodian Ionic Capital from the Royal Stoa? – a Reply to Ronny Reich
Tali Sharvit 97 A Marble Sphinx Statue from Horvat Omrit
Moshe Fischer, Arie Nissenbaum and 116 Appendix: Yannis Maniatis Marble Analysis of the Omrit Sphinx
Karni Golan, Haim Goldfus and 117 Why Hide? – Hoarding in Late David Mevorah Antiquity in View of a Byzantine Hoard from Israel
Bruno Callegher 162 A Hoard of Byzantine Folles (ca. 610 CE) within a Hoard of Bronze Objects: Some Hypotheses
170 Information for Contributors
171 Abbreviations Fig. 1 The Great Inscription of King Tukulti-Ninurta I, obverse (above) and reverse (below). Courtesy of David and Cindy Sofer, London. Photo © Christie’s Images Limited (2014) I Placed My Name There: he inscription discussed here (fig. 1) is the only version to have survived The Great Inscription of intactT of the earliest and longest inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I (c. 1241–1206 BCE), Tukulti-Ninurta I, King of Assyria, a fascinating Assyrian monarch whose from the Collection of figure and name, “My trust is (in the god) Ninurta,” may have been the inspiration David and Cindy Sofer, London for the biblical Nimrod (Genesis 10:8–12).1 Carved on both sides of an alabaster slab in the shape of a large horizontal tablet inscribed in Akkadian in cuneiform script, Yigal Bloch the inscription was probably placed in a wall University of Haifa or floor of the building the construction of which it commemorates – the new palace Laura A. Peri that the king built in Assur, Assyria’s capital at the time. The Israel Museum, Jerusalem Generously on loan to the Israel Museum from the Collection of David and Cindy Sofer, London, on the occasion of the Museum’s 50th anniversary, celebrated in 2015, the inscription has been on display since then in the Ancient Near East section of the Neighboring Cultures Gallery in the Samuel and Saidye Bronfman Archaeology Wing. It was purchased at Christie’s, London, in the auction on October 1st, 2014.2 The inscription, comprising eight columns of text, constitutes the most complete exemplar of what is known as the Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I. It was first published in German in 1989 by the late biblical scholar and Egyptologist Manfred Görg.3 This publication was intended to supplement what was at the time the most complete edition of the inscription, published by Albert K. Grayson in 1987. Grayson’s edition reconstructed a composite text of only six columns, with some lacunae, based on 17 exemplars.4 Reviews of Grayson’s edition by several scholars included corrections to Görg’s readings of the additional exemplar.5 A new German translation of this exemplar, along with an analysis of its grammatical, lexical and stylistic features, was published
IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 3 in 2007 by Michael P. Streck.6 Finally, public in nature: either religious edifices, another study of the inscription, including such as temples and ziggurats (stepped a new transliteration, a transcription and a temple towers), or secular construction new German translation, has been recently projects, such as palaces, storehouses, for- published by Claus Wilcke.7 tifications, and waterworks.9 This article presents an updated The earliest Mesopotamian building transliteration of the inscription from the inscriptions are in Sumerian – the language Akkadian, accompanied by an English of southern Mesopotamia – and date to translation and a commentary, prepared the mid-3rd millennium BCE.10 When by Yigal Bloch.8 These are preceded by the Akkadians, and subsequently the a succinct survey of Mesopotamian royal Babylonians and the Assyrians, began building inscriptions – exemplified by to write in their own languages – in the artifacts from the Israel Museum cuneiform second half of the 3rd millennium BCE collection, some of which were previously and the first half of the 2nd millennium unpublished – and by an appraisal of King BCE, respectively – they too produced Tukulti-Ninurta I of Assyria and his legacy. building inscriptions, initially following the In addition, several brief excursuses focus on Sumerian tradition but eventually develop- the main topics of the inscription’s content. ing their own.11 This Mesopotamian custom These amply illustrated supplements, also influenced other literate Ancient Near prepared by Laura A. Peri, are intended to Eastern cultures, which similarly developed place the inscription in its cultural context distinct traditions, producing building and to shed light on the great importance of inscriptions in their native languages.12 Mesopotamian royal inscriptions as invalu- Building inscriptions make up the able sources of information on the ancient largest part of the Mesopotamian royal culture from which the world revealed in epigraphic corpus, which also includes texts the Bible emerged. commemorating military victories (triumphal inscriptions usually carved on figurative Mesopotamian Building Inscriptions steles and rock-reliefs) and cultic offerings na [ša-k]in i-na 4narê (na4.rú.a) (dedicatory formulas inscribed on artifacts 13 ka-lu ma-na-ah-ti offered by the king to a deity). However, “[He] set all his labors on it was not uncommon for triumphal inscrip- a tablet of stone” tions to include references to the king’s The Epic of Gilgamesh I:10 (after George 1999, 1) building enterprises, and for building inscriptions to mention royal achievements Tukulti-Ninurta’s Great Inscription – carved other than construction operations.14 The on a stone tablet designated in the text as narû main purpose of royal inscriptions was to (see below) – follows a long Mesopotamian commemorate the king’s name and deeds. tradition of texts that marked property and This ancient custom of immortalizing royal commemorated building enterprises. These names and exploits through written vehicles were written in cuneiform script on a variety gave birth to the first historical records.15 of artifacts and architectural elements. The Mesopotamian royal inscriptions inscriptions were produced on behalf of the often included the king’s statement that rulers responsible for building or repairing he “placed” (g˜ar in Sumerian, šakānu in the respective structures, which were mainly Akkadian)16 his written name, or simply his
4 Y. Bloch and L. A. Peri: The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I name (Sumerian mu, Akkadian šumu), on a Building inscriptions were intended Fig. 2 Brick fragment from victory monument erected in a conquered mostly for deposition, buried in foundations the palace of Tukulti- land, a statue installed in a temple, or a or other structural parts of a building. Others, Ninurta I stamped with the label “Palace of building record set in an edifice. This as the Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta Tukulti-Ninurta, king Mesopotamian idiom – “to place one’s name,” I, were intended for display, embedded in of the universe, son of Shalmaneser, king of namely, to proclaim dominion or ownership walls and floors. Numerous duplicates of a the universe” by means of an inscription – is echoed single building inscription were inscribed Fig. 3 in the Bible, for example in Deuteronomy on as many objects and placed through- Elamite brick with a 12:11: “the site where the Lord your God out the building. Copies were also kept in dedicatory inscription will chose to establish (literally, to place) archives to be further used as models.21 The His name.”17 texts were perhaps also recited in public The building inscriptions are of three ceremonies. Accordingly, their audience main types, though at times the distinctions comprised, officially, the gods invoked in are not quite rigid:18 ownership markers, the inscriptions, and future kings who were usually short labels mentioning the builder’s expected to preserve the inscriptions and and the building’s name (for example, “Palace the buildings they commemorated. Non- of […]”; figs. 2,19 25 and n. 76); dedications officially, the audience also comprised a to the deities for whom the structures were wider range of literate and illiterate people, built (fig. 3);20 and lengthy commemora- among them members of the royal court, tions of a king’s name and achievements. including scribes, foreign dignitaries, local The latter type is exemplified by the Great populace and even enemies and conquered Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I. subjects.22
IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 5 Fig. 4 Significantly, some of the earliest nails, originally painted or glazed. The wall Sumerian brick inscribed with a commemorative architectural elements that would eventually reliefs bore inscriptions of various types, dedication of a well bear building inscriptions were originally not always commemorating the building 25 Fig. 5 not inscribed, but they presumably had itself (figs. 6, 7). The knobbed tiles and Assyrian brick of symbolic meaning nonetheless. The use of nails (fig. 8) had inscriptions of all three a ziggurat built by 26 Shalmaneser III, the writing added to the symbolic function of types. first monarch to mention those elements, turning them into vehicles 3. Small clay nails, designed, perhaps, the Kingdom of Israel in his annals for transmitting specific ideas and beliefs to line the upper parts of walls. These did and, eventually, immortalizing the king’s not have a structural or ornamental function persona through literary means.23 but were rather symbolic, their purpose Inscribed building elements took being to mark royal and divine property. various forms, sizes, and materials. Examples They usually bore short dedicatory inscrip- include: tions and were referred to in Sumerian as 27 1. Mud bricks (šeg12 in Sumerian and kak (fig. 9). The Akkadian equivalent, libittu in Akkadian), manufactured in molds sikkatu, denoted the abovementioned large and then sun-dried or baked. These served nails, which were in use after the former as the basic construction material and were ceased to be used.28 commonly inscribed – by hand or, from the 4. Small pegs made of metal and occa- Akkadian period onward, impressed with sionally of stone, usually in the shape of inscribed stamps – with either marks of figurines of deities (fig. 10) or kings as basket ownership or dedicatory texts. The earlier carriers (fig. 11).29 These served as founda- exemplars, however, were more commemo- tion deposits. Buried beneath the ground, rative in character (figs. 4, 5).24 they presumably had an apotropaic function. 2. Wall decorations, such as huge They were designated by the same terms as stone slabs carved with figural reliefs and the abovementioned large clay nails and also large clay or vitreous knobbed tiles and large bore short dedicatory inscriptions.30
6 Y. Bloch and L. A. Peri: The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I Fig. 6 Assyrian wall relief with a building inscription
Fig. 7 Detail of the Assyrian “Lachish” relief with a caption explaining the depicted scene
IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 7 Fig. 8 5. Clay objects in geometrical shapes: 6. Tablets, which had a long history, Elamite glazed-clay 31 knobbed tile and nail small cones (fig. 12) and cylinders of albeit neither linear nor homogeneous (figs. with a king’s name: various sizes and forms (barrel-shaped, 1, 10, 12 above). Small, large, and even “I, Untash-Napirisha” conical and polygonal) inscribed with lines huge tablets made of stone, clay, and various Fig. 9 parallel to their axis (fig. 13),32 as well as metals, such as copper, lead, silver and gold, Sumerian clay nail with a dedicatory inscription large prisms of variable numbers of faces were used at times as foundation deposits inscribed perpendicularly (fig. 14).33 These buried beneath the ground or as monuments served as foundation deposits after metal meant for display and embedded in walls pegs went out of use. Cylinders were used or pavements. They bore various kinds almost exclusively for building records and of inscriptions, though the large tablets may have been derived from the cones; by commonly carried lengthy dedicatory or contrast, prisms also had other purposes, commemorative texts praising the king. and for building inscriptions they were used While small tablets were called t. uppu in only in Assyria. Both the cylinders and the Akkadian (from the Sumerian dub) – the prisms bear long commemorative inscrip- common word for the ordinary clay tablets tions and are usually referred to in Akkadian used in Ancient Near East for writing in as musarû (from the Sumerian mu.sar, trans- general – large tablets were frequently referred lated also as šumu šat. ru, literally, “written to in Akkadian as narû, derived from the
name”) or temennu (from Sumerian temen, Sumerian na4-rú-a, erected stone. The latter foundation, which indicates their depository term, however, designated not only large function).34 tablets bearing building inscriptions but also rock-reliefs and upright monuments, such as the famous stela inscribed with the Law
8 Y. Bloch and L. A. Peri: The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I Code of Hammurabi, and even much smaller throughout Mesopotamian history, while Fig. 10 Sumerian stone tablet artifacts like cones with purposes other than others were limited to specific periods and and copper peg figurine vehicles for building inscriptions.35 cultural areas.36 Large stone tablets like the bearing dedicatory inscriptions; such objects Some of the objects surveyed above one engraved with the Great Inscription have been found together served as vehicles for building inscriptions of Tukulti-Ninurta I were commonly used as foundation deposits
in the Middle Assyrian Period (15th–11th Fig. 11 (above, right) centuries BCE), and subsequently their use King Assurbanipal of decreased (fig. 15).37 Assyria portrayed as a temple builder carrying Although references to military a basket, carved on victories can be occasionally found in the an inscribed stele commemorating him as earliest Sumerian building inscriptions (fig. rebuilder of Esagila, the 4 above), the practice of including such god Marduk’s temple in Babylon records was primarily an Assyrian one. This characteristic Assyrian feature, rooted in Fig. 12 (below) Babylonian clay tablet the northern Mesopotamian predilection for and cone commemorating, the genre of victory texts,38 developed con- in Sumerian, the building of a palace; such objects comitantly with Assyria’s rise to prominence have been found together as a powerful empire in the 13th century as foundation deposits BCE during the reigns of Adad-Nirari I, Shalmaneser I, and Tukulti-Ninurta I, in whose time detailed sections of military narrative are first attested.
IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 9 Fig. 13 Assyrian prismoid cylinder commemorating the foundation of a new city (above); Babylonian barrel (center) and conical (below) cylinders commemorating the building of city walls and restoration of temples, respectively
Fig. 14 (far right) Assyrian hexagonal prism inscribed with royal annals
Fig. 15 Assyrian stone tablet recording the restoration of a temple in commemoration of a military victory
10 Y. Bloch and L. A. Peri: The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I King Tukulti-Ninurta I of Assyria for the Amorites, who in the 18th century and His Legacy BCE seized the city and ruled it as part of Tukulti-Ninurta I was the last but foremost a large kingdom that comprised much of of the great kings during whose reigns, Upper Mesopotamia. For the next several in the 13th century BCE, Assyria became centuries, the Assyrians remained mainly a prominent political entity in northern under foreign domination. According to Mesopotamia and reached a hitherto the Egyptian diplomatic correspondence, unprecedented peak, both territorially and however, by the 14th century BCE, Assyria culturally. His reign was also a formative had already begun taking steps to establish moment in the development of Assyrian itself as a great Western Asiatic power, on royal ideology, as revealed by written sources a par with Mittanni, Hatti, and Kassite as well as by material evidence (artifacts and Babylonia.43 architectural remains).39 When Tukulti-Ninurta I ascended the Assyria, the Latin designation for the throne in c. 1241 BCE, Assyria was already Land of Assur (māt Aššur in Akkadian), is a territorial state whose borders extended best known from the Bible, especially as to the mountainous regions east and north the imperialistic power that conquered the of its capital and to the Euphrates (or only Kingdom of Israel, deported its population, to its eastern tributary, the Balikh) in the and subjugated the Kingdom of Judah.40 west.44 This area was formerly part of the Over the course of the late 10th through hegemony of Mittanni, the suzerains of the 7th centuries BCE it became the largest which had previously plundered Assur and empire the world had ever seen: in its heyday controlled Assyria for several decades.45 it encompassed a territory stretching from Mittanni’s decline began shortly after the Egypt to the Persian Gulf and from western mid-14th century BCE under the pressure Iran (Elam) to central Turkey (Anatolia). of the Hittites in the west and the Assyrians However, its beginnings, dating to the 3rd in the east.46 As a result, its easternmost millennium BCE, were much more modest. part, including Nineveh,47 soon became Originally a city-state situated some 260 km Assyrian territory. Struggle for control over north of Baghdad, ancient Assur (modern Hanigalbat – the Assyrian word for what Qal‘at Sherqat) consisted of a core settlement remained of Mittanni, more precisely its on the west bank of the Tigris and its nearby core part – resulted in hostilities between surroundings to the east and the north.41 the Assyrians and the Hittites, which Its native population was Semitic. Early ended, perhaps at the beginning of Tukulti- in the 2nd millennium BCE, like many Ninurta’s reign, in an Assyrian victory.48 other Mesopotamian urban centers, it was Subsequently, relations between the two fortified with walls and housed sanctuaries powers became peaceable.49 for several deities, the most important of In his 37 years of rule, Tukulti-Ninurta whom was Assur, the city’s tutelary god. By I continued the expansionist policy of his that time the city of Assur controlled a flour- predecessors and succeeded in enlarging the ishing commercial network that operated in territory under Assyrian control to Lake central Anatolia, where Assyrian merchants Van in the north and to the Persian Gulf in had established trade colonies.42 the south, as reflected in one of his titles, Assur’s prosperity and profitable “King of the Upper and Lower Seas.”50 location on trading routes made it a target His first three campaigns are recorded in
IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 11 his Great Inscription. But the crowning deeds,” “warlike in temperament and eager glory of his military career was the subse- for renown,” the ruler who first campaigned quent conquest of Babylonia, whose king, against the Babylonians and captured their Kashtiliash IV, was captured and brought king, and who subsequently subdued all of to Assur along with booty and captives, in Western Asia’s nations and “became master particular, learned Babylonian scribes and of them all.” It is also written that Ninus: their libraries.51 “founded […] a city […]. And to the city he Tukulti-Ninurta commemorated his gave his own name.”56 spectacular triumph not only in building Although there is no unanimous inscriptions but also in an epic poem – the agreement on the identification of Nimrod longest and most complex literary composi- and Ninus solely with Tukulti-Ninurta,57 tion ever produced in Assyria.52 Fragments these three figures certainly share some of the Tukulti-Ninurta Epic were unearthed prominent traits. Tukulti-Ninurta was a in contexts dated to both the 2nd and the great Assyrian king, whose titles included 1st millennia BCE: in Assur, in the famed “king of the universe,” “king of the four library of King Assurbanipal in Nineveh quarters,” and “king of all the lands” (see (7th century BCE), and in the Levantine the inscription below). After the takeover coastal city of Ugarit (13th century BCE). of Babylon and the capture of its king, he This wide chronological and geographical proclaimed himself “king of Sumer and distribution points to the epic’s importance Akkad,” in line with the age-old southern for the ruling elites, eager to disseminate Mesopotamian tradition. He was a fierce and preserve Tukulti-Ninurta’s memory. warrior like the god whose name he bore Several modern scholars have – Ninurta, perceived in Assyria not only as suggested that Tukulti-Ninurta’s figure victor par excellence but also as a mighty and name may have been the inspiration hunter.58 Finally, between his military for two legendary Assyrian heroes – the campaigns Tukulti-Ninurta was also an biblical Nimrod (Genesis 10:8–12) and the assiduous builder,59 who reconstructed a Hellenistic Ninus (Diodorus Siculus [1st large part of Assur (fig. 17), operated in century BCE], Bibliotheca historica, II. 1–3). Nineveh as well, and eventually founded a These two literary figures share etymo- brand new city that he named after himself, logically similar names, and later ancient Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta (fig. 18), literally, “The sources connected them directly (Pseudo- Harbor of Tukulti-Ninurta,” an enterprise Clementine Recognitions [4th–5th centuries never attested in Assyria before. CE], IV.29).53 Tukulti-Ninurta’s accomplishments The Bible describes Nimrod (fig. 16)54 were documented in the king’s own inscrip- as “the first man of might on earth,” as “a tions60 – such as his Great Inscription mighty hunter,” and builder of the Assyrian presented here – and were doubtless remem- cities of Nineveh and Calah,55 whose bered for decades. kingdom began in Babylon and embraced Coincidentally or not, Tukulti-Ninurta the lands of Sumer, Akkad and Assyria. I is the earliest Assyrian king whose portrait Likewise, the ancient Greek historians has come down to us so far, sculpted in reputed Ninus to be “the first of the kings relief on two masterpieces of Ancient Near of Asia handed down by tradition to history Eastern art. These two similarly shaped and memory for us as one who achieved great artifacts were found in the goddess Ishtar’s
12 Y. Bloch and L. A. Peri: The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I Fig. 16 Nimrod, by the Israeli artist Itzhak Danziger (1916–1977), 1939
IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 13 Plan of Assur and Kar Tukulti-Ninurta
Plan of Assur 1. Site of the Palace of Tukulti-Ninurta I 2. Ishtar temple 3. Anu and Adad temple and ziggurats 4. Sin and Shamash temple 5. Old Palace and Palace of Adad-nirari I 6. Ashur ziggurat 7. Ashur temple
Fig. 17 Plan of Assur
1. Site of the Palace of Tukulti-Ninurta I 2. Ishtar temple 3. Anu and Adad temple and ziggurats 4. Sin and Shamash temple 5. Old Palace and Palace of Adad-nirari I 6. Ashur ziggurat 7. Ashur temple
14
Fig. 18 sanctuary in Assur restored by Tukulti- Plan of Assur and Plan of the cities Assur Kar Tukulti-Ninurta and K¯ar-Tukulti-Ninurta Ninurta I, and served as cult supports (literally, seats) for divine symbols (figs. 19, 20)61. On them, the king is depicted in the Mesopotamian tradition as both a worshiper and a conqueror. However, the imagery is rather innovative for its time, Plan of Assur featuring elements that would later become conventional means of depicting Assyrian 1. Site of the Palace of Tukulti-Ninurta I royalty: the king’s garb, accessories, insignia, 2. Ishtar temple gesture and physiognomy; the avoidance of 3. Anu and Adad temple and ziggurats the depiction of deities in human form (the 4. Sin and Shamash temple inspiration for the biblical image ban); the 5. Old Palace and Palace of Adad-nirari I elevation of the king to a godlike status; and the emphasis on pictorial narrative and 6. Ashur ziggurat 62 reality-based scenery. 7. Ashur temple Additional significant finds from the reign of Tukulti-Ninurta I have been unearthed at Assur, Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta (modern Tulul al-‘Aqar),63 Nineveh, and other provincial sites. These include luxury
14 Y. Bloch and L. A. Peri: The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I
14 Fig. 19 Tukulti-Ninurta I as a godlike worshiper (above) and a conqueror (below)
Fig. 20 Tukulti-Ninurta I, represented twice, worshiping a divine symbol
IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 15 Fig. 21 Reconstructed wall painting from Kar Tukulti-Ninurta
Fig. 22 Furniture inlays with pornographic scenes from the palace of Tukulti-Ninurta in Assur
16 Y. Bloch and L. A. Peri: The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I wares, elaborate frescos (fig. 21),64 distinct uted to this king, from whose reign at Fig. 23 70 Cylinder seal impression cylinder seal impressions on documents (fig. least 45 building inscriptions are known. on a tablet dating to 23)65 and unique lead inlays for furniture Composed in the first person, the Great Tukulti-Ninurta I’s 4th regnal year, depicting with explicit pornographic scenes unparal- Inscription commemorates Tukulti-Ninurta’s a pastoral scene unique leled in Ancient Near Eastern imagery (fig. first large-scale building project: the new in the art of the Ancient 66 Near East: a woman 22). Through stylistic comparison, some palace that he constructed in Assur, Assyria’s baking bread upon a unprovenanced artifacts can also be dated old and sacred capital, at the beginning of his fire while watched by 67 a dog inside a hut, in to his time (fig. 24). All attest to a highly reign. However, despite its primary purpose front of which stands a artistic style and thematic repertoire partly as a building record, but in line with the goat beside a shepherd recalling the features mentioned above: a new Assyrian custom introduced by Adad- carrying a kid 71 strong interest in realism, imparted by a Nirari I, Tukulti-Ninurta’s grandfather, Fig. 24 naturalistic depiction of landscape and by much of the text narrates the king’s first Cylinder seal dating to Tukulti-Ninurta I’s a movement-oriented modeling of figures, three military campaigns. reign and its modern which had returned to the stage a millen- The inscription is written in the impression, depicting a contest scene nium after the Akkadians had first intro- Middle Assyrian dialect of the Akkadian duced it in Mesopotamian art.68 They also language, making the customary use of attest to removal of anthropomorphic divine Sumerian logograms (Sumerograms). images from the pictorial field, which, as Nineteen exemplars on stone and clay are an Assyrian royal ideological tendency, may currently known, most of these fragmen- have crystallized in the time of Tukulti- tary; at least one seems to be dated to the Ninurta I. third regnal year of the king.72 Most of Tukulti-Ninurta I is remembered not these exemplars were excavated in Assur only for his many military and cultural in the early 20th century by German achievements, but also for his tragic death archaeologists. Although none was found at the hands of his own son.69 in their primary setting,73 our text mentions that after the palace’s completion the king On the Inscription placed there his narûs, namely, the tablets The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I bearing the palace’s foundation inscription, is the earliest epigraphic composition attrib- which were meant for display. These tablets
IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 17 may have originally been embedded in the Obviously, we learn much about the way palace’s walls, floors, or both. The text the king wished to be perceived and remem- concludes with blessings on the future kings bered, which also provides insight into expected to maintain the building and the Ancient Near Eastern concepts of royalty narûs, followed by a long and elaborate in general. Similarly, we gain access to the series of curses against any ruler who might king’s surrounding world, mainly through erase the builder’s “inscribed name” (the references to deities, peoples, lands, cities, inscription) or move the narûs to another geographic elements, natural phenomena location where they would not be seen. and quarters and structures inside Assur. This epilogue, which follows an age-old Finally, the text sheds light on customs and custom,74 underscores the importance of the beliefs related to both the royal and the practice of laying foundation inscriptions to non-royal realms. the Mesopotamian rulers. The large, intact tablet presented here, actually a smoothed alabaster (gypsum) slab carved on both sides, preserves the full text of the inscription. The text is arranged in eight vertical columns (four per side) separated by double vertical lines. The columns are ordered from left to right on the obverse, and, as is customary in the writing of cuneiform tablet, from right to left on the reverse. Within each column, the lines run from top to bottom, and the signs read from left to right. All in all, the inscription has a total of 280 lines. Although the columnar division is fairly arbitrary, the text follows a linear progression that opens with the king’s name, titles, genealogy and legitimacy to rule and conquer (I 1–36). This section is followed by a short summary of his first successful war (I 37–II 13) and a long narrative of all his three military campaigns (II 14–V 17), which ends with a summary of the overall extent of his conquests (V 18–34). Thereafter follows an interlude of additional titles (V 35–37), a record of the building enterprise (VI 1–33), blessings (VI 34–VII 3) and curses (VII 4–VIII 21).75 The blank lines at the end may have been intended to contain the inscription’s date. What kind of historical information can be obtained from this inscription?
18 Y. Bloch and L. A. Peri: The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I Fig. 25 Bricks from the palaces of Adad-Nirari I (above) and Shalmaneser I (below), inscribed with the labels: ”Palace of Adad-nirari, king of the universe, son of Arik-den-ili, king of Assyria, son of Enlil-nirari (who was) also king of Assyria” and ”Palace of Shalmaneser, king of Assyria, son of Adad-nirari (who was) also king of Assyria.”
IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 19 King Of The Universe, Strong King, 3. Designations indicating the royal- King of Assyria, King Without Rival, divine connection – either the king’s piety Am I: Royal Titulary or his appointment by the gods. 4. Expressions of the king’s role as Titles and epithets were an intrinsic part the shepherd (sipa in Sumerian, rē’û in of Mesopotamian royal inscriptions, along Akkadian) of his people (fig. 2677) – a with the king’s name and genealogy (fig. common, originally Sumerian metaphor for 2576). the royal office which also served as a divine Several royal titles that over time became epithet. Both aspects find expression in the customary formulas in Assyrian inscriptions Bible, in the images of Moses and Joshua were already established in the 3rd and the (Numbers 27:11), David (2 Samuel 5:2), early 2nd millennia BCE. Among these is and God (Ezekiel 34:1–16; Psalms 23:1); “king of the four quarters” (of the world), ultimately they unite in the figure of Jesus first used in Assyria by Tukulti-Ninurta as the Good Shepherd (John 10:11). himself. In this inscription it appears indi- The aspects of royalty reflected in the rectly: “the one to whom they (the gods) king’s titulary and the ideological message gave the four quarters to administer,” “the it conveyed are evoked throughout the one who shepherds the four quarters at the text: attentive shepherd, mighty conqueror, heels of the god Shamash,” and “in the four pious worshiper, earthly representative of quarters of the world I had no rival.” the gods, capable of appearing in a godlike, The royal titulary employed in this terrifying radiance (puluhtu in Akkadian, ˘ inscription falls into four main categories: see IV 33–35). These concepts of kingship 1. Epithets emphasizing the king’s were characteristic of the Mesopotamian aptitudes, especially his prowess as a culture in general and were also highlighted warrior. in pictorial representations, as exemplified 2. Titles denoting land ownership. by Tukulti-Ninurta’s depictions (see above One of these is “king of the universe” (šar figs. 19, 20). kiššate in Akkadian, but usually written with the Sumerograms LUGAL KIŠ, or MAN KIŠ as attested here in typical Assyrian orthography), which originally meant “king of (the city) Kish.” This expression may have been the inspiration for the paternal attribu- tion of biblical Nimrod (Genesis 10:8) to Kush, which may be a misspelling of Kish.
Fig. 26 Mesopotamian king as a shepherd carrying a goat-kid in front of Shamash, the sun god
20 Y. Bloch and L. A. Peri: The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I Transliteration Translation
I I 1. mgišTUKUL-ti-dNin-urta MAN KIŠ Royal name, titulary, and genealogy 2. MAN dan-nu MAN KUR Aš-šur 1. Tukulti-Ninurta, king of the universe, ni-šit 2. strong king, king of Assyria, chosen 3. Aš-šur ŠID Aš-šur SIPA na-a-du 3. of Assur, vice-regent of Assur, attentive shepherd, 4. mi-gir d A-nim ù dBAD 4. favorite of the gods Anu and Enlil, 5. šá Aš-šur ù DINGIR.MEŠ GAL. 6. whose name MEŠ 5. Assur and the great gods 6. MU-šú ki-níš ib-bu-ú 6. faithfully called, 7. kib-rat 4 ana šá-pa-ri i-di-nu-šú 7. to whom they gave the four quarters (of the world) 8. na-a-du šá-kan!-ki DINGIR.MEŠ to administer, 9. mu-t.í-ib ŠÀ Aš-šur 8. the attentive one, appointee of the gods, 10. šá al-ka-ka-tu-šú UGU DINGIR. 9. the one who gladdens the heart of Assur, MEŠ 10. whose conduct 11. šá AN KI i-t. í-ba-ma 11. is pleasing 12. me-tel-lu-tu na-ad-na-tu-šú 10. to the gods 13. mu-šá-ter ana ŠU.NÍGIN DINGIR. 11. of heaven (and) earth, MEŠ zi-bi 12. who is endowed with excellence, 14. ka-ia-na mu-ul-tas-hír 13. the one who makes abundant the offerings 15. KUR.KUR KÚR.MEŠ e-liš KI.TA for all the gods,
16. MAN dan-nu le-ú MURUB4 14. all the time, the one who encircled 17. šá kib-rat 4 ar-ki dŠá-maš 15. enemy lands above (and) below, 18. ir-te-ú ana-ku 16. strong king, capable in battle, 19. A dSILIM.MA-MAŠ MAN KUR 18. the one who shepherds Aš-šur 17. the four quarters at the heels of (literally, after) 20. A d10-ÉRIN.TÁH MAN KUR the god Shamash, Aš-šur-ma 18. am I; 21. e-nu-ma Aš-šur EN ana pa-la-hi-šú 19. son of Shalmaneser, king of Assyria, 22. ki-níš ú-ta-ni-ma 20. son of Adad-Nirari (who was) also king of Assyria. 23. ana SIPA-ti-ia gišGIDRU i-di-na 24. ana NA.GAD-ti-ia ši-pi-ra ú-s.i-pa The king’s commission by the god and legitimacy 25. ana ša-ga-šú gi-ri-ia to rule and conquer 26. šuk-nu-uš la-di-ri-ia 21. When Assur, (my) lord, 27. me-tel-lu-te iš-ru-ka 22. faithfully chose me 28. a-ge be-lu-ti e-pír-a-ni 21. to worship him, 23. gave me the staff for my office of shepherd, 24. (presented) me in addition the crook for my office of herdsman, 27. granted me excellence 25. so that I might slay my enemies 26. (and) subdue those who do not fear me, 28. (and) placed upon me the lordly crown;
IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 21 The Staff, The Crook, And The Lordly Crown: Regalia
In the section dealing with Tukulti-Ninurta’s legitimacy to rule over all the conquered lands and peoples, the royal insignia – scepters and crown – are granted to the king directly by the god Assur. This recalls the coronation ceremony performed by a priest, which is known from contemporary and later Assyrian literary texts; the motif is Fig. 27 Achaemenid king crowned, enthroned, also echoed in the Bible in the story of the and holding a staff coronation of the seven-year-old Jehoash as King of Judah (2 Kings 11:12; 2 Chronicles 23:11). The royal scepters – which may have in reality had the shape of a staff (hat.t. u in Akkadian, here written with the ˘ Sumerogram ˜g i š GIDRU) and, probably, a crook (šibirru in Akkadian), signifying the offices of shepherd and herdsman, respec- tively – were actually intended to serve the Fig. 28 Middle Assyrian king holding a mace king as weapons with which he could enlarge and a bridle, facing conquered kings the land. Pictorially, they were traditionally and receiving a bow from the god Assur, who is represented as a pair of hands represented in Assyria by a mace. emerging from a sun-disk Another regal emblem, the throne (fig. 2778) – namely chair, gu.za in Sumerian and kussû in Akkadian – is mentioned indirectly in the epilogue in a curse on potential usurpers. In addition, the bridle (fig. 2879), with which the Assyrian monarch declares his control of the conquered lands and their kings, is also to be seen as a royal attribute. Another noteworthy symbol is the king’s foot (fig. 2980), which he “set upon the neck of the lands.” The king’s foot, also mentioned in the text of the coronation
ritual, metaphorically rendered the king as Fig. 29 a conqueror, an almighty earthly ruler, and, Akkadian king, equipped with weapons, consequently, accepted by the gods. trampling corpses of enemies
22 Y. Bloch and L. A. Peri: The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I 29. ina GÚ KUR.KUR GÌR ú-kín 29. (at that time) I set my foot upon the neck of the lands 30. rap-šá-ti s.a-al-mat qa-qa-di 31. (and) shepherded like a herd 31. ki-ma bu-li lu ar-te-’i 30. the extensive black-headed people (namely, 32. de-en me-šá-ri ú-šá-hi-za-ni the local population). 33. ki-ma ana ŠU.NÍGIN d A-nun-na-ki 32. He (Assur) taught me just decisions. 34. šá-ah-ta!-ku!-ma! DINGIR.MEŠ 33. Since i-du-ú 34. I feared 35. kúl-la-
II Summary of the first military campaign 1. šá iš-tu ul-la-a MAN.MEŠ mah-ru-ti 37. When the troops of the Uqumanu, 2. ab-be-ia kúl-la-at gi-mir-ti KUR.KUR 3. la ik-nu-šú-ma II 4. mi-še-e’-ti kib-rat 4 2. all of (whose) countries,
5. ú-ka-mu ina u4-me-šú-ma 1. since the days of old, 6. ina e-mu-qe dan-na-ti 3. did not submit 7. ša Aš-šur EN-ia 1. (to) the previous kings, 8. ina gišTUKUL-ti šá DINGIR.MEŠ 2. my fathers, GAL.MEŠ 5. were carrying off 9. pe-tu-ú gišTUKUL.MEŠ-ia 4. the plunder of the four quarters (of the world) – 10. a-li-ku-ut im-ni-ia 5. at that time, 11. ar-hi pa-áš-qu-ti ki-s.ir hur-šá-ni 6. with the strong might 12. dan-nu-ti at-tal-la-ku-ma 7. of Assur, my lord, 13. ina kib-rat 4 ma-hi-ra 8. with trust in the great gods, 14. la i-šu-ú ina šur-
17. ki-ma DU6 a-bu-bi ás-hu-up 11. through the narrow passages (and) 12. the difficult 11. rocky mountains. 13. In the four quarters (of the world) 14. I had 13. no rival.
Detailed account of the first military campaign against Uqumanu 14. At the begi
IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 23 My Lord And The Great Gods Who the gods in general, and, in particular, for Go By My Side: Deities the primordial deities whose king was Anu; Shamash, the sun god, who was usually Deities, mostly male, are mentioned responsible for justice (although here this throughout the inscription. At the head role is played by Assur; fig. 3283) and to of the Assyrian pantheon was Assur, the whom, later in his reign, Tukulti-Ninurta Assyrian national god. He was perceived as would compare himself; Adad, the storm the actual king, while Tukulti-Ninurta was god, whose ziggurat was located near only his “vice-regent,” namely, his earthly Tukulti-Ninurta’s new palace and who representative. appears along with Assur in the blessing and curse formulas at the end. The only female deity mentioned in the inscription, not named explicitly but described, as noted, as “the lady of the battle fray,” is Ishtar, the great goddess of war (and love) and patroness of kings, to whose destructive capabilities Tukulti-Ninurta appeals in the epilogue.
Fig. 30 The god Ninurta pursuing a monster
Assur was often identified with Enlil, the lord of the gods in the Sumero- Babylonian cult. Enlil was the father of Fig. 31 Ninurta, the war god, whose name Tukulti- The gods Anu and Enlil represented by their Ninurta bore (fig. 3081). Here, however, symbols – horned crowns upon cult pedestals Enlil appears together with Anu (fig. 3182) – the sky god, father of all the gods, the highest Mesopotamian deity – and along with Assur the three constitute the great gods of the pantheon. They chose, called by name, and appointed Tukulti-Ninurta as their chief worshiper and administra- tor, “shepherd” of their dominion (the four quarters of the world), assisting him espe- cially during his military campaigns. Fig. 32 Additional Sumero-Babylonian deities Syncretized image of the gods Assur, Shamash and are also mentioned: Anunnaku, a term for Sin as a winged sun and crescent held by bull-men
24 Y. Bloch and L. A. Peri: The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I 18. ÉRIN.MEŠ-šú-nu si-hír a-šàm-šá-ti 19. I surrounded 19. lu ú-šal-me 18. their army (like) with a circle of sandstorms.
20. ina u4-me-šu-ma i-na áš-ri 20. At that time, 21. nam-ra-s.i pu-šuq hur-šá-ni 22. they banded together(?) against my army 22. ana IGI ÉRIN.MEŠ-ia in-ne-ni-ma 20. in a place
23. ana MURUB4 ù ta-ha-zi 21. (that was) difficult, in a mountain defile. 24. dáp-níš iz-zi-zu-ni 24. They fiercely took up position 25. ana Aš-šur ù DINGIR.MEŠ GAL. 23. for a fight and a battle. MEŠ 26. I put my trust 26. EN.MEŠ-ia at-kal-ma 25. in Assur and the great gods, 27. it-ti-šu-nu am-da-has. 26. my lords, and 28. a-bi-ik-ta-šu-nu aš-kun 27. fought with them. 29. šal-ma-ti-šu-nu hur-ri muš-pa-li 28. I brought about their defeat. 30. šá KUR-i lu-mel-li 30. I filled 31. i-ta-at KÁ.GAL-šu-nu 29. with their corpses the caves and the ravines 32. šal-ma-su-nu ana gu-ru-na-ti 30. of the mountains. 33. lu ú-še-pi-ik 33. I made heaps 34. URU.URU-šu-nu a-pu-ul 32. of their corpses like (grain) piles
35. aq-qur a-na DU6 ù kar-me ú-ter 31. beside their gates. 36. KUR Qu-ti-i DAGAL-ti a-bél 34. Their cities I destroyed, 35. ravaged and turned into ruin hills. III 36. (Thus) I became lord of the extensive land of Qutu. 1. i-na hu-ud ŠÀ ù me-tel-lu-ti 2. UGU-šu-nu lu at-ta-zi-iz III 3. mA-bu-le-e MAN KUR Ú-qu-me-ni 1. With joy and excellence 4. gu-ni ma-li-ki-šú 2. I stood over them. 5. qa-ti ik-šud 5. I captured 6. šal-la-su-nu nam-kur-šu-nu aš-lu-la 3. Abu-le’e, the king of the land Uqumenu, 7. a-na URU-ia Aš-šur lu-bi-la 4. and the hordes of his princes. 8. ni-iš Aš-šur ù DINGIR.MEŠ GAL. 6. I carried off their captives (and) their property MEŠ 7. (and) brought them to my city, Assur. 9. šá AN KI lu-tam-me-šu-nu-ti 9. I made them swear 10. ni-ir be-lu-ti-ia dan-na 8. an oath by Assur and the great gods 11. ina GÚ-šu-nu ú-kín 9. of heaven (and) earth. 12. a-na KUR-šu-nu ú-me-šìr-šu-nu-ti 11. I imposed upon their necks 13. šap-s.u-ti-šu-nu ana GÌR-ia 10. the heavy yoke of my lordship 14. ú-šék-níš 12. (and) sent them (back) to their lands. 15. ù tup-ši-ka e-mì-id 13. The resistant ones among them 16. MU-šàm-ma GÚ.UN-su-nu DUGUD 14. I subdued 13. at my feet 15. and imposed (upon them) corvée. 16. Annually
IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 25 At That Time I Set My Foot Katmuhu, and the third campaign engaged Upon The Neck Of The Lands: the land of Shubaru, Mount Kashiyari and The Military Account the land of Alzu. These mountainous areas were located on the eastern and the western ul iššakan salīmu balu mithus.e banks of the Tigris in southeastern Turkey of “Peace will not be made without conflict.” today, up to the eastern Taurus Mountains. The Epic of Tukulti-Ninurta, III (= A obv.) 15’ Shubaru, which generally denoted the (Machinist 1978, 90–91) Hurrian-populated region of northern Mesopotamia, here most likely refers to the The military account occupies about half former territory of Hanigalbat (fig. 34). the inscription, pointing out the importance The text presents various aspects given by the Assyrian king(s) to military of warfare while delineating the multiple success and territorial expansion. Through stages of a military campaign, the success both summaries and detailed narratives, of which was always contingent on divine the text describes three fruitful campaigns support. The motives that justified an armed that Tukulti-Ninurta undertook from the operation were either protection from foreign northeast to the northwest of the Assyrian assaults on Assyrian land and people or sup- core territory at the beginning of his reign. pression of revolts in Assyrian-dominated Although temporal statements give the regions. The text points out the difficulty impression – as common in Assyrian royal of mountain warfare and poetically evokes inscriptions – that all these campaigns fell combat strategies, emphasizing the king’s in a single year (namely, the king’s accession ability and experience in battle as well as year), the internal chronology of the events the cruelty of his vengeance (fig. 33). A and the distance encompassed by the lands special emphasis was put on the destruction under control indicate that they most likely of foreign cult places. took place in three successive years. A successful campaign ended with the The first campaign was directed against dethronement – but not always the capture – the land of Uqumanu, located in the vicinity of the enemy kings, the triumphal return to of modern Zakho (northern Iraq), which Assur with booty and prisoners, the imposi- also resulted in subjugation of the lands of tion of a loyalty oath – sworn to “Assur and Qutu (Gutians) located farther east in the the great gods” – on the inhabitants of the Zagros Mountains. The second campaign conquered lands, and the levying of tribute focused on the lands of Mehru, Sharnida and to be received annually in Assur.
Fig. 33 Tukulti-Ninurta I as a conqueror of a mountainous land, flanked by two horsemen leading bound prisoners (detail of fig. 19)
26 Y. Bloch and L. A. Peri: The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I 17. ina URU Aš-šur ina tàk-né-e 18. I received 18. lu am-da-har 16. their heavy tribute 19. KUR Qu-ti-i né-su-ti 17. with ceremony in my city, Assur. 20. šà ar-ha-tu-šu-nu šu-up-šu-qa-ma 19. The land of the distant Qutu, 21. a-na me-te-eq ÉRIN.MEŠ-ia 20. the paths to which are very narrow and 22. ul na-t. u-ú 22. (the terrain of) which is not suitable
23. a-na uz-zi MURUB4-ia 21. for the movement of my army, 24. iš-hu-tu-ma 24. took fright 25. a-na GÌR-ia ik-nu-šú 23. at the ferocity of my warfare 26. GÚ.UN ù ma-da-ta 25. and submitted themselves at my feet.
27. a-na u4-um s.a-ti UGU-šu-nu aš-kun 27. I levied
28. ina u4-me-šu-ma a-na KUR Šar-ni-da 26. tribute and impost 29. KUR Me-eh-ri lu a-lik 27. upon them forever. 30. ina Á-at ÉRIN.MEŠ-at Qu-ti-i 31. šá Aš-šur ù DINGIR.MEŠ GAL. Second military campaign against Sharnida, MEŠ Mehru, and Katmuhu 32. a-na is-qi-ia iš-ru-ku 28. At that time 33. GU.ŠUR KUR Me-eh-ri dan-nu-ti 29. I marched 34. lu ak-ki-is ana URU-ia Aš-šur 28. to the land Sharnida (and) 35. lu-bi-la É.GAL be-lu-ti-ia 29. the land Mehru. 36. šá -ra-mu ina GU.ŠUR Me-eh-ri 30. By means of the army of Qutu, 37. šá-tu-nu lu ú-kín 31. which Assur and the great gods 32. had allotted to me, IV 34. I cut down 1. i-na MU-ma ši-a-ti 4 URU.DIDLI 33. mighty beams of the land Mehru (and) šap-s.u-ti 35. brought (them) 2. šá KUR Kat-mu-hi 34. to my city, Assur. 3. ma-haz be-lu-ti-šú dan-nu-ti 37. I buttressed 4. šá i-na su-lu-me-e ù sa-ra-ar-te 35. my lordly palace, 5. UN.MEŠ-ia ú-ka-mu 36. which I love, with those beams from Mehru. 6. mi-še-e’-ta ana KUR-ia na-du-ú
7. i-na ma-lu-ti u4-me lu ak-šud IV 8. eš-re-su-nu ki-ma ri-be lu-ri-ib 1. In that same year, four resistant cities 9. šal-la-su-nu nam-
IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 27 Fig. 34 Map of Mesopotamia and the surrounding areas
11. KUR Šu-ba-rí-i ka-la-šá Third military campaign against Alzu, Mount 12. si-hír-ti Ka-ši-ia-ri Kashiyari, and the surroundings 13. a-di KUR Al-zi šá i-na IGI ana tar-s.i 11. All the land of the Shubaru, 14. BALA mdSILIM.MA-MAŠ MAN. 12. the entirety of Kashiyari KIŠ a-bi-ia 13. as far as the land Alzu, which previously, during 15. ib-bal-ki-tu-ma ta-mar-ta-šú 14. the reign of Shalmaneser, king of the universe, 16. ik-lu-ú pa-a 1-en my father, 15. had rebelled (and) 16. withheld 15. its tribute,
28 Y. Bloch and L. A. Peri: The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I 17. mi-it-ha-ri-iš iš-šá-ak-nu 17. had united itself 18. ana Aš-šur ù DINGIR.MEŠ GAL. 16. under one command. MEŠ 19. I raised my hands (in prayer) 19. EN.MEŠ-ia qa-ti aš-ši 18. to Assur and the great gods, 20. ana KUR Ka-ši-ia-ri e-li KUR 19. my lords, (and) Šu-ba-ri-i 20. marched up to Mount Kashiyari. 21. KUR Al-zi MAN.MEŠ re-s.i-šú-nu 22. (As) with a bridle I controlled 22. i-na rap-pi lu-la-it. ma-ha-za GAL-a 20. the land of the Shubaru, 23. šá KUR Pu-ru-lúm-zi ak-šud 21. the land Alzu and their allied kings. 24. bal-t. u-su-nu i-na IZI aq-lu 23. I conquered 25. ši-ta-at ÉRIN.MEŠ-šu-nu 22. the great cult center 26. ana šal-la-ti lu am-nu 23. of the land Purulumzu. 27. 4 URU be-lu-ti-šú dan-nu-ti 24. I burnt them (the inhabitants) alive (and) 28. šá mEh-li-Te-šub MAN KUR Al-zi 25. the remnants of their army 29. 6 URU.DIDLI šap-s.u-ti 26. I took as captives. 30. šá KUR A-ma-da-ni aq-lu 30. I burned down 31. šal-la-su-nu nam-kur-šú-nu aš-lu-la 27. four strong capitals 32. ana URU-ia Aš-šur ub-la 28. of Ehli-Teshub, king of the land Alzu, (and) 33. mEh-li-dTe-šub MAN KUR Al-zi 29. six resistant cities 34. ana i-di pu-luh-ti-ia 30. of the land Amadanu.
35. iš6-hu-ut-ma ÉRIN.MEŠ É.GAL- 31. Captives (and) property I carried off from lì-šú them (and) 36. ù DUMU.MEŠ il-qe 32. brought to my city, Assur. 37. si-hír-ti KUR-šú ú-me-šìr 33. Ehli-Teshub, king of the land Alzu, 35. took fright V 34. in the face of my terrifying radiance. 1. ana pa-at. Na-i-ri ana KUR la i-du-ú 36. He took 2. šá-la-liš lu i-ba-’a 35. his courtiers 3. ši-ta-at ÉRIN.MEŠ-šú 36. and his sons, 4. šá i-na ŠÀ tam-ha-ri i-pár-ši-du 37. abandoned his entire land, (and) 5. šu-mur ta-ha-zi-ia 6. e-tar-ma ana KUR-i e-be-ru-ti V 7. ana e-t.é-er nap-šá-ti-šu-nu 2. went secretly 8. lu i-nu-qu 3 šu-ši URU.DIDLI-šú 1. to the border of Nairi, to an unknown land. 9. a-pu-ul aq-qur ina IZI aq-lu 3. The remnant of his army,
10. ana DU6 ù kar-me ú-ter 4. which had fled in the midst of the battle, 6. fearing 5. the violence of my warfare, 8. ran 6. to the mountains standing out (at the horizon) 7. to save their lives. 8. 180 of their towns 9. I destroyed, ravaged, burnt, (and) 10. turned into ruin hills.
IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 29 A New Palace Erected Upon Brick And the palace’s foundation. Finally, the palace – Limestone And Buttressed With Beams: literally “a large house (named) House of the The Building Enterprise King of (All) the Lands, the festive house of all the gods, the dwelling-place of kingship, The new palace that Tukulti-Ninurta built the palace of my (the king’s) enjoyment” – in Assur’s northwestern corner (fig. 35) was was “built (and) erected completely from its perceived as both a secular and a sacred foundations to its crenellations.” place. From later inscriptions it is clear The text explicitly describes the that the construction of the palace was a building process. First, the location was long-term project. However, while most of chosen: on the northern side of the city, Tukulti-Ninurta’s inscriptions commemo- near Adad’s ziggurat and the Craftsman’s rate aspects of the palace’s construction, it (Tabira) Gate, on a large plot that was a is likely that the structure as a whole was residential quarter. Next, the terrain was never completed. prepared. This included its purification, The king’s other enterprises in the presumably in some type of building rite; city of Assur focused on the renovation of the removal – and deposition elsewhere – of older temples (those of the Ishtar, Assur, stelae of former kings and of intramural and the double shrine of Shamash and Sin, graves from the dwellings; the demarcation the moon god). In addition, he repaired the of the size of the plot; and the digging of city’s wall and dug a moat.
Fig. 35 Reconstruction of northern Assur (from left to right): a corner of the New Palace of Tukulti-Ninurta I, Ishtar temple, Anu and Adad temple and ziggurats, Sin and Shamash twin temple, the Old Palace, Assur ziggurat, a corner of the Great Temple of Assur
30 Y. Bloch and L. A. Peri: The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I 11. KUR Al-zi KUR A-ma-da-ni 15. I added to my land 12. KUR Ni-ha-ni KUR A-la-ia 14. the regions of
13. KUR Te-pur 13-zi KUR Pu-ru-lúm-zi 11. the lands Alzu, Amadanu, 14. mi-is.-ra-te-šu-nu 12. Nihanu, Alaya, 15. ana ŠÀ KUR-ia lu ú-te-ra 13. Tepurzu, and Purulumzu. 16. li-t. í-šú-nu ás.-bat ana 16. I took from them hostages, subd[ue]d (them) at my feet, GÌR-ia ú-šék-[niš] 17. and imposed corvée (upon them). 17. ù tup-ši-ka e-mì-id 18. ina be-ri-it URU Šá-si-lam Summary of the overall extent of the conquests 19. ù URU Maš-haz-MAN 18. (From the region) between the cities of Shasilam 20. e-bir Za-be šu-pa-li-i 19. and Mashhaz-sharri 21. iš-tu KUR-i Zu-qu-uš-ki 20. on the opposite bank of the Lower Zab, 22. ù KUR-i La-la-ar 21. from Mount Zuqushki 23. ši-di KUR Qu-ti-i DAGAL-ti 22. and Mount Lallar, 24. si-hír-ti Lu-lu-mi-i Pap-hi-i 23. the district of the extensive land of Qutu, 25. a-di Kat-mu-hi KUR Šu-ba-ri-i 24. the entire land of Lullumu (and) Paphu ka-la-šá 25. to the land of Katmuhu, the whole land of Shubaru, 26. si-hír KUR Ka-ši-ia-ri 26. the entirety of Mt. Kashiyari, 27. a-di ZAG Na-i-ri ù Má-kan 27. to the border of Nairi and Makan, 28. ši-di Pu-rat-te 28. the bank of the Euphrates – 29. mi-is.-ru 29. (in those) regions 30. ù ku-du-ur-ru 30. and their borders, 31. šá Aš-šur ù DINGIR.MEŠ GAL. 31. which Assur and the great gods MEŠ 32. allotted to me, 32. ana is-qi-ia iš-ru-ku 34. I brought 33. pa-a 1-en kúl-la-at 33. all 34. na-ki-
1. i-na u4-me-šú-ma i-na qa-ab-la-at 37. the herdsman who properly administers them, am I. 2. URU-ia Aš-šur i-ta-at 3. si-qur-ra-te šá 10 EN-ia VI 4. a-di KÁ.GAL ta-bi-ra The building enterprise 5. mu-hur-ti il-ta-ni 1. At that time, inside 6. É.HI.A šu-pa-te 2. my city, Assur, in the vicinity 7. ši-di ru-qu-ti 3. of the ziggurat of Adad, my lord, 8. qa-qa-ra-te ma-da-ti 4. up to the Craftsman’s (Tabira) Gate, 5. on the north side, 6. (at the location of) houses and dwellings, 7. extensive spaces, (and) 8. large plots of land,
IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 31 The Gods Will Listen To His Prayers: Blessing On A Future King
In line with the Mesopotamian tradition, the remainder of the text concentrates on the future of the palace and on the preservation of its builder’s memory. The maintenance of both the palace and its foundation inscrip- tions were perceived as a religious duty, the ritual of which included anointing the inscriptions with oil and making sacrifices. Fulfillment of this duty would be rewarded Fig. 36 with divine favor, here attributed to the gods The gods Assur (left) and Adad (right) on a cylinder seal Assur and Adad (fig. 3684). possibly dating to Tukulti-Ninurta I’s reign
9. eš-re-et URU-ia Aš-šur 10. I purified 10. lu ú-me-si 9. a sacred terrace of my city, Assur. 11. i-di a-sa-ma-ti 11. (The place?) at the side of the steles(?) 12. šá MAN.MEŠ mah-ru-ti 12. of the former kings, 13. it-ti-ši-na-ma 13. including them (the steles),
14. ú-né-kir6 14. I cleared away. 15. KI.MAH.MEŠ šá ni-še pa-na-ti 15. The graves of the ancient people (that were) 16. ina šu-bat É.HI.A ši-na-ti-ma 16. in the dwelling places of those houses, 2 17. ú-né-kir6 50 SAR.MEŠ 17. I cleared away. In the area of 50 sar (mušāru, ca. 1800 m ) 18. zi-iq-pa mu-la-a 18. straight down the (earthen) fill 19. ana šu-pa-lu dan-na-su 19. of that building plot, 20. ki-s.ir KUR-i lu ak-šud 20. I reached bedrock. 21. zí-za-a-tì? šá ana URU-ia Aš-šur 21. The plots (of land) that (belonged) to my city, Assur, 22. lu ú-te-ra 22. I enlarged.
23. eš-re-su ina pi-li ù SIG4 23. Its (sacred) terraces 24. lu ú-bé-li-it. 24. I strengthened 25. na-re-e šá MAN.MEŠ mah-ru-ti 23. with limestone and brick. 26. šá ina i-di a-sa-ma-te šá-ak-nu 25. The narûs (inscribed monuments) of the former kings, 27. ina áš-ri 1-en lu aš-kun 26. which lay beside the steles, 28. É ra-ba-a É MAN KUR.KUR É 27. I placed at one location. EZEN-at 28. A large house, the House of the King of (All) 29. pu-uh-ri DINGIR.MEŠ šu-bat the Lands, the festive house MAN-ti 29. of all the gods, the dwelling-place of kingship, 30. É.GAL hi-da-ti-ia ab-ni 30. the palace of my enjoyment I built (and)
32 Y. Bloch and L. A. Peri: The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I 31. e-pu-uš-ma iš-tu uš-še-šá 31. erected 32. a-di gaba-dib-bi-šá ú-šek-lil 32. completely 33. ù na-ri-ia aš-kun 31. from its foundations
34. ana ar-kat U4.MEŠ NUN EGIR 32. to its crenellations, 35.
IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 33 May The Lady Of The Battle Fray Change Him From A Man To A Woman: Crime and Punishment
Neglect or destruction of the palace and the inscription – literally, the king’s written name – were regarded as crimes of a no less religious character, destined to be punished by the gods. Indeed, one of the crimes is explicitly described as preventing “the gods dwelling in the city of Assur from entering my (the king’s) palace during festivals.” Such potential crimes deserved potent punishment, presented in the form of curses. Some of the curses listed are directed at the wicked future ruler’s name, heir, royal office, family, people, and land – elements related to social stability and status, for which the male deities were responsible. Others threaten his personal self – his masculinity, virility, mental health, martial capability Fig. 37 and success, and even his existence as a free The goddess Ishtar in her belligerent aspect man. These were the responsibility of the goddess (Ishtar) (fig. 3785).
25. na!-ri-ia i-na áš-ri 1-en i-ka-ma-ru 24. constructs a(nother) palace like it; 26. ana aš-ri-šu-nu la ú-ta-ru 25. (who) heaps up my narûs in a single place 27. šá ana Á le-mu-te 26. without returning (them) to their (proper) location; 28. ma-am-ma-na-ma u-ša-ha-zu 27. who maliciously 29. lu ana É.GAL ši-a-ti lem-né-ti 28. instructs anyone 30. il-te-ne-’u Aš-šur d10 DINGIR.MEŠ 29. or (otherwise) šá AN KI 30. seeks evil 31. iš-de-šu li-su-hu 29. for that palace – 32. MAN-su liš-gi-šú 33. MU-šú NUMUN-šú ina KUR Curses lu-hal-li-qu 30. may Assur, Adad, (and) the gods of heaven (and) earth 31. rip out the foundations of his (throne), 32. annihilate his kingship, 33. wipe out his name (and) his offspring from the land,
34 Y. Bloch and L. A. Peri: The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I 34. na-ás-pu-uh UN.MEŠ-šú ha-laq 35. command with their weighty words KUR-šú 34. the dispersal of his people (and) the destruction 35. ina pi-i-šu-nu DUGUD liq-bu-ú of his land, 36. im-hul te!-še-e gaba-ra-hi 38. (and) cast 37. MUH MAN-ti-šú ki-im-ti-šú 37. upon his kingship and his family 38. li-du-ú 36. an evil wind of anarchy (and) rebellion.
VIII VIII 1. su-um-qa bu-bu-ta ù hu-šá-ha 2. May they inflict on his reign
2. ana u4-um BALA.MEŠ-šú liš-ku-nu 1. hunger, famine and deprivation. 3. MAN EN le-mu-ti-šú 3. May a hostile king 4. gišGU.ZA-šú li-ki-im-šú 4. seize his throne (and) 5. ana ni-it. -li IGI.MEŠ-šú KUR-su 5. rule his country before his very eyes. liš-pur 6. May his name be non-existent. 6. ia ib-ši MU-šú 7. May his progeny not come (into the world). 7. la u-s.a-a pir-hi-šú 8. May he not leave 8. ia e-zi-ib ana UN.MEŠ 9. a lasting name 9. MU šá s.a-te dNIN-at te-še-e 8. to (his) people. 10. ù ta-ha-zi na-ba-at-me 9. May the lady of the battle 11. BALA.MEŠ-ia lu-šu-me 10. fray, who called 12. zi-ik-ru-su si-ni-sa-níš 11. my reign (into being), turn him ┏ ┓ 13. mu!- tu!-ut? -su ana ri-hu-ti liš-kun 12. from a man into a woman. 14. a-na tam-ha-ri gišTUKUL-šu liš-bir 13. May she make his manhood be poured out. 15. a-ši-ta u sah-maš-ta 14. In a battle, may she break his weapons. 16. liš-ku-un-šu 16. May she inflict on him 17. i-na na-ki-ri-šu 15. confusion and turmoil. 18. ia iz-zi-iz tak-li-šu 18. May he not be able to stand 19. li-ner qu-ra-di-šu 17. before his enemy. 20. lu-up-pu ana ŠU KÚR-šu 19. May she kill 21. lu-me-li-šú 18. his confidant. 22-24. (blank) 20. May she hand over(?) 19. his warriors (to the enemy). 21. May she deliver him 20. into the hands of his enemy. 22-24. (blank)
IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 35 Comentary Tukulti-Ninurta I would explicitly adopt that title in a somewhat later inscription I 1. šar kiššati (MAN KIŠ) “king of the dealing with the building of his new palace universe.”86 This title, originally spelled in the city of Assur.95 LUGAL KIŠ, was adopted by Sargon of Akkad in the 24th century BCE, with the I 8. The reading šá-kan!-ki for šakkanakku, conquest of the city of Kish in southern šakkanku “governor, appointee” has been Mesopotamia; it was used by Sargon and proposed by Wilcke.96 T he sp el l i ng š á-kan!-ki his descendants as an expression of universal is a mere phonetic variation compared to kingship.87 In Assyria, the first king to use the spelling ša-kín-ki encountered in the this title was Shamshi-Adad I, an Amorite same position in other exemplars of the ruler who conquered the whole of Upper Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I.97 In Mesopotamia, including the city of Assur, general, this edition prefers to adopt, wherever around 1800 BCE, and was recognized as possible, such readings of cuneiform signs, the king of Assur.88 This title was used which reduce the discrepancies between the again only in the 13th century BCE, by different exemplars of the Great Inscription Adad-nirari I and Shalmaneser I, reflecting to phonetic variants. At least some of the the political ascendance of Assyria.89 It was variants encountered were probably due to adopted by Tukulti-Ninurta I as well. hearing mistakes of the scribe responsible for the present exemplar.98 I 3. The sign ŠID (SANGA) here is a logogram for iššiakku “vice-regent, city- I 18. The presentation of a king as the ruler.”90 The title iššiak Aššur “vice-regent shepherd of his people was traditional in of the god Assur”was used by the Assyrian southern Mesopotamia.99 In Assyria, the kings since the beginnings of Assur as a first king to use this title was Adad-nirari city-state; but in the early 2nd millennium I, in a historical epic describing his deeds, BCE, this title was spelled ÉNSI Aššur.91 where he is called nāqid s.almat qaqqadi The spelling ŠID Aššur was introduced in “herdsman of the black-headed people” (a the mid-14th century BCE by Assur-uballit. general term for mankind, and the inhab- I, who used it with reference both to himself itants of Mesopotamia in particular) and and to six generations of his predecessors on pitqudu rê’u “circumspect shepherd.”100 the throne.92 The god Assur was apparently Shalmaneser I called himself rê’u puhur a deified persona of the city of Assur,93 dadme “shepherd of all the settlements” and the king was perceived as a vice-regent and utul abrāti “shepherd of mankind” in ruling the city and the kingdom of Assur his royal inscriptions.101 However, Tukulti- on the god’s behalf. Ninurta I was the first Assyrian king who connected his status as the shepherd of I 7. The statement that the gods “gave him mankind with the patronage of Shamash, (Tukulti-Ninurta) the four quarters (of the the sun-god responsible for justice. world) to administer” (kibrāt arba’i ana šapāri iddinūšu) is a development of the I 21. Although the opening section of the theme reflected in the traditional southern inscription, which presents the king’s name Mesopotamian royal title šar kibrāt arba’i and titles, pointed out his connection to “king of the four quarters (of the world).”94 other deities beside Assur (such as Anu,
36 Y. Bloch and L. A. Peri: The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I Enlil and Shamash), the king’s commission term šurrû šarrūti is an Assyrian variant of to rule is ascribed to Assur alone, the chief rēš šarrūti “the beginning of kingship” – deity of Assyria. the period between the king’s accession to the throne and the beginning of the next I 23–24. The royal insignia given to calendar year, which in Mesopotamia the king by the god Assur include hat. t. u would be counted as his first regnal year.107 ˘ (Sumerian gˆišGˆ IDRU) “staff” and šibirru Interestingly, among the diplomatic corre- “crook,” indicating his office of shepherd spondence discovered in Hattusa, the capital and herdsman.102 of the Hittite empire, there is a draft or a copy of a letter sent by Tudhaliya IV I 28. The coronation of a king is described of Hatti to Babu-aha-iddina, a powerful in a famous Middle Assyrian coronation dignitary at the Assyrian court. The letter ritual, which dates perhaps to the reign of dates shortly after the accession of a new Tukulti-Ninurta I.103 king to the Assyrian throne, who must be Tukulti-Ninurta I.108 In this letter, the I 37. The land of Uqumanu (also known Hittite king has the following to say about as Qumanu, and mentioned further in the the plans of the new Assyrian ruler for his inscription as Uqumenu) was a mountainous first military campaign: area north and east of the Alqosh plain, in the vicinity of modern Zakho in northern Since his father died, and he [has risen] Iraq.104 to the thr[one of his father], on what campaign [does he] go out to the field [at II 4–5. The statement that the troops of the first (?)] time? Against (the one over) Uqumanu “were carrying off the plunder whom he is three, four times greater in of the four quarters (of the world)” (miše’ti might, i[f . . . w]ho(ever), or (be) it any kibrāt arba’i ukkamū) is an obvious exag- overpowered place. Now, in such a way geration, given the circumscribed extent of at the first time they [. . .]. The lands, Uqumanu and its relative proximity to the which his father h[as] vanquished for his core Assyrian territory on the Middle Tigris. sake with weapons [. . .] . . . This is what This exaggeration underscores the centrality they tell me about the land Papanhi: “. of the campaign against Uqumanu in the . . [. . .] the mountains (there) are very military narrative of the inscription. difficult (for passing).”109
II 6–10. The notion that the gods are those The term Papanhi is Hurrian, literally who make a king conquer his enemies is “those of the mountains.”110 In a geographi- commonplace in Mesopotamian royal cal context, such a term is probably to be inscriptions, from the reign of Sargon of understood as “the land of mountaineers,” Akkad in the 24th century BCE down and thus may refer, in principle, to any of to the Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian the mountain ridges of Eastern Anatolia. empires of the 7th–6th centuries BCE.105 However, further on in the inscription, the land of Paphu is mentioned (in the II 14. The reading ina šur
IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 37 Tigris, on the other hand (V 23–25). From a a general designation of the inhabitants of geographical viewpoint, this mention of the the mountainous regions northeast of the land Paphu locates it approximately in the Tigris, many of whom practiced a nomadic region of Sharnida and Mehru, which was way of life, at least to some degree.113 the goal of the second military campaign of Tukulti-Ninurta I narrated in the Great III 3. As pointed out by Wilcke, the name Inscription (III 28 – IV 10). Thus, it stands of the king of Uqumanu (Uqumenu) appears to reason that the land Papanhi mentioned to be Akkadian: Abu-le’e “The father is in the letter of Tudhaliya IV to Babu-aha- capable.”114 This suggests that, at least, the iddina was the same as the land Paphu ruling elite of the land of Uqumanu was mentioned in the section summarizing the subject to Assyrian cultural influence in the king’s conquests in the Great Inscription 13th century BCE. of Tukulti-Ninurta I, and was adjacent to, or even identical with, the lands Sharnida III 16–18. The mention of the tribute and Mehru. received by Tukulti-Ninurta I šattišamma This means that Tukulti-Ninurta I (MU-šàm-ma) “annually” in the city of had in fact heeded the advice of Tudhaliya Assur indicates that the inscription was IV and directed his first campaign against written a few years after the victory over the land of Uqumanu, close to the Assyrian the Uqumanu. homeland, before striking at the more remote territory of Paphu (Sharnida and Mehru) III 26–27. It does not appear likely that in a later campaign. Although the first all the populations called by the Assyrians campaign of Tukulti-Ninurta I was directed Qutu/Gutu paid a regular tribute to against a proximate and weak enemy, it plays Tukulti-Ninurta I after he gained just one an important role in the military narrative of victory over Uqumanu. The mountain lands the Great Inscription because it was his first northeast of the Tigris were politically campaign, undertaken just a few months decentralized, and the fact that the king after his accession to the throne. of Assyria won a battle and subdued the land of Uqumanu, which lay close to the II 16. From this point until the end of Assyrian heartland, would hardly suffice to col. II, the enemy against whom the first make the rulers of the other mountain lands military campaign of Tukulti-Ninurta I recognize his sovereignty for any protracted was directed is identified as Qutu rather period.115 If, however, the term Qutu is than Uqumanu (Uqumenu). Qutu or Gutu, used in the Great Inscription merely as known in modern scholarship as Gutians, an alternative designation of the land of was a traditional Mesopotamian designation Uqumanu, then the submission of that land for foreign populations living northeast of to Tukulti-Ninurta I, who captured its king the Tigris.111 Originally, the Gutians were and princes, brought them to the city of mentioned in the Sumerian King List as Assur and imposed the vassal oath on them the ones who put an end to the rule of the (III 3–9), makes sense. dynasty of Akkad in the 23rd century BCE, and ruled Mesopotamia for some decades III 28–29. The temporal phrase ina umēšuma thereafter.112 Apparently, by the 2nd mil- “at that time” is a common way to connect lennium BCE, the term Qutu/Gutu became the different military achievements of a king
38 Y. Bloch and L. A. Peri: The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I in Assyrian royal inscriptions, creating an IV 1. In contrast to ina umēšuma, the temporal impression that all the relevant victories statement ina šattima (MU-ma) šiāti “in that were achieved in a short span of time, year” is more specific, indicating that the which serves to convey the message of the events following this statement took place king’s exceptional prowess.116 In fact, since in the same year as the preceding events. the campaign of Tukulti-Ninurta I against Geographically, the land of Katmuhu, to Uqumanu took place in his accession year which the Assyrian army proceeded, was (that is, in a period which lasted less than located in the eastern part of the Tur. Abdin a complete calendar year), and since the mountain range, close to the western bank Assyrian king returned from that campaign, of the Tigris. In the early 1st millennium with the captive chiefs of Uqumanu, to the BCE, Assyrian kings crossed the Tigris city of Assur (III 3–7), it appears likely that from Mount Nipur (modern Cudi Dağ) the campaign narrated in this section of the in order to reach Katmuhu.119 Hence, the inscription took place only in the next year, campaign to Katmuhu appears a logical which would be the first full regnal year of continuation of the campaign to Mehru Tukulti-Ninurta I. narrated at the end of the preceding column, The location of the land of Sharnida and it is reasonable to conclude that the is unknown.117 The land of Mehru lay Assyrian army moved over to Katmuhu right probably to the north of Uqumanu, in after it had subdued Mehru and shipped the the mountainous region in the vicinity wooden beams cut in that land down the of modern Şirnak north of the modern Tigris to Assur. The number of the cities Turkish-Iraqi border.118 of Katmuhu conquered in the course of the campaign is given here as four; other III 30–35. Tukulti-Ninurta I used troops exemplars of the Great Inscription mention from the land of Qutu, subdued during the five cities in the same context.120 campaign of the preceding year, in order to cut trees in the land of Mehru and deliver IV 11. The term Shubaru (also attested in them to Assur. Presumably, Qutean troops the variant form Subartu) probably had two would be entrusted with this task because different meanings in the Assyrian sources they were native to a mountain region and of the second half of the 2nd millennium accustomed to felling and transporting large BCE. In its wider meaning, this term trees. The trees could be shipped to Assur referred generally to the Hurrian popula- down the Tigris, once Tukulti-Ninurta’s tion of lands located to the east, north and army traversed the western slopes of the west of Assyria, and to different territories Cudi Dağ range in the vicinity of modern populated by the Hurrians. In its narrower Cizre. The mention of Qutean troops joined meaning, the reference is to the kingdom to the Assyrian army, even if their duties of Hanigalbat (Mittanni), whose centers of were limited to auxiliary tasks, suggests that power lay in the Khabur triangle, and to they came from a land that was subject to territories associated with that kingdom.121 Assyrian domination – most likely, the land The lands of Uqumanu, Mehru and of Uqumanu. After the trees were shipped to Katmuhu, conquered by Tukulti-Ninurta I Assur, the Assyrian army, perhaps without in the course of the preceding campaigns, its Qutean auxiliaries, crossed the Tigris to must have been populated predominantly the west to continue the campaign. by Hurrians. Indeed, the region between
IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 39 the Tigris and the Lower Zab, in which the the commentary to II 14 above). In any lands Uqumanu and Mehru were located, event, a campaign against the western lands, was probably the original homeland of relatively far removed from Assyria, would the Hurrians.122 Hence, “the land of the be protracted, would demand quite compli- Shubaru” in the context of the campaign of cated logistical preparations, and could not Tukulti-Ninurta I narrated in IV 11–V 17 take place in the same year as the campaign cannot be used in the general sense of “the against Mehru and Katmuhu.127 Thus, the land of the Hurrians,” and should be more Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I likely understood as a reference to the former includes narration of three different military territory of the kingdom of Hanigalbat.123 campaigns: a campaign against Uqumanu, That kingdom was annexed to Assyria by a campaign against Sharnida, Mehru and Tukulti-Ninurta’s father, Shalmaneser I, who Katmuhu, and a campaign against Alzu, defeated the last known king of Hanigalbat, Mount Kašiyari and the surrounding ter- Shattuara II.124 However, at the end of the ritories. reign of Shalmaneser I, part of the former kingdom of Hanigalbat could have rebelled IV 28. The name of the king of Alzu, against Assyria, so that Tukulti-Ninurta I Ehli-Teshub, is Hurrian. Its initial element had to re-establish Assyrian rule in that is derived from the verb ehl- “to save,”128 and region. its final element is the name of the Hurrian storm-god Teshub. IV 12–13. The term “Mount Kashiyari” in Assyrian sources covered the chain of IV 32–33. Ehli-Teshub’s fright was caused mountain ridges stretching from Tur Abdin by the terrifying radiance (puluhtu) of the . ˘ in the east to Karaca Dağ and Tektek Dağ (in Assyrian king. This radiance, also termed the vicinity of modern Urfa and Viranşehir) melammu and namurratu, was originally a in the west.125 The land of Alzu lay further divine attribute, and was ascribed to the north, to the south or southeast of modern king only starting with the reign of Tukulti- Elaziğ on the eastern bank of the Upper Ninurta I.129 Euphrates. Elaziğ itself lay probably within the territory of Ishuwa, a vassal kingdom of V 1–2. The land of Nairi is a region encom- the Hittite Empire, and Alzi bordered the passing part of the eastern Taurus Mountains land of Ishuwa on the south and southeast.126 and the shores of Lake Van.130 It is not Thus, the lands against which the campaign included in the list of lands conquered by of Tukulti-Ninurta I recorded in IV 11–V 17 Tukulti-Ninurta I in the Great Inscription, was directed lay far to the west of the lands but control over Nairi is mentioned in a previously conquered by the Assyrian king. later inscription of this king that also deals In fact, this campaign extended Assyrian with the construction of his new palace in domination to the very borders of the Hittite Assur.131 Empire in eastern Anatolia, and Tudhaliya IV could well have regretted his earlier V 11–13. The location of the lands condescending attitude to Tukulti-Ninurta mentioned here, which were also subdued I, expressed in the Hittite king’s advice that by Tukulti-Ninurta I on his campaign to his Assyrian counterpart focus his military the west, is unknown. Those lands must efforts on a weak and unprotected land (see have been situated somewhere between
40 Y. Bloch and L. A. Peri: The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I Mount Kashiyari (Tur. Abdin) and the land (Tabira) Gate, was followed by construc- of Alzu. tion and purification of a terrace. On this sanctified terrace (ešertu) the New Palace of V 18–33. These lines present the overall Tukulti-Ninurta I was built.135 The Great extent of the conquests of Tukulti-Ninurta Inscription was composed essentially in I. The cities of Shasilam and Mashhaz- order to commemorate this project, despite sharri132 are attested in other exemplars of the attention it gives to the king’s military the Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I conquests. Further preparations for the in the variant forms Shasila and Mašhat- building of the New Palace included the sharri. These two cities were located on removal of the steles (asamāti) of earlier the opposite bank of the Lower Zab – on kings and of the ancient graves located at its southern bank, the farthest from Assur. the site chosen for the construction of the They lay outside the range of the territories palace (V 11–17). conquered by Tukulti-Ninurta I. In fact, the city of Shasila is mentioned in a later VI 17–20. The volume measure mušāru Assyrian historical composition, conven- (SAR) equals 12 square cubits of area tionally termed the Synchronistic History, (ca. 1,800 m2) dug to the depth of one as the northern extremity of the territory cubit.136 This is much less than the total east of the Tigris divided between Assyria area occupied by the terrace on which the and Babylonia in the reign of Enlil-nirari New Palace of Tukulti-Ninurta I must have in the mid-14th century BCE.133 Thus, stood, which amounts to 29,000 m2.137 It is the southern bank of the Lower Zab was also unlikely that the figure of 50 mušāru probably controlled by Tukulti-Ninurta I pertains to the total depth to which the from the moment of his enthronement, and laborers dug before they reached bedrock: his scribes added this territory to the list this would mean that they dug down 25 m, of the lands conquered by him in order to which is the total height of the mound of magnify the extent of the king’s victories. Assur.138 Moreover, in an inscription from Similarly, V 27 mentions pāt. (ZAG) Nairi a later point in the reign of Tukulti-Ninurta u Makan “the border of Nairi and Makan.” I, the extent of penetration into the ground Whereas the land Nairi was located in the before reaching bedrock is specified as 80 eastern Taurus Mountains, Makan was a mušāru.139 It appears that the figures of 50 traditional Mesopotamian designation of a and 80 mušāru refer to the extent of several land along the southern shores of the Persian digging operations that were necessary for Gulf, perhaps in modern Oman.134 The the construction of terraces. mention of Makan here, in the context of territories lying to the north and northwest VI 28. The phrase bīt šar mātāti “The of Assyria, is out of place, and it appears that House of the King of (All) the Lands,” the scribes of Tukulti-Ninurta I mentioned recorded entirely in Sumerograms (É MAN this faraway and exotic land in order to KUR.KUR), appears to be the name of the magnify the extent of his conquests. New Palace. In later inscriptions, the palace is named É LUGAL UMUN KUR.KUR. VI 1–10. The choice of the location on the RA “The House of the King, Lord of (All) northern side of the city of Assur, between the Lands.”140 the ziggurat of Adad and the Craftsman’s
IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 41 VI 31–33. Despite the statement of Tukulti- part of the eponym’s name and the initial Ninurta I that he constructed the palace ištu part of his patronymic make the restorations uššēša adi gabadibbīša “from its foundations certain).143 The administrative tablet KAJ to its crenellations,” it is clear that the 240 lays down the sequence of eponyms: construction works were not finished by the Ubru –> Tukulti-Ninurta I -> Qibi-Aššur moment the Great Inscription was written. -> Mušallim-Adad.144 As pointed out above, Indeed, the digging of the terraces, on which the Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta additional wings of the palace would stand, I tells of three military campaigns under- continued at least some years thereafter (see taken by the king, the first of which took the commentary to VI 17–20 above). In any place in the year of his accession to the event, by the time the Great Inscription was throne. Therefore, it stands to reason that composed, at least a part of the palace was the second and the third military campaigns considered sufficiently complete to install took place in the king’s first and second the king’s narûs – large tablets bearing the complete regnal years, respectively. Work text of the inscription, one of which is likely on the New Palace – more precisely, on part the exemplar presented and discussed here. of it – was probably completed in the third regnal year of Tukulti-Ninurta I, at which VII 4–10. Mistreatment of the palace and time the Great Inscription was written, and of the narûs placed therein was considered a different exemplars of it were deposited in serious crime. Almost the entire text of cols. the palace as narûs.137 This means that VII–VII consists of curses on a future king the eponym year of Mushallim-Adad was who would not treat the narûs of the palace the third regnal year of Tuklulti-Ninurta I, founder properly, or re-inscribe them in his and the eponym year of the king himself, own name, or neglect the palace itself. was the first complete year of his reign (following the eponym year of Ubru, which VIII 9–10. “The lady of the battle fray” was the year of Tukulti-Ninurta’s accession (bēlat tēšê u tāhāzi) mentioned here is most to the throne). likely the goddess Ishtar, the patron deity of kingship.141
VIII 22–24. The final three lines of the inscription were left blank in this exemplar. It is possible that they were originally intended to contain the date of writing, expressed in terms of the Assyrian month and the eponym year, named after one of the high officials of the Assyrian state.142 The system of dating years by the eponym, Akkadian līmu, persisted in Assyria from the 20th to the 7th centuries BCE. Of the 19 known exemplars of the Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I, only one bears an eponym name, which is [Mušallim]-Adad son of Salmanu-[qarrad] (the extant final
42 Y. Bloch and L. A. Peri: The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I * Photos © Christie’s Images Limited [2014] (fig. 1); 1239 BCE, Middle Assyrian Period, alabaster, 38.5 © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, by Ardon Bar x 77 x 5.5 cm. Hama (fig. 7); by Yoram Lehmann (fig. 6); by Given the meaning of the Assyrian king’s name, it Vladimir Naikhin (fig. 24); by Elie Posner (figs. 2, should be properly transcribed as Tukultī-Ninurta; 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 15, 25); by Ofrit Rosenberg Ben- but for the readers’ convenience, we use a simpli- Menachem (figs. 3, 4, 5, 21); by Nahum Slapak (fig. fied transcription. On King Tukulti-Ninurta I, see 16); by Meidad Sucholowski (fig. 14); © Staatliche Streck 2014; also Pongratz-Leisten 2015, esp. 1–9. Museen zu Berlin – Vorderasiatisches Museum, by The regnal years of Tukulti-Ninurta I are specified Olaf M. Teßmer (fig. 22 left); by Fotoarchiv (22 according to Bloch 2012; there are scholars who right). prefer a lower date for his reign, namely, 1233–1197 Drawings ©The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, by BCE (Kuhrt 1998, 351, cf. Boese and Wilhelm Esther Stark (figs. 11, 19, 20, 23, 26, 27, 29, 31, 1979, 38; Freydank 2016, 8–10; but see the discus- 32, 36, 37); © Andrae 1938, 44, fig. 24 (fig. 35); © sion on the chronology of the second half of the 2nd Pnina Arad, after Ornan 2007: 60, fig. 1 (fig. 28); millennium BCE in Bloch 2012, 16–23). For the © The Trustees of the British Museum, by Tessa meaning of the king’s name and the Assyrian royal Rickards, after Black and Green 1992, 142, fig. 117 ideology that it reflects, as well as for the (debatable) (fig. 30). identification of Tukulti-Ninurta I with Nimrod, Plans © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, by Dov see Annus 2002, 39–47, 107, and the earlier litera- Porotsky, after Miglus 1996, plan 1; Roaf 1990, 149 ture cited there (see also the following section here). (fig. 17), after Gilibert 2008: 187, fig. 1 (fig. 18). 2 Christie’s, London Antiquities, Wednesday 1 Map © The Israel Museum, by Dov Porotsky October 2014, lot 145, pp. 102–103. (fig. 34). 3 Except for the Great Inscription of Tukulti- Görg 1989. Ninurta I (fig. 1) and for the modern cast of the 4 Grayson 1987, 231–239 (RIMA 1, A.0.78.1). Lachish relief (fig. 7), which are generously on Grayson knew about the exemplar published by loan to the Israel Museum from the Collection Görg two years later and listed it as exemplar 18, of David and Cindy Sofer, London, and from the but could not access it in order to include it in his Collection of the Israel Antiquities Authority, edition. respectively, all objects illustrated in color photos 5 Schramm 1989–1990, 122–123; Röllig 1994, in this publication belong to The Israel Museum, 144–145. Jerusalem, unless otherwise mentioned; they were 6 donated or bequeathed by the following donors Streck 2007. and benefactors of the museum: David Khalili, 7 Wilcke 2010. London (fig. 2); Prof. Roman Ghirshman, Paris, 8 through Prof. Miriam Rosen-Ayalon, Jerusalem The translation includes section titles (not part of (fig. 3); Mr. and Mrs. Ternbach, New York (fig. 4); the original text) for the reader’s convenience. In Nourollah Elghanayan, New York, gift to American transliteration, square brackets mark restoration of Friends of the Israel Museum (figs. 5, 15); Baron text missing due to breaks; pointed brackets mark and Baroness Edmond de Rothschild, Paris (fig. 6); addition of signs mistakenly omitted by the scribe. Anonymous friend, Jerusalem (fig. 8); L. Madison, In translation, the same kind of brackets are used, as Germany (fig. 9); Joseph Ternbach, New York, well as parentheses marking the addition of words bequest to American Friends of the Israel Museum and phrases required by English syntax or necessary (fig. 10); The Harry Stern Collection, bequeathed in order to explain some Sumerian and Akkadian by Dr. Kurt Stern, London, in memory of his terms in the original. parents and his brother, who perished at Sobibor 9 Richter 2002, 142–153, n. 61, citing: Mowinckel (figs. 12); Anonymous Friend, England (fig. 13 1923; Baumgartner 1925; Hallo 1962; Sollberger above); Norbert Schimmel, Leon Pomerance and and Kupper 1971, esp. 29–30; Grayson 1972 (ARI Joseph Ternbach, New York, gift to American 1), xx; Schramm 1973; Lackenbacher 1982. See also Friends of the Israel Museum (13 below); Dr. Edzard 1980–1983, 60; Lackenbacher 1990. For David H. Orgler, Zurich and Jerusalem (fig. 16). an example recording a private rather than royal The barrel cylinder on fig. 13 center was purchased building enterprise, see Ellis 1968, 96–97; even in through the Carmen and Louis Warschaw Fund that case, however, the builder was a royal official. for Archaeological Acquisitions from the Clark 10 See n. 9 above, and Zólyomi, Tanos and Sövegjártó Collection. 2008– (Introduction). 1 Fig. 1: Extended loan from the Collection of David 11 and Cindy Sofer, London, Assur, Assyria (Qal‘at Renger 1980–1983; Grayson 1980; Van De Sherqat, Iraq), reign of Tukulti-Ninurta I, probably Mieroop 1999, 40–59.
IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 43 12 See below, for example, a brick from Elam 22 Liverani 1995, 2354–2355; Van De Mieroop (Southwestern Iran), inscribed in Elamite (fig. 3). 1999, 57. 13 Richter 2002, 136–142. For Mesopotamian royal 23 Ellis 1968, 166–167; Richter 2002, 145. inscriptions in general, see Foxvog 2014. 24 Ellis 1968, 17–29, 139–140 (bricks as building 14 E.g. archaeological activities, namely, excavation of material); Sass and Marzahn 2010, 10 (inscribed temple foundations and analysis of antiquities found bricks). Fig. 4: “E-anatum, ruler of Lagaš, therein (Winter 2000; also Beaulieu 1994 and granted strength by the god Enlil, nourished Schaudig 2003, cf. Waerzeggers 2011, 729–730). with wholesome milk by the goddess Ninhursag˜ In this matter see also n. 29, and fig. 13 below that nominated by the god Ning˜irsu, chosen in the features an example of such an archaeological report heart by the goddess Nanše, son of A-kurgal, ruler inserted in a building inscription. This kind of of Lagash, defeated the mountain land of Elam, activities, in which later Assyrian kings engaged as defeated Arawa, defeated G˜ iša (Umma), (and) well (Winter 2000, 1787), is also mirrored in the defeated Ur. At that time he built a well of fired Bible. According to the biblical story (2 Kings 22), bricks for the god Ning˜irsu in his (Ning˜irsu’s) broad the Judahite king Josiah initiated the renovation of courtyard. His personal god is ŠUL-MUŠxPA. the temple in Jerusalem (specifically, the repair of Then, the god Ning˜irsu loved E-anatum.” IMJ bedeq hab-bāyit, “the breaches of the house”), during 70.71.575. Girsu, Sumer (Telloh, Iraq), reign of which the Book of the Law was (re)discovered Eannatum I, ruler of Lagash, Sumer, c. 2450 BCE, (Na’aman 2011). clay, 26.5 x 19 x 4.5 cm, Tammuz 1997; Frayne 15 2008, 156–158 (RIME 1, E1.9.3.9, ex. add40; cf. On the historical value of the royal inscriptions, Foxvog 2014); CDLI no. P283731. Translation see Liverani 1995; Van Seters 1995; Tadmor 2011 cf. Frayne 2008. Fig. 5: “Shalmaneser, great king, (earlier articles reprinted). strong king, king of the universe, king of Assyria, 16 All Sumerian words in the text, other than son of Assurnasirpal (II), great king, strong logograms (Sumerograms) are presented in regular king, king of the universe, king of Assyria, son of letters. Sumerograms are rendered in capital letters. Tukulti-Ninurta (II), (who was) also king of the Akkadian words are in italics, and if not otherwise universe and king of Assyria: construction of the mentioned – without the final -m (mimation) ziggurat of Calah.” IMJ 87.51.561. Calah, Assyria attested mainly before the mid-2nd millennium (Nimrud, Iraq), 9th century BCE, 35 x 36 x 11 cm, BCE. All the nouns in Sumerian and Akkadian are unpublished; Grayson 1996, 166–168 (RIMA 3, cited in the singular and the verbs in the infinitive. A.0.102.111, ex. add81; cf. Foxvog 2014); CDLI no. 17 Richter 2002. P430043. Translation: after Grayson 1996. See also figs. 2, 3. More bricks are illustrated in fig. 25. 18 Grayson 1980. 25 Russel 1999 (inscribed Assyrian wall reliefs). Fig. 19 Fig. 2: IMJ 84.94.114. Assur or Nineveh (Iraq), 6: IMJ 69.95.42. Temple of Ninurta (?), Calah, reign of Tukulti-Ninurta I, 13th century BCE, clay, Assyria (Nimrud, Iraq), reign of Assurnasirpal 10 x 32 x 5.5 cm, unpublished; CDLI no. P430042. ┏ ┏ ┓ II, 9th century BCE, alabaster, 157 x 203 x 2 cm, Transliteration: (1) É.GAL mgiš TUKUL -ti-d (2) ┏ ┓ unpublished; CDLI no. P429986. For transla- [N]IN!.URTA MAN KIŠ A d[SILIM]- (3) ma-nu- ┏ ┓ tion see Grayson 1991, 222, 275–276 (RIMA 2, SAG MAN KIŠ-m[a]. Translation cf. Grayson A.0.101.1 lines 126b–130a [lines 19b–26 here], 1987, 287–289 (RIMA 1, A.0.78.38). A.0.101.23 lines 1–13a [lines 1–19a here]. We are 20 Fig. 3: “I, Untash-Napirisha, son of Humban- grateful to Zoltán Niederreiter for the lines’ identi- numena, king of Anzan and Susa, desirous (that) fication. Fig. 7: “Sennacherib, king of the universe, my life might be continually prosperous, and that king of Assyria, sat on a chair (and) the booty of my line might never come to an end, it is for this Lachish passed before him.” Collection of the Israel reason that I have built a temple of baked brick, Antiquities Authority, modern cast of the original a ‘high temple’ with glazed brick; I gave it to kept in the British Museum, London. Southwestern Inshushinak of siyan-kuk. I raised a ziggurat. That Palace, Nineveh, Assyria (Kuyunjik, Iraq), reign of work I carried out, as an offering on my behalf, Sennacherib, 700–681 BCE; Mitchell 2013, 67–71 was agreeable to Inshushinak.” IMJ 66.15.4. Dur (hand copy and transliteration). Untash, Elam (Choga-Zanbil, Iran), reign of 26 Tourtet 2013 (wall knobbed tiles and nails). Fig. Untash-Napirisha, c. 14th–13th centuries BCE, 8: IMJ 70.84.166 (knobbed tile), 70.84.167 (nail). clay, 17 x 37 x 9.4 cm, unpublished; CDLI no. Dur Untash, Elam (Chogha Zanbil, Iran), reign P429969. Translation cf. Simpson 2012; see also of Untash-Napirisha, c. 14th–13th century BCE, Potts 2016, 201. For dedicatory royal inscriptions, glazed clay, 37 x 37 x 23 cm; 30 x 30 cm, unpub- see Waerzeggers 2011, 726–729. lished; CDLI no. P431295, CDLI no. P431296. 21 Grayson 1980, 164, n. 116; Waerzeggers 2011, 726. Translation cf. Tourtet 2013, 186.
44 Y. Bloch and L. A. Peri: The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I 27 Richter 2002, 148–153, with previous literature. Uruk, Babylonia (Warka, Iraq), early 2nd millen- Fig. 9: “For (the god) Nindara – mighty king, his nium BCE, clay, 3.5 x 6 cm, 6.5 x 4.5 cm, unpub- king – Gudea, ruler of Lagaš, built his (Nindara’s) lished; Frayne 1990, 441–447 (RIME 4, E4.4.1.2 Girsu house (= temple in Girsu)”. IMJ 72.34.20. ex. add072/CDLI no. P430011 [tablet]; E4.4.1.3, Lagash, Sumer (Al-Hiba, Iraq), reign of Gudea, late ex. add173/CDLI no. P430010 [cone]; cf. Foxvog 3rd millennium BCE, clay, 6.3 x 15.5 cm, Shaffer 2014). Translation: Frayne 1990. For the unique 1976; Edzard 1997, 130–131 (RIME 3, 1.1.7.31, deposit of scores of clay cones and tablets unearthed ex. add164, cf. Foxvog 2014); CDLI no. P429997. from the foundations of the palace of Sin-Kashid, Translation after Edzard 1997. the Amorite King of Uruk, see also Ellis 1968, 28 94–95, 115. Tourtet 2013, 173. 32 29 Fig. 13 above: IMJ 74.56.251 (prismoid cylinder). Fig. 10: Tablet: “For (the goddess) Baba – beautiful Dur-Sharrukin (?), Assyria (Khorsabad, Iraq), woman, daughter of An, Lady of Urukug (= Shining reign of Sargon II, 8th century BCE, clay, 23.5 City, the sacred district of the city of Girsu), his cm, Baruchi-Unna and Cogan forthcoming; CDLI lady – Gudea – ruler of Lagash, who had (already) no. P430003. Fig. 13 center and below: IMJ built the Eninnu (= Girsu’s temple complex within 71.1.1 (barrel cylinder), 90.24.51 (conical cylinder). the Urukug) of (the god) Ning˜irsu (and) his É-PA, Babylonia (Iraq), reign of Nebuchadnezzar II, 6th the House with Seven Corners (= a building within century BCE, clay, 22.5 cm, 12 cm, Levy and Artzi the Eninnu) – built her Urukug house (= temple 1965, no. 98 (Nebuchadnezzar no. 4, cf. Langdon in Urukug).” IMJ 87.160.649 (peg figurine), IMJ 1905, 72–75; 1912, 81–83); CDLI no. P430070 71.23.299 (tablet). Girsu, Sumer (Tell Telloh, (barrel cylinder); Artzi 1975 (Nebuchadnezzar no. Iraq), reign of Gudea, late 3rd millennium BCE, 2, cf. Langdon 1905, 25, 60–69; 1912, 17, 71–79; copper and stone, 19 x 3 cm; 7.5 x 6.5 cm, Shaffer CDLI no. P429992 (conical cylinder). 1981; Edzard 1997, 109–110 (RIME 3, 1.1.7.4, ex. 2) (tablet); Suter 2000, 307, (FG.3, tablet), 319 33 Fig. 14: IMJ 71.72.249. Nineveh, Assyria (FG.32, peg figurine); CDLI no. P232333 (tablet); (Kuyunjik, Iraq), reign of Sennacherib, 691 BCE, CDLI no. P429993 (peg figurine). Translation after clay, 31 x 17 cm, Grayson and Novotny 2012, Edzard 1997. 186–203 (= RINAP 3/1, Sennacherib 23); CDLI The use of foundation peg figurines in the shape no. P430082. of basket carriers (canephors) representing sover- 34 Ellis 1968, 108–125, 147–151 (cones, cylinders and eigns perpetuated into the 2nd millennium BCE prisms). For the terminology, see also Richter 2002, during the rule of Amorite dynasties of the city- 146. states of Isin and Larsa, but disappeared afterwards 35 (Muscarella 1988, 309). Nevertheless, the image of Ellis 1968, 145–147. the king as canephor – the age-old Mesopotamian 36 Ibid. 153–163. representation of king as temple builder (Suter 37 Ibid. 160. Fig. 15: “To Nabû the lofty lord – who 2000, 61, 182 [for the basket as utensil for making dwells in (the temple) Ezida which is in the midst bricks]) – reappeared in the 1st millennium of Nineveh – his lord, Assurbanipal, the object of BCE, albeit not in the shape of peg figurines desire, the beloved of his (Nabû’s) great divinity, (Fig. 11: Inscribed stele, Babylon (Iraq), reign of who at the laying down of his instructions and Assurbanipal, c. 650 BCE, stone, British Museum, the giving of his weighty command in a fight to London, http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/ the finish cut off the head of Tepti-Humban the collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx king of the land of Elam and Humban-nikash, ?assetId=387023001&objectId=369186&partId= Tammaritu Pa’e (and?) Humban-haltash – who after 1). Such images were perhaps inspired by ancient Tepti-Humban exercised the kingship of the land exemplars found while digging into foundations of Elam – upon his (Nabû’s) great command my of earlier structures, a phenomenon attested in the hand overtook them and to the triumphal chariot, same period on building and other royal inscriptions my royal conveyance, I harness them and with his (n. 14 above). (Nabû’s) great support, in all the totality of the 30 Ellis 1968, 46–93 (peg deposits). Muscarella 1988, lands I established order. At that time the courtyard 305–313; Suter 2000, 61–62 (figurative pegs). See of the temple of Nabû my lord, by means of massive also the discussion on foundation-sikkatu in Richter (blocks of) limestone its structure I enlarged. Upon 2002, 147–147, 151. this, oh Nabû, glance joyfully and let it find favor 31 Fig. 12: Cone: “Sîn-kāšid, mighty man, king of in your eyes! Through your reliable cuneiform signs Uruk, king of the Amnānum (tribe), provider of may a life of long days come forth for me from your Eanna (= the temple of the goddess Inanna-Ishtar lips. With walking constantly in (the temple) Ezida at Uruk), built his royal palace.” IMJ 76.19.1629 in front of your divinity may my feet grow old!” IMJ (cone), 76.19.1630 (tablet). Palace of Sin-Kashid, 80.54.175. Babylon (Iraq), reign of the Assyrian
IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 45 king Assurbanipal, 7th century BCE, stone, 45 x 48 54 Fig. 16: IMJ B81.0600. Nubian sandstone, 95 x 33 x x 6.5 cm, Scheil 1921 (hand copy included); Hallo 33 cm, Zalmona 2010, 117–129. 1987; CDLI no. P430019. Translation: Hallo 1987. 55 Calah, modern Nimrud, was the principal Assyrian 38 Richter 2002, 140. center of the cult of Ninurta, the god invoked in 39 the name of Tukulti-Ninurta. It was Assyria’s Pongratz-Leisten 2015, 8. For the influence of second capital, from the time of Assurnasirpal II Tukulti-Ninurta I on later Neo-Assyrian kings, see (9th century BCE), according to whom the city was especially Machinist 2011 and Battini 2016, 42. founded by Shalmaneser I, Tukulti-Ninurta’s father. 40 E.g. Cogan 1974; Tadmor 2011. For Assyria in On the city of Nimrud, see “Nimrud: Materialities general, see Kuhrt 1998; Liverani 2014; Van de of Assyrian Knowledge Production.” (http://oracc. Mieroop 2016. See also Radner 2015 and Pongratz- museum.upenn.edu/nimrud/). Leisten 2015. 56 Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca historica II. 1–3; 41 Harper et al. 1995; Lamprichs 1997; Pedde 2012, Murphy 1989, 1–4. 853–855. See also Renger 2011. On the early 57 Van der Toorn and van der Horst 1990, 7; history of the city of Assur, see Pongratz-Leisten Uehlinger 1995; Annus 2002, 107; Levin 2002. 2015, 96–103 with further literature. 58 42 Tukulti-Ninurta I was the first Assyrian king Michel 2014. whose throne name invokes the god Ninurta, 43 In the time of Assur-uballit. I (1363/1353– otherwise not common at all among the previous 1328/1318 BCE), the first Assyrian king to Mesopotamian kings’ names (Annus 2002, 40). For proclaim himself “King of Assyria” (Cifola 1995, the Assyrian royal ideology concerning Ninurta, see 21); Maidman 2011, esp. 107–110; Koliński 2015, 9. also Pongratz-Leisten 2015, chapter 6. 44 Llop-Raduà 2012; Koliński 2015, 9–11. 59 Baffi 1997. 45 Lion 2011. 60 Grayson 1987, 231–299 (RIMA 1, A.0.78.1–42, 46 Wilhelm 2015; Maidman 2011. 1001–1011, 2001); Deller, Fadhil and Ahmad 1994; Talon 2005. 47 Tenu 2004, esp. 28. Nineveh, Assyria’s last and 61 famous capital, the fall of which, among other Fig. 19: Limestone, Ancient Orient Museum, biblical references, was predicted by the prophet Istanbul. Fig. 20: Alabaster, Vorderasiatisches Nahum, was originally a Hurrian principality Museum, Berlin. Andrae 1935, 57–76, pls. 12, 30; and prominent cultic center of the goddess Ishtar Moortgat-Correns 1988; Frankfort 1996 [1954], (Pongratz-Leisten 2015, 102). 132–133, fig. 149; O.W. Muscarella in Harper et al. 1995, cat. no. 75, pl. 14; Bahrani 2003 (chapter 48 In Nihriya; Llop-Raduà 2012, 211, with previous 7); Herles 2006; Evans 2008, cat. no. 123; Langin- references. For the location of Nihriya along the Hooper 2014; Battini 2016. upper Balikh River rather than the Upper Tigris in 62 the region of Diyarbakır, see Miller 2012. Stein 1994; Ornan 2005, 2009, 2013, 583–584. For the godlike status of Tukulti-Ninurta I, see also 49 However, a complete control on Hanigalbat was Machinist 2006, esp. 160–164, 2011. probably never attained under the rule of Tukulti- 63 Ninurta I (Llop-Raduà 2012, 213–214). Gilibert 2008; Pedde 2012, 855–856. 64 50 For Tukulti-Ninurta I’s titulature, see Cifola 1995, Fig. 21: Andrae 1925, pl. 2. Andrae 1925, pls. 1–4; 2004. Note, however, that the inscriptions RIMA Frankfort 1954, 135–137, figs. 152, 153; Eickhoff 1, A.0.78.6 and 18, which Cifola dates late in the 1985, 38–39; Evans 2008, 207–208, fig. 68; reign of Tukulti-Ninurta I, belong actually to the Pizzimenti 2012. second decade of his reign – more specifically, to 65 Fig. 22: Tell al-Rimah (Iraq), dated by the eponym the years of his war against Babylonia, which ended Adad-bēl-gabbe, son of the king, ca. 1237–1238 in the capture of Kashtiliash IV (for the Assyrian BCE, clay, Iraq Museum, Parker 1974. For the date, yearly eponyms of this period, see Bloch 2012, see Bloch 2012, 407. For the glyptic style attributed 190–275). to Tukulti-Ninurta I’s reign, see Matthews 1990, 51 For Babylonian scholars and scribes at Middle 101–105. Assyrian royal courts, see discussions in Pongratz- 66 Fig. 23: Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin, VA Leisten 2015, e.g. 9, 31. 4244/Ass 9057 (left), VA 4245/Ass 10444 (right). 52 Machinist 1976, 1978, 2014; Foster 1995: 178–196; Palace of Tukulti-Ninurta I, Assur, lead, 7.2, 5.1 cm C. Morgan in Chavalas 2006: 145–152. respectively, Assante 2000, 329, 331, nos. 53, 56; 2007. 67 53 Speiser 1958; Dalley 1998, 67; Werman 2007. Fig. 24: Provenance unknown, chalcedony, 4.3 x 1.6 cm, The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, IAA 1965-234.
46 Y. Bloch and L. A. Peri: The Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I For a parallel, see Porada 1948, no. 607. For the 81 Fig. 30: Wall relief, Calah, Assyria (Nimrud, attribution of the latter to the reign of Tukulti- Iraq), reign of Assurnasirpal II, 9th century BCE, Ninurta I, see Matthews 1990, 142, no. 342. alabaster, British Museum, London, http://www. 68 britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/col- Frankfort 1996 [1954], 141–142; S. Babcock in lection_object_details.aspx?objectid=367087&parti Evans 2008, 212. d=1&searchtext=temple+of+ninurta&page=1 69 Lambert 2004. 82 Fig. 31: Detail of a kudurru, Babylon (Iraq), reign 70 Grayson 1987, 231–291 (RIMA 1, A.0.78.1–42); of Marduk-nadin-ahhe, Middle Babylonian Period, Deller, Fadhil and Ahmad 1994; Talon 2005. 11th century BCE, limestone, British Museum, 71 Grayson 1980, 153, n. 64; Grayson 1987, 128. London, http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/ collection_online/collection_object_details/collec- 72 Eighteen examples were known to Grayson, tion_image_gallery.aspx?partid=1&assetid=325711 including the exemplar edited here (see above, n. 001&objectid=369361 5). The nineteenth exemplar is a fragmentary clay 83 tablet published by Frahm 2009, 23–25, 177, no. 1. Stamp seal, provenance unknown, Neo-Babylonian On the date of this exemplar, and probably of the Period, 7th century BCE, stone, The Israel Great Inscription as a whole, see the commentary to Museum, Jerusalem, IMJ 90.24.25, Ornan 2005, the inscription, VIII 22–24. fig. 147. 84 73 Ellis 1968, 99. Details of a cylinder seal impression on a tablet. Calah, Assyria (Nimrud, Iraq), reign 74 For the blessing and curse formulae in Assyrian of Esarhaddon, 7th century BCE, clay, British Royal inscriptions, see Greenwood 2010. Museum, London, http://www.britishmuseum. 75 For the conventions of marking restorations of the org/research/collection_online/collection_object_ missing text and corrections of scribal mistakes in details.aspx?objectId=795262&partId=1; Wiseman the transliteration and the translation, see above, n. 1958, 21. fig. 6; Ornan 2003; 2009, 148, fig. 44. 9. 85 Detail of a scene on a cylinder seal, provenance 76 Fig. 25: Assur (Iraq), 13th century BCE, clay, 30 x unknown, Old Babylonian, 2nd millennium BCE, 33 x 12 cm (above); 32.5 x 33 x 12 cm (below), W. hematite, The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, IAA
F. Albright Institute of Archaeological Research,┏ ┓ 1965-166, Ornan 2004, 14, n. 9, fig. 3. Jerusalem. Above. Transliteration (above): (1) É . ┏ ┓ 86 Translated also as “king of totality”, cf. Pongratz- GAL m10-ÉRIN.TÁH MAN KIŠ (2) A GÍD-DI- ˘ Leisten 2015, 3. DINGIR MAN KUR Aš-[šur] (3) A dBAD-ÉRIN. 87 TÁH MAN KUR Aš-šur-ma; translation cf. Frayne 1993, 7; Levin 2002, 361–362. See also the ˘ Grayson 1987, 172–173, RIMA 1, A.0.76.41. discussion in Pongratz-Leisten 2015, 145–151. (1) md Transliteration (below): É.GAL SILIM-ma- 88 Grayson 1987, 48 (RIMA 1, A.0.39.1), 52 (2) (3) m nu-SA[G] MAN KUR Aš-šur A 10-ÉRIN. (A.0.39.2), 60 (A.0.39.8). TÁH (4) MAN KUR Aš-šur-ma; translation cf. ˘ 89 Grayson 1987, 136 (RIMA 1, A.0.76.3), 142 Grayson 1987, 220–221, RIMA 1, A.0.77.34. (A.0.76.9), 196 (A.0.77.6), 214 (A.0.77.25), etc. 77 Fig. 26: Scene on a cylinder seal, Babylonia (Iraq), 90 Seux 1967, 110, n. 21. For this title, see also the dis- Old Babylonian Period, 2nd millennium BCE, cussion in Pongratz-Leisten 2015, 202–205, citing hematite, The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, IAA Machinist 2006. 1965-170. 91 78 Larsen 1976, 111–116. Fig. 27: Darius or Xerxes on wall reliefs, , Persepolis (Iran), early 5th century BCE, stone. Cool Root 92 Grayson 1987, 109–111 (RIMA 1, A.0.73.1–2). 1979; Allen 2005. 93 Lambert 1983. 79 Fig. 28: Detail of the Broken Obelisk of Assur- 94 For this title, see Seux 1967, 305–308; Pongratz- bel-kala, Nineveh, Assyria (Kuyunjik, Iraq), Leisten 2015, 145–151. 11th century BCE, limestone. British Museum, 95 London, http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/ Grayson 1987, 240 (RIMA 1, A.0.78.2). collection_online/collection_object_details. 96 Wilcke 2010, 433, n. 112. aspx?objectId=277955&partId=1; Ornan 2007; 97 Grayson 1987, 233 (RIMA 1, A.0.78.1, I 9). Battini 2016. 98 See Streck 2007, 151. 80 Fig. 29: Detail of the Victory Stela of Naram-Sin, 99 Susa (Iran), late 3rd millennium BCE, limestone, Seux 1967, 244–250; Goodnick-Westenholtz 2004. Louvre, Paris, http://www.louvre.fr/en/oeuvre- 100 Wilcke 1977, 187–188, line 5. notices/victory-stele-naram-sin
IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 47 101 Grayson 1987, 182 (RIMA 1, A.0.77.1), 192 Tukulti-Ninurta I against Uqumeni (Uqumanu) in (A.0.77.4), 207 (A.0.77.18). the same year as his campaigns against Sharnida 102 and Mehru, which, as argued above, is unlikely. See Goodnick Westenholz 2004, 290. 129 103 For this verb, see Wegner 2000, 220. Müller 1937. For a discussion of this ritual, see Machinist 2006, 157–158. 130 See Machinist 2006, 162–163. 104 Harouthyounian 1984, 87–88; Radner 131 Salvini 1998–2001, 87–88. 2006–2008. 132 Grayson 1987, 241–242 (RIMA 1, A.0.78.3, 105 For the understanding of the noun miše’tu as 13–14). “plunder” (i.e., the objects plundered) rather than 133 Grayson 1987, 236 (RIMA 1, A.0.78.1, IV 26). “plundering” (the action), see Streck 2007, 150. 134 Brinkman 1970, 303, n. 26. 106 Albrektson 1967, 28–29, 34–36. 135 Nashef 1982, 182. 107 Röllig 1994, 144; Streck 2007, 150; Wilcke 2010, 136 431. For the interpretation of the term ešertu as “(cultic) terrace,” in this context, see Streck 2007, 108 Tadmor 2011, 249–250. 158–159. 109 The draft or copy of this letter has been preserved 137 Powell 1987–1990, 492. on two tablets, KUB 23.103 and KUB 23.92, along 138 with the drafts or copies of two additional letters Streck 2007, 159; Wilcke 2010, 418. addressed by Tudhaliya IV to the new Assyrian 139 See Wilcke 2010, 418. king himself and to his courtiers (Mora and 140 Grayson 1987, 242 (RIMA 1, A.0.78.3, 26). Giorgieri 2004, 155–158). 141 Grayson 1987, 242 (RIMA 1, A.0.78.3, 30), 245 110 Mora and Giorgieri 2004, 169–71, lines 16’–21’’. (A.0.78.5, 79), 282 (A.0.78.30, 3), 286 (A.0.78.36, 4). 111 Wilhelm 2003–2005, 325. 142 For the special relation to Ishtar on the part of 112 Hallo 1957–1971, 716–17; Hallo 2002, 154–155. Tukulti-Ninurta I, who re-introduced her cult as 113 Hallo 1957–1971, 710–11; Hallo 2002, 149–150; Ištar-Anunītu in Assur after a hiatus of several Glassner 2004, 124–125. centuries, see the Pongratz-Leisten 2015, 4–6. 114 143 The terms for “month” (ITI, urhu) and “eponym Wilcke 2010, 416–417. ˘ year” (līmu) were recorded at the end of another 115 Wilcke 2010, 415. inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I dealing with the 116 Wilcke 2010, 418. construction of his New Palace in Assur. However, 117 in that instance also, the names of the month and Tadmor 2011, 26–32. the eponym were not filled in (Grayson 1987, 241, 118 Cancik-Kirschbaum 2009–2011. RIMA 1, A.0.78.2, 54–55). 119 Harouthyounyan 1984, 84, 88. 144 Frahm 2009, 23–25, 177, rev. 3’. 120 Postgate 1976–1980, 487. 145 The tablet was published in a cuneiform 121 Grayson 1987, 235 (RIMA 1, A.0.78.1, III 21). hand-copy by Ebeling 1927, no. 240. For the sequence of eponyms in the tablet, see Saporetti 122 Heinhold-Krahmer 1988, 85; see also Michel 1979, 95; Freydank 1991, 41, 48–49. 2011–2013, 227. 146 Similarly, the Great Prism inscription of Tiglath- 123 Wilhelm 1989, 7. pileser I (1114–1076 BCE) narrates six military 124 Wilhelm 1989, 40, interpreted the term Shubaru campaigns which took place from the year of his in the Great Inscription of Tukulti-Ninurta I as a accession to the throne to his fifth complete regnal “deliberately old-fashioned and literary name for year (Grayson 1991, 25, RIMA 2, A.0.87.1, vi the Hurrians,” yet admitted that the campaign of 39–48). The inscription commemorates the recon- the Assyrian king was directed against the former struction of the temple of the gods Anu and Adad territory of Hanigalbat. in the city of Assur, and is dated to the eponym year 125 Grayson 1987, 183–184 (RIMA 1, A.0.77.1, of Ina-iliya-allak, which was the sixth regnal year 56–87). of Tiglath-pileser I (Freydank 1991, 78). In this instance, as well, the building project commemo- 126 Kessler 1980, 22–26. rated in the inscription was completed, and the 127 Hawkins 1998, 281, 285, 293. inscription itself was written, in the following year after the last military campaign narrated in it. 128 As recognized by Munn-Rankin 1975, 285. However, Munn-Rankin placed the campaign of
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IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 53 Revue d’Assyriologie et d’archéologie orientale Tammuz, O. 18: 95–97. 1997 IMJ 70.71.575: A New Variant of Eannatum 22. Acta Sumerologica 19:229–233. Schramm, W. 1973 Einleitung in die assyrischen Königsinschriften, Tenu, A. vol. 2. Leiden and Köln. 2004 Ninive et Aššur à l’époque médio-assyrienne. In Nineveh: Papers Read at the 49th Rencontre 1989–1990 Review of Grayson 1987. Archiv für Assyriologique Internationale, eds. D. Collon Orientforschung 36–37: 120–124. and A. George. Iraq 66.1: 27–33. Seux, M.-J. Tourtet, F. 1967 Épithètes royales akkadiennes et sumériennes. 2013 Distribution, Materials and Functions of Paris. the “Wall Knobs” in the Near Eastern Late Shaffer, A. Bronze Age: From South-Western Iran 1976 Clay Nails from Mesopotamia in the Israel to the Middle Euphrates, Susa and Elam. Museum. The Israel Museum News 11: 83–86. Archaeological, Philological, Historical 1981 Inscribed Stone Tablet. In A Glimpse into the and Geographical Perspectives. Proceedings Past: The Joseph Ternbach Collection, ed. R. of the International Congress Held at Ghent Merhav, 48–49, no. 25. Jerusalem. University, December 14–17, 2009, eds. K. de Graef and J. Tavernier, 173–190. Simpson, St J. Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse, no. 58, 2012 Brick. The British Museum Collection Online. Leiden and Boston. http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/ collection_online/collection_object_details. Uehlinger, C. aspx?objectId=3441109&partId=1 1995 Nimrod. Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible: 1181–1186. Leiden, New York, and Sollberger, E. and Kupper, J.-R. Köln. 1971 Inscriptions royales sumériennes et akkadiennes. Paris. Van de Mieroop, M. 1999 Cuneiform Texts and the Writing of History. Speiser, E. A. London and New York. 1958 In Search of Nimrod. Eretz-Israel 5: 32*–36*. Van der Toorn, K. and van der Horst, P.W. Stein, D. 1990 Nimrod Before and After the Bible. Harvard 1993–1997 Mittelassyrische Kunstperiode. Theological Review 83:1–29. Reallexikon der Assyriologie und vorderasi- atischen Archäologie, vol. 8, eds. E. Ebeling Van Seters, J. et al., 299–308. Berlin and New York. 1995 The Historiography of the Ancient Near East. Civilizations of the Ancient Near Streck, M. P. East, vol. 4, ed. J.M. Sasson, 2433–2444. 2007 Die große Inschrift Tukulti-Ninurtas I. New York. Philologische und historische Studien. Die Welt des Orients 37: 145–165. Waerzeggers, C. 2011 The Pious King: Royal Patronage of 2014–2016 Tukultī-Ninurta I. Reallexikon der Temples. In The Oxford Handbook of Assyriologie und vorderasiatischen Archäologie, Cuneiform Culture, eds. K. Radner and vol. 14, eds. E. Ebeling et al., 176–178. E. Robson, 725–751. Oxford. Berlin and New York. Wegner, I. Suter, C. E. 2000 Einführung in die hurritische Sprache. 2000 Gudea’s Temple Building: The Representation Wiesbaden. of an Early Mesopotamian Ruler in Text and Image. Groningen. Werman, C. 2007 Jubilees in Hellenistic Context. In The Tadmor, H. Heavenly Tablets: Jubilee Volume in Honor of 2011 “With My Many Chariots I Have Gone Up Prof. B. Halpern-Amaru, eds. L. LiDonnici the Heights of the Mountains”: Historical and and A. Lieber, 133–158. Leiden. Literary Studies on Ancient Mesopotamia and Israel, ed. M. Cogan. Jerusalem. Wilhelm, G. 1989 The Hurrians, trans. J. Barnes. Warminster. Talon, P. 2003–2005 Paphû. Reallexikon der Assyriologie und 2005 Une nouvelle inscription de Tukulti-Ninurta ˘ I. In Si un homme… Textes offerts en hommage vorderasiatischen Archäologie, vol. 10, eds. à André Finet, eds. P. Talon and V. van der E. Ebeling et al., 324–325. Berlin and Stede, 125–133. Subartu no. 16. Turnhout. New York.
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IMSA 8 • 2016–2017: 2–55 55 Information for Contributors Book by more than one author Ovadiah, R., and Ovadiah, A. 1987 Hellenistic, Roman, and Early Byzantine IMSA is a peer-reviewed journal. All manuscripts Mosaic Pavements in Israel. Rome. submitted to IMSA will be reviewed by the editorial board and by outside readers. Preference will be given Book with editor as author to articles related to objects in the Israel Museum’s Tsafrir, Y., ed. archaeological collections or presented in the depart- 1993 Ancient Churches Revealed. Jerusalem. ment’s exhibitions. Manuscripts should be submitted in a PC format computer file using Word, accom- Book in more than one volume panied by three copies of all illustrations, also as Note that the name of the book and the name of the computer files, and of an abstract (100 words or less), volume are italicized, but not the volume number. to: The Editor, Israel Museum Studies in Archaeology, Volume numbers for books should be given in either Bronfman Wing, The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, Arabic or Roman figures, depending on how they P.O.B. 71117, Jerusalem 91710, Israel. A cover letter appear on the volume. providing the title, author’s name, affiliation, mailing Buchanan, B., and Moorey, P. R. S. address, telephone number, and e-mail address should 1988 Catalogue of Ancient Near Eastern Seals in the accompany all submissions. Ashmolean Museum III, The Iron Age Stamp When an article is accepted for publication, the author Seals. Oxford. will be asked to provide a revised version of the manu- When a volume in a multi-volume work has two or script that incorporates, where necessary, suggestions more parts made by the editors and the readers and conforms to IMSA’s reference system (described below). One hard Fugmann, E. copy of the revised manuscript and one electronic 1958 Hama II.1, L’architecture des périodes pré- copy (flash drive or email attachment) in Word should hellénistiques. Copenhagen. be re-submitted. The revised manuscript must be Book in a series accompanied by original high-quality, camera-ready illustrations (photographs or drawings), numbered Bagatti, B. consecutively on the back. It is the responsibility of 2001 Ancient Christian Villages of Galilee. Studium the author to obtain permission to reproduce any Biblicum Franciscanum. Collectio Minor, material protected by copyright. The revised manu- no. 37. Jerusalem. script should also be accompanied by a complete list of Chapter or titled part of a book figures with captions and credit information and a full Welles, C. B. list of references used. 1938 The Inscriptions. In Gerasa: City of the Authors should indicate any special problems, such as Decapolis, ed. C. H. Kraeling, 355–494. charts, diagrams, specific typesetting requirements, New Haven. and provide computer files of any special fonts used. Journal article After design the final text and final figures/plates of the article will be sent to the authors for approval. At Rahmani, L. Y. that stage, changes other than printer’s errors may not 1988 Roman Lead Coffins in the Israel Museum be allowed. Upon publication, authors will receive a Collection. The Israel Museum Journal 7: pdf version of their article as printed. 47–60. Entry in a reference work Reference System (encyclopedia, lexicon, dictionary) Volume numbers for books should be given in either Reference lists should be prepared according to the Arabic or Roman figures, depending on how they following guidelines: appear on the volume. Book by a single author Stager, L. E. Rahmani, L. Y. 1993 Ashkelon. The New Encyclopedia of 1999 A Catalogue of Roman and Byzantine Lead Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land 1: Coffins from Israel. Jerusalem. 103–12. Jerusalem. Book with a main title and subtitle Ph.D. Galavaris, G. The Herodian Architectural Decoration, in 1970 Bread and the Liturgy: The Symbolism of Light of the Finds from the Temple Mount Early Christian and Byzantine Bread Stamps. Excavation. Ph.D. diss., Hebrew University Madison, Milwaukee, and London. of Jerusalem (Hebrew).
170 Notes should be prepared as endnotes according to JJS Journal of Jewish Studies. Oxford the system shown here: JMA Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology. 1 Welles 1938, 484, no. 326. Sheffield 2 Rahmani 1999, 43–44, figs. 123, 137; JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies. Chicago cf. Rahmani 1988, pl. II:3. JPOS The Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society. 3 I–XXI. Jerusalem, 1920–1948 For a somewhat similar depiction of an arched ciborium over a cross, with a surrounding Greek JRA Journal of Roman Archaeology. Portsmouth, inscription reading: “Blessing of the Lord on Rhode Island us,” see Galavaris 1970, 119, fig. 64 (from the JSOR Journal of the Society of Oriental Research. Byzantine Museum, Athens). The provenance of Chicago the stamp, dated to ca. 600 CE, is unknown. Levant Levant. The Council for British Research in the Levant. London Abbreviations LA Liber Annuus. Studium Biblicum Franciscanum. Jerusalem AASOR The Annual of the American Schools LIMC Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae of Oriental Research. Cambridge, Classicae. I–VIII. Zurich-Munich, Massachusetts 1981–1997 ADAJ Annual of the Department of Antiquities of MAAR Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. Jordan. Amman Rome AJA American Journal of Archaeology. New Enc. The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Archaeological Institute of America. Excavations in the Holy Land. Israel Boston Exploration Society. Jerusalem ‘Atiqot ‘Atiqot. Israel Antiquities Authority. PalJb Palästinajahrbuch des Deutschen Jerusalem evangelischen Instituts für BAR Biblical Archaeology Review. Biblical Altertumswissenschaften des Heiligen Landes Archaeology Society. Washington, DC zu Jerusalem. Berlin. 1905–1941 BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental PBSR Papers of the British School at Rome. London Research. Boston PEQ Palestine Exploration Quaterly. Palestine BCH Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique Exploration Fund. London CdE Chronique d’Égypte. Turnhout Qadmoniot Qadmoniot. A Journal for the Antiquities of Eretz-Israel and Bible Lands. Israel EI Eretz-Israel. Archaeological, Historical and Exploration Society and the Israel Geographical Studies. Israel Exploration Antiquities Authority. Jerusalem Society, in cooperation with the Institute (Hebrew) of Archaeology of the Hebrew University. Jerusalem QDAP The Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities in Palestine. I–XIV. London, ESI Excavations and Surveys in Israel. Israel 1932–1950 Antiquities Authority. Jerusalem Qedem Qedem. Monographs of the Institute of HA Hadashot Arkheologiyot. Excavations Archaeology. The Hebrew University of and Surveys in Israel. Israel Antiquities Jerusalem. Jerusalem Authority. Jerusalem (Hebrew) RB Revue Biblique. L’École Biblique et IEJ Israel Exploration Journal. Israel Archéologique Française. Jerusalem Exploration Society and the Institute of Archaeology of the Hebrew University. RM Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Jerusalem Instituts (Römische Abteilung). Mainz am Rhein IMJ The Israel Museum Journal. Jerusalem SHAJ Studies in the History and Archaeology of IMSA Israel Museum Studies in Archaeology. The Jordan. Amman Israel Museum, Jerusalem ZDPV Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins. JdI Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Leipzig Instituts. Berlin ZPE Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik. JGS Journal of Glass Studies. The Corning Bonn Museum of Glass. Corning, New York JHS Journal of Hellenic Studies. Cambridge
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