Exploring the Relationship Between Skin Tone and Self-Esteem Among Females in South Asian Families in India: a Multigenerational Comparison

Home , Feminine beauty ideal, Sushmita Sen

Exploring the Relationship between Skin Tone and Self-Esteem Among Females in South Asian Families in India: A Multigenerational Comparison

Priya Lena Sharda

A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Social Justice Education Ontario Institute for Studies in Education University of Toronto

Exploring the Relationship Between Skin Tone and Self-Esteem Among Females in South Asian Families in India: A Multigenerational Comparison

Priya Lena Sharda Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Social Justice Education University of Toronto 2020

Abstract

Colourism or skin colour stratification is a persistent dilemma for people in India. Socially and culturally constructed definitions of beauty based on skin tone, represent Western realities and continue to sustain beauty ideals that shape the beliefs and practices around fair skin for women.

The study of skin tone and its relationship to self-esteem is essential in expanding upon the limited research examining the intersections between body image and the sociocultural experiences of South Asian Indian women. Against the backdrop of Western hegemony, the research discusses how a fair skin beauty ideal impacts different generations of women in New

Delhi. More specifically, investigating the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem among women in South Asian families through a multigenerational comparison, provides a deeper understanding of how skin tone bias is perpetuated, while reinforcing and normalizing white heteropatriarchy. Skin tone bias is disseminated through the family, culture and media.

The narratives highlight how skin tone bias manifests itself among adult women in different

South Asian family units according to their life stage and membership in the family. Women from the young age group (generation) had the lowest self-esteem and faced the most pressure to conform to white skin beauty ideals when compared to older generations in their families. Skin tone appeared to be heavily emphasized for these young women, namely in the context of marriage.

Grounding the research analysis and discussion in Critical Race Feminism Theory and Post-

Structuralist Theory, Westernized beauty ideals prescribe a skin tone archetype that is rooted in colonialism and Western hegemony. They shape and influence the beliefs and practices around fair skin, as well as the self-perceptions and self-esteem of South Asian women. These ideals set the benchmark for women to conform to, but the representations of these standards are exclusionary and increasingly unattainable. Therefore, it provides an opportunity to gain a better understanding and critical awareness regarding how the internalization of a homogenous conception of beauty functions as a tool of oppression, and the potential psychosocial effects it has on different generations of South Asian women. This research lays the groundwork for further study in this area.

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Acknowledgements

I have imagined writing this page over and over again in my mind. This journey has shaped, humbled and strengthened me in ways that I would have never imagined. The unwavering support of my family and friends helped me see this through. It truly does take a village to finish a PhD. This dissertation could not have reached completion without the guidance and encouragement of the many people that I must acknowledge and thank.

I would like to begin by thanking my first supervisor, Dr. Paul Olson. Thank you for your infinite wisdom, scholarly advice, compassion and steadfast support along my graduate school journey. You are a beacon of intellectual knowledge and I truly thank you for emboldening me to follow my intellectual curiosity and for teaching me to look at the world in a new way. I am grateful for our stimulating conversations, your guidance and attention in my work. I hope our paths will cross again in the future.

I would also like to thank my current supervisor, Dr. Njoki Wane. Thank you for taking me under your wing. I could not have asked for a better mentor. Your insights and our fruitful conversations always helped me to expand my thinking on race, beauty and dynamics of power.

This dissertation is a collaborative effort; one that you helped give form to. Your warmth, scholarly advice and intellectual prowess enriched my research topic. I express deep gratitude to you. Thank you for getting me to the finish line.

I wish to recognize and extend my gratitude to my committee members, Dr. John Portelli and

Dr. Martin Cannon. I consider myself lucky to have had the opportunity to work with the both

of you. Your support and feedback are invaluable contributions to this work through your extensive knowledge, expertise, experience and time, dedicated to supporting me on this academic journey. I wish to also thank Sezen Attacan for all of her help throughout my time in the Social Justice Education Department at O.I.S.E. Your goodwill, genuineness and support helped me each step of the way. Whenever I needed any kind of information or assistance, you were there to lend a hand.

I would also like to thank other professors that have had a profound impact on my academic career. Dr. William (Bill) Lee, thank you for your support when I decided to embark on the path to pursue a PhD. Throughout my undergraduate career, you taught me to find my voice and to speak my truth. This truth fueled my desire to continue on the path of higher education as a means to create change and to challenge the status quo. I have always admired your work and how you have brought academia and real social justice issues together through your authenticity, while creating a space for those voices that are most often silenced. These are the elements that develop genuine connections with people and communities. I hope that I can do that in my work too.

I am deeply grateful to Dr. Miglena Todorova. I came to O.I.S.E. as a bright eyed student ready to learn all that I could. Your expertise and knowledge furthered my passion for learning. I remember always leaving your classes with a new lens to look at the world around me. You taught me that it was not important what I thought, but how I thought. You taught me that critical thinking was essential in seeing things for what they really are. Thank you for your insightful influence.

I am grateful to the women that I interviewed for my research. The beautiful families that shared their stories with me, stories of sadness, happiness and the struggles that South Asian women still face around traditional gender norms, beauty and the body. You have enriched my life and I am thankful that I had the opportunity to have met each and every one of you. I will remember all of the warm smiles and empowering exchanges. You are all strong souls; I thank you for sharing your time and putting your trust in me. Let us all remember that true beauty is about being comfortable in your own skin.

I am blessed to have amazing friendships that nurture me in so many ways. These friendships have enriched my life greatly. Flora (Flo) Vineberg, I am so lucky to have your peaceful presence, wisdom and friendship in my life. Your sincerity and exuberance to make the world a better place is inspirational. To my social justice companions and comrades, Natasha Gibbs-

Watson and Dr. Christopher Taylor, I am fortunate to have met the both of you. Tasha, your authenticity, intellect and insights never cease to amaze me. Your kind heart and infectious laugh are truly a gift. Chris, thank you for your mentorship. Your integrity, kindness and giving nature enrich the lives of those who meet you. I thank you both for your wisdom, support, guidance, and most of all, friendship. Keep fighting the good fight.

I am fortunate enough to have the presence of dear friends in my life, though I cannot name them all, I express my sincerest gratitude to Manisha Moran, Kim Barton and Nayara Mouktarr.

You have all walked with me on this journey in different ways, encouraging me, supporting me, uplifting me, being there for me and most of all, for listening to me go on about this dissertation. I extend my gratitude for your friendship, care and compassion. I am also

indebted to Mr. Ernest (Ernie) Harris. Thank you for always being my mentor and seeing the best in me even during those times when I was not able to see that in myself. I appreciate your scholarly advice, support and kindness in both my professional and academic careers. You taught me to push myself in order to reach new limits that I never thought imaginable. This has given me the confidence to step into my power and to pursue my passion for academia.

I am especially blessed to be supported and loved by members of my extended family (by choice). I am moved by their authenticity, thoughtfulness and kindness. I am forever grateful and touched by their love and faith in me. I owe my sincerest thanks and love to Reneé Hewer,

Tracy (Morris) Pettenuzzo, Lisa Wilkinson, Shelley Lalonde and Michael (Mike) Figueroa.

You have all stuck by my side through both good and bad times. Your unwavering support, compassion and presence in my life has taught me the true meaning of friendship and family.

Your presence in my life makes me a better person and refreshes my soul. Thank you for walking beside me.

My family is my backbone. I am thankful to my family and those ancestors who may no longer be in this world, but who forever live in my heart. My Parnana and Parnani (great grandparents) and my Nana and Nani (grandparents). As I express my gratitude and love to you, I must never forget that the highest appreciation is not to utter words, but to live by the great example that you set for me. A quote by Linda Hogan reminds me of you, “Walking. I am listening to a deeper way. Suddenly all my ancestors are behind me. Be still, they say.

Watch and listen. You are the result of the love of thousands.” I feel this in my being everyday. To my brothers, Roy and Rahul, my dearest aunts, Sunita and Savita (Masi) and my

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cousin, Bharat, your steady support and endless love and faith in me has helped me in the completion of this dissertation and in my life. You have been with me through the peaks and valleys. Your presence in my life has shaped and molded me. I love you all beyond measure.

Last but not least, I owe my deepest thanks and love to my rock, my mother. Words will not be enough to express my adoration of you and gratitude for all that you have done for me. Thank you for sustaining me during this dissertation and in my life. Your tireless will, genuine spirit and benevolent soul brings light into this world. You have endlessly stood by my side, held my hand, wiped away my tears, nourished my mind and body, and cheered me on at every juncture in life. Your unconditional love, and the sacrifices that you have made for me, motivate me and keep me strong. Thank you for helping me to pursue my dreams and for pushing me out of my comfort zone to live life to the fullest, while taking advantage of the opportunities that I know you wanted me to have. This journey would not have been possible without you. Your positivity is contagious and puts a smile on the faces of everyone that you meet. Your quiet wisdom and grace inspire me. I am forever thankful and profoundly blessed to have you as my mother. You are a beloved presence in my life, and I know that if I can be even half of the woman that you are, I will have done something right in my life.

There have been countless others whose experiences have meshed with mine. Whether it was a smile on a hard day or uplifting words of encouragement; for this I say you thank you. I truly feel blessed because I have gotten kindness in so many places and I feel the love of those near and dear to me. I come from a legacy of strong women and I am honored to be the first woman

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in my family to earn a PhD. I do not take it lightly and I count all of my blessings. Thank you for paving the way. This is for you.

“To be a light to others, you can’t just shine in the comfort of home. You have to shine in

the world.”

- Matt McWilliams

“Our deepest fear is not that we are inadequate. Our deepest fear is that we are

powerful beyond measure. It is our light, not our darkness that most frightens us. We

ask ourselves, who am I to be brilliant, gorgeous, talented and fabulous? Actually, who

are you not to be? Your playing small does not serve the world. There is nothing

enlightened about shrinking so that other people won't feel insecure around you. We are

all meant to shine, as children do. We were born to make manifest the glory that is

within us. It's not just in some of us; it's in everyone. And as we let our own light shine,

we unconsciously give other people permission to do the same. As we are liberated from

our own fear, our presence automatically liberates others.”

- Marianne Williamson

Table of Contents

Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………………ii

Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………………………….iv

Table of Contents………………………………………………………………………………….x

List of Tables…………………………………………………………………………………….xv

List of Images……………………...……………………………………………………………xvi

List of Appendices……………………………………………………………………………...xvii

Chapter 1 Exploring the Relationship Between Skin Tone and Self-Esteem Among South

Asian Females: Conforming to Westernized Hegemonic Beauty Ideals..……………...….….1

Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………..1

Westernized Hegemonic Beauty Ideals Related to Skin Tone……………………………………2

Statement of the Research Problem……………………………………………………………….7

Research Objectives and Questions……………………………………………………………...11

Contribution to Scholarship…………………………………………………...…………………12

Limitations of the Research Project……………………………………………………………...18

Situating Myself in the Research……………………..………………………………………….19

Definitions of Key Terms………………………………………………………………………..27

Overview of Dissertation Chapters…………………………………………………………...….30

Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………….………….33

Chapter 2 Theretical Framework……………………………………………………………...35

Introduction…………………………………………………………………………….…….…..35

Theoretical Framework: Critical Race Feminism Theory and Post-Structuralist Theory…….…36

Critical Race Feminism Theory…………………………………………………………………38

Post-Structuralist Theory…………………………………………………………………….….42

Why Postcolonial Theory Was Not Used as a Theoretical Framework………………………...49

Conclusion…………………………………………………………………...……………….…51

Chapter 3 Literature Review: Historical Antecedent of Colourism in India - Pre-Colonial,

Colonial and the Present……………………………………………………………………....55

Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………..55

Understanding Colourism………………………………………………………………...…….56

Historical Perspectives on Skin Tone in India………………………………………………….59

Pre-Modern Era: Culture, Religious Texts and Historical Imagery……………………………59

Varna:Caste-Colour Discrimination……………………………………………………………62

The Aryan Race Theory and Creation of the Caste System……………………………………65

British Rule and Eurocentrism…………………………………………………………………69

Modern Day Colonialism: The Influence of Popular Culture and Media…………..……….....73

The Value of Skin Colour for South Asian Women…………………………………………....82

Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………….…..87

Chapter 4 Literature Culture: Racial Identity, Skin Tone and Body Image Among South

Asian Women in India………………………………………………………………………...88

Introduction………………….……………………………………………………………….…88

Race Socialization in Families……………………………………………………………….…90

Race Socialization in South Asian Families……………………………………...... …………..95

Race Socialization and Gender Inequality within South Asian Families…..…………….…….97

Manifestations of Skin Tone Bias in South Asian Families……………..……………………101

Body Image Disturbance: Body Dysmorphic Disorder………………………………….……..104

The Relationship between Skin Tone and Body Image Disturbance…………………………..109

Body Image and Skin Tone………………………………………………………...…………..110

Body Dysmorphic Disorder: Pressure for Women to Meet Western Beauty Ideals….………..113

Body Image Disturbance and Skin Tone in India………………………………………..…….115

The Relationship Between Skin Tone and Self-Esteem Among Women in India…………….118

Skin Tone and Self-Esteem Among Women…………………………………………………..119

Skin Tone and Self-Esteem Among South Asian Women……………………………….……124

A Conceptual Framework of Skin Tone Related Perceptions and Self-Esteem……...………..125

What is Absent in the Literature About South Asian Women in India and Skin Tone, Body

Image and Self-Esteem?...... 127

Conclusion……………………………………………..…………………………………….…130

Chapter 5 Methodology…………...………………………………………………………….132

Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………….132

Research Design………………………………………………………………………………..134

Grounded Theory……………………………………….…………………………..………….136

Site Selection (The Choice of New Delhi)……………………………………………………..139

Sample………...………………………………………………………………………………..140

Semi-Structured Interviews……………………………….……………………………………143

Research Process: Participant Recruitment, Confidentiality and Informed Consent…………..146

Questionnaire Tools……………………………………………………………………………152

Grounded Theory: Coding Process…………………………………………………………….153

Grounded Theory: Theoretical Sampling…………………………...…………………………157

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Grounded Theory: Memo Writing…………….………………………………………………..160

Limitations……………………………………………………………………………………...162

Conclusion………………..…………………………………………………………………….165

Chapter 6 Findings……………………………………………………………………………167

Introduction……………………………………………………………………….……………167

Demographic Analysis…………………………………………………………………………168

Narratives From the Participants……………………………………………………………….170

Importance of Fair Skin as Social and Cultural Capital for South Asian Women……………..171

Family Socialization and Standards in Identity Development and Colour Consciousness….....182

Skin Tone Preferences and Behaviours: Cognitive Dissonance………………………………..193

"Snow White Syndrome" is Reinforced and Perpetuated Through the Mass Media…………..198

Skin Color Questionnaire (Bond & Cash, 1992) Results..……………..………………………203

Skin Colour Assessment Procedure (Bond & Cash, 1992) Results……………………………205

Conclusion………………………………………..…………………………………………….206

Chapter 7 Data Analysis and Discussion…………………………………………………….209

Introduction…………………………………………………………………………….………209

Importance of Fair Skin as Social and Cultural Capital for South Asian Women…………..…209

Family Socialization and Standards in Identity Development and Colour Consciousness…….223

Skin Tone Preferences and Behaviours: Cognitive Dissonance………………,……………….243

"Snow White Syndrome" is Reinforced and Perpetuated Through the Mass Media…………..255

Skin Color Questionnaire (Bond & Cash, 1992) Results……………………..………………..274

Skin Colour Assessment Procedure (Bond & Cash, 1992) Results…………...……………….275

Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………...278

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Chapter 8 Recommendations and Conclusions……………………………………………..280

Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………….280

Revisiting the Signficance of the Research Project…..…………………………………….….280

Contribution to the Literature Based on Findings……………..…………………………….…285

Ideological and Practical Implications……………………………..…………………,...….….307

Limitations of the Research Project……………………………………….…………………...313

Recommendations and Future Research Directions………………………………...………....316

Conclusion……………………………….…………………………………………………….319

References……………………..……………………………………………………………....335

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List of Tables

List of Tables Table 1: Participant Annual Household Incomes by Class Group……………...... 322

Table 2: Percentage of Participants in Each Class Group...... 323

Table 3: Most Important Trait of Feminine Beauty – Breakdown by Age Group...... 324

Table 4: Have you ever felt that your skin tone has helped or gotten in the way of your success/ life opportunities/access to certain things? Breakdown by Age Group and Skin Tone...... 325

Table 5: Which is the most beautiful: light skin or dark skin? Breakdown by Age Group and Skin Tone...... 326

Table 6: Use of Skin Lightening Products or Practices - Breakdown by Age Group and Skin Tone...... 327

Table 7: Skin Color Questionnaire Results (Bond & Cash, 1992) - Average (Mean) by Age Group for Each Question...... 328

Table 8: Skin Color Assessment Procedures Results (Bond & Cash, 1992) – Percentage of Participants that Selected Each Skin Colour: Breakdown by Question and Age Group...... 329

Table 9: Skin Color Assessment Procedures (Bond & Cash, 1992) – Total Number of Participants That Selected Each Skin Tone by Question...... 332

List of Images List of Images

Image 1: Skin Color Assessment Procedure (SCAP) (Bond & Cash, 1992): Poster Board with 4x4 inch coloured squares of nine skin colours…………………...... ………..333

Image 2: Favourite Actresses (Top Three) Across All Age Groups that Have Lightened Their Skin...... 334

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List of Appendices

Appendix 1: Research Project Flyer...... ……………...... 380

Appendix 2: List of Organizations ...... …………………………………………………….....381

Appendix 3: Initial Screening Tool....………………………………………………………….382

Appendix 4: Information Letter for Study and Informed Consent Form ...... ………………….383

Appendix 5: Demographic Questionnaire...... ……………………………………………….389

Appendix 6: Skin Color Questionnaire (SCQ) (Bond & Cash, 1992) ...... ………………….392

Appendix 7: Skin Color Assessment Procedure (SCAP) (Bond & Cash, 1992)……...... …….393

Appendix 8: Sample Interview Guide...... ……...... 394

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Chapter 1

Exploring the Relationship between Skin Tone and Self-Esteem among South Asian Females: Conforming to Westernized Hegemonic Beauty Ideals Situating the Research Project

Introduction The purpose of this chapter is to provide an overview of the research topic. More specifically, background information on the topic related to colourism and beauty ideals are briefly discussed in order to situate the research project. The statement of the research problem, the research objectives and questions, contribution to scholarship, and limitations of the research project are also reviewed. Furthermore, I situate myself in the research, summarize the definition of key terms, as well as provide an overview of the dissertation chapters.

This research project looks at the relationship that exists between skin tone and self-esteem among women in South Asian families in India through a multigenerational comparison. In particular, this research discusses how fair skin beauty ideals and colourism impact the self- perceptions and self-esteem of different generations of women in New Delhi. Participant narratives explain how skin tone bias manifests itself among the women in the family, according to their life stage and membership in the family unit. The similarities and differences between each generation’s experiences are discussed. The findings highlight that skin tone bias is disseminated through family, culture and the mass media, and provide a deeper understanding of how skin tone bias is perpetuated, while reinforcing and normalizing white heteropatriarchy.

Westernized Hegemonic Beauty Ideals Related to Skin Tone Research examining the effects of discrimination clearly documents that many racialized people, including myself, a second generation, mixed woman (South Asian with ancestry from the

Pacific Islands and Ireland), still face forms of racism and colourism that negatively impact our self-identities and self-esteem. This is often coupled with a pressure to conform to Western hegemonic beauty ideals through dyeing our hair lighter colours, wearing coloured contacts, and using products to lighten the appearance of our skin. Racism is “prejudiced attitudes and/or discriminatory acts against people based on their actual or perceived racial status” (Webb, 2013), while colourism is “prejudiced attitudes and/or discriminatory acts against people based on the colour (shade or tone) of their skin” (Webb, 2013). Colourism is a global phenomenon that is concerned with skin tone, as opposed to racial or ethnic identity. It is essentially a by-product of racism. Colourism can occur both inter-racially (between groups of different races) or intra- racially (within group members of the same race). In either form, people with darker skin appear to be at a disadvantage due to a global colour complex that emphasizes light skin as an indicator of beauty (Glenn, 2008, 2009; Celious & Oyserman, 2001; Goffman, 1979). Lighter skinned racialized people have an advantage, as they enjoy substantial privileges that are still unattainable to darker skinned racialized people.

Research has shown that lighter skinned people earn more money (Devaraj, Quigley, & Patel,

2018; Espino & Franz, 2002), complete more years of schooling (Hunter, 2005), live in better neighbourhoods (Hughes & Hertel, 1990), and marry higher status partners (Nagar, 2018; Utley

& Darity, 2016; Jha & Adelman, 2009) than their darker skinned counterparts. For example, in the study by Devaraj, Quigley and Patel (2018), they examined the relationship between observable physical characteristics (skin tone, height, and gender) and earnings, as measured by

3 income. With a sample of 31,356 individual-year observations across 4,340 individuals, they found that taller males with darker skin tones attained lower earnings. Those individuals that were educated beyond high school and deemed highly intelligent had even lower levels of earnings relative to individuals with lighter skin tones. In addition, the emphasis placed on fair skin was evident in the study by Nagar (2018) as well. The study examined the influence of skin colour of one’s preference for a potential marriage partner. A 2 × 2 (gender × skin-colour) between-group experimental design was utilized. The mothers (n=108) of participants who were in the marriageable age group were given the option of five marital profiles, which only outlined one’s education and work information. Once a profile was chosen, participants were shown a photograph of a highly attractive fair man or woman or a highly attractive dark man or woman.

The light-skinned and dark-skinned photographs were of the same person (skin tones were manipulated using computer software). When participants were asked to rate how strongly they would recommend the man or woman as a potential bride/groom for their child, the fair-skinned highly attractive people received higher ratings than the dark-skinned highly attractive people.

Likewise, findings from the Jha & Adelman (2009) study demonstrated this. The authors analyzed profiles and preferences of brides and grooms (n=200) and then coded successful wedding photos (n=200), which were posted on four popular Indian matrimonial websites. Their findings showed a significant bias among men for brides with lighter skin tones than themselves.

The results of these studies indicated an overwhelming bias towards fair skin and drew attention to the privileges that it confers. Lighter skin is considered to be a form of social capital (Hunter,

2002). According to Hunter (2002), social capital highlights, “…how beauty, defined through light skin, works as capital and as a stratifying agent for women on the dimensions of education,

4 income, and spousal status” (p. 175). The perceived value attached to fair skin provides such benefits and privileges in society.

Although racialized people are discriminated against due to racial categories (e.g., Asian), they can also be subject to various types of discrimination, disparagement and oppression because of skin tone. Racism and colourism are both fundamentally linked because they share the same historical roots and a foundation based on white hegemony. It is essential to understand the impacts of racism because it is systemic and has ideological and material consequences (Bonilla-

Silva, 2006), while colourism emphasizes the intensity, frequency and outcomes of discrimination that differ dramatically due to one’s complexion (Hunter, 2005, 2007).

Colourism becomes a manifestation of racism. It is rampant worldwide, and images of white skin and anglicized facial features bombard the global media (Berry; 2008; Hunter, 2007;

Kasbekar, 2006). Advertisements, television shows, films and other forms of media perpetuate

Western beauty norms. Western conceptions of beauty have infiltrated every corner of the globe. These predominant beauty ideals from the Western culture, reinforce and normalize white heteropatriarchy. Social pressures push women to conform to such ideals that are sustained by historical colonialism, patriarchy and the media. These manufactured images of beauty are sculpted to meet the Western beauty ideals: blonde hair, blue eyes, a slim body, and of course, white skin. Such hegemonic beauty ideals based on skin colour and physical features inﬂuence and shape global values and beliefs around who is regarded as beautiful. Thus, it is critical to understand how the internalization of these white defined conceptions of beauty function as tools of oppression, and the damaging effects that they have on racialized people. These standards

5 have created an epidemic in countries around the world, such as India, where women will go to extreme lengths to attain this form of white “perfection.”

These standards of beauty are based on social constructions of colourism that define and arbitrarily classify individuals and/or groups according to their physical characteristics. These constructs benefit those of the dominant ideal (white, Anglo-Saxon) who have the power to define what is “beautiful.” Social constructions of beauty have the power to divide as, “Those who have white or lighter skin are in positions of privilege, while those with darker skin are considered inferior and suffer social, cultural and economic consequences in a world that believes that whiteness is representative of beauty and intelligence and blackness and anything of the sort signifies ugliness and incivility (Hunter, 2002, p. 177). This dichotomous thinking creates divisions and hierarchies based on skin colour.

Colour hierarchies are rooted in colonialism and the internalization of a white aesthetic ideal, which are the result of a historical legacy of slavery and discrimination globally (Doane &

Bonilla-Silva, 2003; Delgado & Stefanicic, 2000; Hall, 1995, 1997). Many racial and ethnic groups have internalized the colonial and slavery value systems of their oppressors (Hall, 1995).

Consequently, some desire lighter skin and anglicized facial features to appear more like the dominant group. These deep-seated cultural values are causes of distress and social stratification

(Thompson & Keith, 2001) in society. Darker skin tones are looked at with scorn, while lighter skin is associated with goodness and power.

Globally, colourism continues to be a significant issue because hierarchies of skin colour systematically privilege lightness, and limit the life chances of darker skinned people. Numerous studies have shown that people with darker skin tones face more discrimination than those with lighter skin tones (Keith et al., 2017; Frisby, 2006; Wade & Bielitz, 2005; Keenan, 1996; Leslie,

1995). Other studies have also examined related skin colour stratification and the benefits that those with lighter skin receive (Bakken & Branden, 2013; Hunter, 2011; Pinho, 2009; Charles,

2003; Spano, 2000). For example, studies have shown that many professionals will hire a lighter skinned employee before considering a person with darker skin from the same race (Sims &

Hirudayaraj, 2016; Espino & Franz, 2002, Mason, 2004; Hill, 2000). This is also the case when people select marriage partners (Nagar, 2018; Utley & Darity, 2016; Jha & Adelman, 2009;

Rondilla & Spikard, 2007). Further research has demonstrated that people with lighter skin are considered to be more physically attractive, which translates into higher rates of marriage with partners of great social status than for those with darker skin (Jha & Adelman, 2009; Gilman,

1999; Hughes & Hertel, 1990). Therefore, those with darker skin receive fewer rewards in society, and regardless of whether or not an individual possesses other valuable qualities (e.g., a higher education, income, etcetera), the fact remains that light skin provides people with access to attaining benefits that are not extended to darker skinned individuals. The globalization of the media, body modification technology and the enduring power of status hierarchies based on race and gender around the world, have made the pursuit of light skin a requirement for social and economic success (Hunter, 2013). Society is oblivious in its preference for lighter skin because this dominant aesthetic is so deeply ingrained within our culture, it further maintains colourism.

Women are often the worst victims of colourism. While men and women both experience colourism, their experiences with this type of discrimination are different. Women with darker

7 skin are marginalized because they do not fit the prescribed Western beauty ideals that are perpetuated by the dominant group. The normalization of Western beauty ideals divides and hierarchizes (Hunter, 2002; Foucault, 1975). These ideals have the power to not only affect a woman’s self-esteem and sense of self-worth, but to shape her identity negatively. The resulting rejection and exclusion speak to larger social processes, both historical and contemporary, that privilege lighter skinned racialized people over those with darker skin in access to major life opportunities such as, employment and marriage (Nagar, 2018; Devaraj & Patel, 2017; Jha &

Adelman, 2009). Skin tone is considered an important asset in deﬁning beauty. Such ideologies connect lightness with beauty.

The enduring and substantial privileges that are attached to light skin make it something that many racialized women desire. For example, in India, the desire for fair skin is widespread.

Many South Asian women will pursue the quest for light skin in order to enjoy similar benefits

(Belk & Bahl, 2008; Hunter, 2005), as they face immense pressure to lighten their skin and follow beauty norms that valorize Western features as aesthetically attractive. The market for skin lightening products is a booming industry in India (Tambe, 2018; Nadeem, 2014).

Manufacturers capitalize on consumers’ insecurities and desires for fair skin. Thus, it is essential to examine and understand the connections between skin tone and self-esteem, as the pressure to conform to Western hegemonic beauty ideals comes with a price: detrimental effects on one’s identity and self-perceptions.

Statement of the Research Problem Many developing countries across the non-white, non-Western world demonstrate a societal preference for fair skin tones. Socially and culturally constructed definitions of beauty

8 related to skin tone that represent Western realities, continue to uphold beauty ideals that shape the beliefs and practices around fair skin for women. The study of skin tone and its relationship to self-esteem is important in expanding upon the research that examines the intersections between body image and the socio-cultural experiences of women. This research project is a qualitative study using grounded theory as the research design. I explore if there is a relationship that exists between skin tone and self-esteem among women in South Asian families in India, through a multigenerational comparison. More specifically, I examine how the issue of colourism manifests itself multigenerationally among adult women in a South Asian family unit according to their life stage and membership in that family. These research objectives were met by asking the main research question, What is the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem among females in South Asian families in India through multigenerational comparisons? (See

Research Objectives and Research Questions heading below for more information about the research question and sub-questions.)

The research objectives were actualized through the use of semi-structured interviews that were conducted in English, Hindi, Urdu and Punjabi with twenty-seven women (nine families). The women were aged eighteen years and older, and from different religious and socio-economic backgrounds in New Delhi, India. I selected New Delhi as the most suitable location for this research project because it is a large metropolitan city with a large population, which is beneficial when seeking a diverse sample, as well in terms of religious, cultural/linguistic, educational and socio-economic backgrounds. Participants were recruited using a combination of selective sampling, theoretical sampling and snowball sampling at different stages of the research process.

Generally, the findings primarily discuss how Western beauty ideals related to skin tone are socially and culturally prescribed definitions of beauty. They are rooted in colonialism and

Western hegemony, and shape the beliefs and practices around fair skin, while representing the ideal standard for Indian women to conform to. Against the backdrop of Western hegemony, I discuss how skin tone beauty ideals impact individuals and communities of women in New

Delhi, as it contributes to colourism, while reinforcing and normalizing white heteropatriarchy.

The impact on women from various life stages (age groups) differs.

Grounding my research analysis and discussion in Critical Race Feminism Theory and Post-

Structuralist Theory, I first touch upon how Westernized beauty ideals related to skin tone shape the identity formation and self-perception of Indian women, and how this accordingly affects one’s self-esteem. I examine the social conditioning behind this that creates a white internalized ideal leading women to engage in perilous measures to lighten their skin complexions. Next, the historical context related to this issue is discussed. Religious and cultural scriptures and other historical facets including, the caste system are described, along with their influence in creating a stratified society based on class and other phenotypical characteristics such as, skin colour. In addition, with British rule in India, came colonialism and imperialism that entrenched the belief that those from the ruling class and with lighter skin were superior to those with darker skin

(Buckley, 2015; Fisher, 2007). This mentality has long become entrenched in the Indian culture and beliefs, “Historical Asian beliefs about the relationship between the shade of one’s skin and income, class, and beauty currently perpetuate colourism…” (Sims & Hirudayaraj, 2016, p. 40).

The oppression and discrimination faced by those with darker complexions are examined, as these beliefs are likely to have given impetus to the notion of the superiority of fair skin that

10 impacts intragroup dynamics in India. Colourism became ubiquitous as a result of colonialism, as it influenced Indian culture and worldviews that perpetuated the light and dark skin dichotomy. As India’s history has shaped its culture, family socialization and standards are also considered.

Family members shape and influence the beliefs, perceptions and practices of its members around factors such as, identity formation and self-esteem, and gender norms (Neblett et al.,

2009; Farver et al., 2007; Hesse-Biber et al., 2004; Coard, Breland & Raskin, 2001). Due to the generational analysis of this issue, skin tone becomes a powerful agent of socialization. Families ascribe or project roles, make expectations, judgements and acceptances of family members.

Knowledge, beliefs and standards are learned, imparted and socially transmitted (Chick, 2000) to family members. They convey cultural meanings and values toward concepts such as, skin colour, which is developed over time. This is explored further in this research project amongst the women, including how family members influence one’s race socialization, cultural identity and resiliency. Women face pressure to succumb to the light skin beauty ideal, but there is a cognitive dissonance related to this. With the increased desire for fair skin due to the advantages that it affords, through socialization processes, some women gravitated towards the dominant views of beauty and standardization. These dominant views and standards come from sources such as, the media. The media promotes, reinforces and propagates the light skin beauty ideal through the globalization of media and related products, information and images that we see on a daily basis (Nagar & Virk, 2017; Sépulveda & Calado, 2012; Hussein, 2010). Media sources such as, television ads, print media and Bollywood films, all push fair skin as the primary standard of beauty to attain. Skin tone bias has generated a global, multibillion-dollar industry in

11 skin lightening products and invasive procedures (Hunter, 2011, 2007). It shows a deep rooted internalized racism and social hierarchy based on skin colour that needs to be dismantled.

However, we are starting to see a small shift in the attitudes and mindsets among Indian women, as they gain greater confidence and independence from education, employment and their financial situations. The generational distinctions and parallels among the women interviewed for this research project are explored further.

The theoretical frameworks, Critical Race Feminism Theory and Post-Structuralist Theory help situate this research project and the participant experiences, as counter narratives to the dominant narratives that define social power, gender norms and beauty ideals. The dominant narratives perpetuate the homogeneity of white beauty. These theoretical frameworks both focus on the significance of race, colour and gender when examining power dynamics and white privilege in society. They resist the dominant narratives in society as “truth.” Moreover, the frameworks help me to: 1) examine and discuss how societal structures, language and culture empower some, while marginalizing others based on skin tone, 2) deconstruct whiteness and white privilege in a

Western dominated world to focus on the saliency of race, color and gender in defining beauty ideals, and 3) discuss how they challenge the status quo beauty ideals related to skin tone, and support racialized women fighting colourism by bringing non-Western standards of beauty and identity to the forefront. This in turn pushes for initiatives and education to challenge and critique skin tone based oppression.

Research Objectives and Questions The major objectives of this research study are to determine: a) what, if any, relationship exists between skin tone and self-esteem among different generations of women in South Asian family

12 units in India, b) if and/or how skin tone plays a relevant role in the lives of these women, c) if family interactions, expectations and upbringing bears any influence on how these women see skin tone, and d) if there are similarities and differences between each generation’s (age groups) psychosocial experiences with skin tone and self-esteem.

Therefore, the major research question for this research project is: a) What is the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem among females in South Asian families in India through multigenerational comparisons?

The sub-questions for this research are: b) Does skin tone play a relevant role in the lives of South Asian women in India? If yes, how so? c) Do family interactions, expectations and upbringing have any influence on how these women see and understand skin tone in their lives? d) Are there similarities and differences between each generation of women’s psychosocial experiences with skin tone and self-esteem?

Contribution to Scholarship With increased globalization and technological change, there is more focus and scholarly concentration on concepts related to health and beauty, especially in discourses relating to gender and the racialization of beauty. There are increasing bodies of literature examining the psychosocial and cultural impacts of beauty and body image on individuals and its relationship to Western representations; and the influence of these cultural concepts of beauty on non-

Western cultures (See Chapters 2 and 3 of Literature Review for more information). This occurs through cultural interaction and domination. We have consequently seen standards of beauty

13 shift due to subjugation by the West on the rest of the world. It has overpowered the non-West, and continues to do so predominantly through mass media and capitalism (Nagar & Virk, 2017;

Sépulveda & Calado, 2012). Scholars such as, Hunter (2007, 2011), Glenn (2008), Ayyar &

Khandare (2012), Davidson & McCabe (2006), Goon & Craven (2003), Hall (1995, 1997, 2013) and Parameswaran & Cardoza (2009) and others, have written about how beauty is a hegemony or dominance; one that is defined and propagated by the Western world. These scholars have discussed both historical and present day examples of this from across the globe.

In particular, Hunter (2007, 2011), Glenn (2008) and Hall (1995, 1997, 2013) are some of the more prominent scholars in this area. For example, Hunter’s work (2007, 2011) discusses how colourism is directly related to a more macro system of racism across the globe, whereby, those with white skin are afforded numerous benefits and privileges. Hunter (2007) calls it a “color complex” (p. 237) that is disseminated globally through Western media images, which sustains the skin bleaching and cosmetic surgery industries. Furthermore, Glenn (2008) makes similar arguments. According to Glenn (2008), in an increased globalized world, there is growing consumption of skin-lightening products, which highlights the prevalence of colourism. Similar to Hunter (2007), Glenn (2008) argues that images of fair skin beauty and the use of skin lighteners are no longer a legacy of past colonialism, but rather, a fast growing market, even among young, urban, educated women globally. She explains that because of globalization and the role of transnational pharmaceutical and cosmetic corporations, the desire to attain lighter skin is apparent. It is driven by images of fair skin through print, Internet and television advertisements. As a result, fair skin is connected to modernity, social mobility and youth

(Glenn, 2008). In addition, Hall (2013) also discusses how globalization manifests the

14 admiration of fair skin. He argues that the basis of light skin, as a global beauty ideal, advances it as a “prerequisite to enhanced quality of life” (p. 560). Consequently, this causes what he refers to as “bleaching syndrome,” whereby, racialized people will go to different lengths to lighten their skin. It is apparent that among racialized people, skin tone is significant to the study of body image, self-esteem, and the like. It stresses that in a progressively global world, even though we are racially distinct, fair skin beauty ideals are pushing society towards a standardized racial identity and culture.

The pursuit of Western ideals of beauty by racialized women puts pressure on them to imitate what they see. Thus, how beauty is perceived and how it is defined can be problematic. The beauty that racialized women from across the world, including India, aim to replicate, is a reflection of Western culture and perceptions. Through history, technology and the media, the result is a contorted, homogenized and oftentimes unobtainable picture of beauty. It is one that does not represent the diversity of racialized women from other cultures and countries. These scholars have examined racialized bodies in the context of how Western beauty ideals reproduce colonial inventions and social constructions of race, which each hold their own social, cultural and economic value in society. These ideals reinforce structures of inequality and perpetuate racism and colourism further. As discussed, Hunter (2007), Glenn (2008) and Hall (2011, 2013) examine the lengths that women will go to in order to attain light skin beauty ideals, and the resulting impacts it has on their identities, lives and well-being. Parameswaran & Cardoza (2009) and

Osuri (2008b) consider how the white, Western world uses colonial narratives to re-establish and reinforce their power and privilege, asserting their dominance in defining who and what is deemed beautiful. This white patriarchal discourse represents Western women as the universal

15 standard of beauty; a hegemonic ideology and social location that has the effect of demarcating women into dominant and subordinate strata.

There is also increased scholarly attention on the negative impact of beauty on women from an intersectionality perspective. Scholars such as, Keith, Nguyen, Taylor, Chatters & Mouzon (2017),

Thompson & McDonald (2016), Ayyar & Khandare (2012), Swami et al. (2008), Bodenhorn

(2006), Shroff & Thompson (2004), Sahay & Piran (1997) and others, examine the issue of body politics looking at the intersections of gender, race, colour, body size and socioeconomic background. This includes the effects that these have on one’s self-perception, self-esteem and well-being, and other social factors, such as one’s deemed social capital.

More recently, there has also been more scholarly attention focused on the Indian mass media, and its power to influence and transmit Western hegemonic beauty norms, especially those related to skin tone. Scholars such as, Gopaldas & Siebert (2018), Harper & Choma (2018),

Mbure & Aubrey (2017), and Parameswaran (2015), elaborate on how beauty is the result of the dominant culture and ideology that is disseminated through various media forms such as, television, film, print and social media. Since the mass media is exceedingly pervasive in our society, Eurocentric standards of beauty have subsequent negative effects on the formation of a woman’s personal identity and beliefs. Mass media images and depictions commonly give rise to discrimination based on skin tone. The message that women are socialized to believe and buy into is that Eurocentric features are more likely to be accepted and provide upward social mobility, while diminishing the status and power of darker complexioned women.

With this in mind, I look at an aspect of this phenomenon through engagement with scholarship in the context of the large metropolitan city of New Delhi. My contribution to scholarship provides another lens on this issue with a population that is often underrepresented, South Asian women from India. The multigenerational approach will provide a glimpse of a timeline regarding how and what messages related to beauty, body image and skin tone in particular, have been passed down from each generation of women in their families. It will highlight the socialization factors and cultural “norms” that are prevalent for each generation (age group).

This research project will add to the literature and serve as a foundational study for future research and theoretical development, as there is not a study that has been done examining the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem among South Asian women through cross- sectional and generational comparisons (Chen, Yarnal, Chick, & Jablonski, 2018; Ayyar and

Khandare, 2012; Johnson, 2002). Furthermore, this research project will elucidate the ways in which social constructs of gender and beauty emphasize the perceived importance of skin tone for evaluations of self-worth and self-competence in women. It highlights how skin tone is an important predictor of self-esteem in South Asian women, and how this phenomenon plays out across generations.

This research project also discusses the conditions of success that allow each generation of South

Asian women to escape the negative effects of colourism. The differing impacts of skin tone on self-esteem for each generation of women in a family unit is discussed as well. Lastly, this research project provides data regarding how race socialization and identity are formed and evaluated in the lives of South Asian women and more specifically, in their families in the

17 context of India. The majority of the literature that looks at race socialization, overwhelmingly focuses on this topic in Black families1. More specifically, the literature in this area predominantly looks at race and ethnic socialization, colour consciousness, parental beliefs, family processes and women's experiences with colorism, Black racial identity and self-esteem, as well as racial identity and body image issues (Kurtz-Costes et al., 2019; Wilder & Cain, 2011;

Neblett, et al., 2009; McHale et al., 2006; Hesse-Biber et al., 2004; Coard, Breland, & Raskin,

2001; Stevenson, 1994). However, there is not a sufficient amount of literature looking at race socialization and identity in South Asian Indian populations (Yasui, Dishion, Stormshak, & Ball,

2015; Farver et al., 2007; Rajiva, 2006; Sapru, 2006; Umaña-Taylor, Bhanot, & Shin, 2006;

Farver, Narang, & Bakhtawar, 2002). Some of these studies, in particular, those conducted by

Farver et al., (2007), Umaña-Taylor, Bhanot, & Shin (2006) and Sapru (2006), only include small samples of South Asian Indian participants that are either compared to other samples of racial or ethnic groups, or the South Asian samples in these studies are from North America or

Europe. There is a dearth of research looking at race socialization and identity in South Asian populations in India. This dissertation explores an under studied area with a unique population

(multigenerational approach) to contribute to scholarship in order to incorporate further discourse on the impacts of skin tone on racism and colourism, and racial socialization in the lives of South Asian Indian women.

1 See Richmond & Pitman, 2016; Suizzo, Robinson, & Pahlke, 2008; Lesane-Brown, 2006; Hunter, Allen, & Telles, 2001; Peters, 2001; Hughes & Chen, 1997; Marshall, 1995 for additional literature on race socialization in Black families. These sources offer further insight on this topic and are reviews, chapters in books, etcetera.

Limitations of the Research Project As with all research projects, there are limitations. It is necessary to bear in mind that the generalizability of the results of this research project are limited because of the smaller sample size and single site location. Currently, there are not any studies that have solely examined the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem from a multigenerational perspective or with the population that made up the sample for this research project. The smaller sample size and single site selection may not easily be considered representative of the larger groups to which these participants belong, nor may the results be fully transferable. The generalizability of the sample to other global populations more broadly also remains unknown. However, the intention with this research project is to address a gap in the literature. My findings are specific to this population sample and highlight possible broader issues related to colourism in India. My hope is that the findings from this research project could serve as a foundation for future studies in this area, especially with other groups of Indian and racialized women. My focus has been on conducting an exploratory study and describing this phenomenon, as opposed to generalizing the results to a larger population because this sample was strategically selected.

Furthermore, when taking the findings into account, another limitation to consider is the structure of some of the family units that were interviewed, and the messaging that was passed down from each generation (age group) in that family. Because some members (i.e., daughter- in-laws) did not grow up in that family home, since they only joined the family after having married into it, these women may have had different experiences, and grew up with different messages related to beauty, body image and skin tone in their childhood homes. However, some of the daughter-in-law’s experiences provide more information on the lived experiences of women from their generation (age group) with colourism. They may also provide further

19 explanation regarding the role of skin tone in selecting a spouse and how it influences marriageability for women. It would also elucidate their experiences of familial dynamics related to skin tone and beauty ideals, as a daughter-in-law in the home that they have married into. In India, colourism is a part of the everyday fabric of society.

Situating Myself in the Research Critical Race Feminism Theory and Post-Structuralist Theory recognize the power of discourse to influence knowledge and our realities. We experience aspects of the world based on our social locations, so our knowledge and realities are not detached from the dominant values and ideals that shape them. However, the stories of the marginalized or oppressed are often untold or unacknowledged, and their voices silenced or ignored. Critical Race Feminism Theory and

Post-Structuralist Theory contend that it is critical for researchers to be reflexive. As a researcher, I am interested in understanding how knowledge is produced, how meaning is attached to this knowledge, and how it is reproduced in different social, cultural and political contexts including, its impact on individuals and groups. Reflexivity encompasses a self- awareness and being involved in the analysis of the research, to imbue meaning from the stories that are shared from those who are a part of the research process. Critical Race Feminism

Theory and Post-Structuralist Theory also argue that, “…analysis should be informed by personal experience and contextual, historical studies; and that pragmatic and eclectic strategies should be pursued in the struggle for racial and social justice” (Harvard University, 2018). It is with this perspective that I have approached the analysis of this research project. This includes a personal reflexivity that situates myself in the context of my research, while considering my own positionality, and the effects of my lived experience on how it has shaped my examination and review of this research.

When I think about my social location, I am a young racialized woman, a second generation

Canadian, able-bodied, heterosexual, who is educated and from a middle-class background. My family’s ancestral roots are in India (and the larger South Asia), the Pacific Islands and Ireland.

My family’s history shows the lineage of its members who faced colonialism and war, and how this shaped the course of their lives and the stories that were passed down. Because of my identity, I have been in positions where I have experienced both power and privilege, as well as marginalization and oppression, depending on the context and circumstances that I found myself in. As aspects of my identity intersect and shape my reality, it makes me conscious of who I am and how I walk through the world. I carry the histories and stories of my family; those of oppression, subordination, power and privilege. Collectively, these factors have shaped my thoughts, worldviews, knowledge and research. I am aware that various aspects of my identity come into focus depending on the context that I find myself in, and do determine whether or not

I experience various forms of inclusion or exclusion. This is also dependent on the aspect(s) of my identity that I choose to share in any given context, and/or those aspects that are either focused on, or even imposed upon me by others.

Growing up, I was always conscious of my skin colour, being the only racialized person in my classes, until I reached high school. I remember receiving comments from other students, asking me why my skin was not white, and even being called various racial epithets on some occasions.

There were times when I was excluded from groups and activities in class or on the playground because of the colour of my skin. This taught me from a very young age to remain quiet and out of sight, so that I would not draw any unwanted attention upon myself. I though that this would help me better fit in with my peers. I focused only on my school work and rarely spoke to avoid

21 any attention being put on me. I had carved out the reputation of being the “smart” and “quiet” girl in class, which was okay with me, because as long as I was not the “different” girl, I knew that I would not have any issues. I tried to dress and act like all of the white girls in school in the hopes that I would be accepted and feel that I belonged somewhere. After all, these were the people that I would be in school with for years to come.

I recall coasting under the radar (mostly) for the rest of my elementary and middle school years.

These experiences engrained in me the belief that if I were different from my peers in any way or did anything to go against the majority, it would be to my detriment. It would have meant further isolation, exclusion and discrimination. Assimilating into a standard that is not one’s own often leaves racialized people, such as myself, feeling like we are walking on eggshells and,

“…this assimilation is essentially into what they know and perceive as white space, which they often navigate haltingly, and essentially alone” (Anderson, 2018). Although I managed to blend in with the mainstream as much as possible, and had many friends, a part of me still always felt lonely and isolated in that environment.

When I reached high school, this began a new chapter in my identity formation. I was now starting to see students that looked like myself. I found myself treading new territory in that I did not know how to navigate or act around others who shared a similar background to me because I had grown up in such a homogenous environment. I had been conditioned to be silent and to go with the “norm.” The other brown students in high school said that I was too quiet and reserved. I had mixed feelings when I saw others that looked like myself; a part of me was elated because I felt that there were more people like me and there is always power and solidarity

22 in numbers. I felt that I could relate to these individuals. However, another part of me was scared and held back from fully engaging and immersing myself with this new group of friends.

I feared that all of the “work” that I had done up until this point in my life to fit in would become undone. I was very scared to be judged and discriminated against all over again, if I was seen only associating with other racialized people. Even when I made friends with some other South

Asian girls, I was told that I was too “whitewashed” or a “coconut” (brown on the outside, white on the inside). This created an inner struggle for me because I did not want to go against the grain, but I also yearned for a sense of community amongst my peers. The constant challenge of trying to fit in somewhere made me work twice as hard to be accepted. I admittedly struggled with this journey throughout high school.

As I got older and entered the workforce, I began to understand how the complexities of my identity would have me twisting and turning at every corner, dodging workplace politics and discrimination. As a young racialized woman, I was constantly questioned about my credentials and skills, as if the assumption was that I am not capable of doing my job or that I was hired because of my “diversity.” I again worked twice as hard and became further self-conscious in how I presented myself. At each battle to prove myself, I showed up, trying to shield myself from the bias, prejudice and racist remarks from my colleagues.

A part of my complex identity is that of being a Canadian (born and raised), but the racism that I face assumes that I am from somewhere else. I am asked questions such as, “Where are you really from?”, “Were you born here?”, or the classic, “What is your background?” When I share my familial background with others, I am deemed to be “exotic,” “different,” or “unique.”

However, because of my educational and class privileges, and how I speak and dress, I am also perceived to be a modern, liberal Canadian. These identity politics have made me realize that although I may perceive myself one way, society perceives me in another. The first thing that usually hits people is my skin colour.

I see myself as an individual with a rich history that I carry with me. It is one that defines who I am at my core and translates into my life’s work in the social justice field. I challenge the

(traditional) normative standards within which South Asian women are taught to function, as well as those of the white, dominant ideal that have pushed me to assimilate and to conform to standards that do not resonate or represent who I truly am. I recall growing up with some of my

South Asian family friends who are somewhat darker in complexion than I am. A few of them shared with me the struggles that they faced in school from their peers, but also from their families. A few of them telling me how their mothers would not allow them to wear certain bright colours of clothing, being told to stay out of the sun for fear of them becoming darker, and constantly being told that they needed to take care of their skin because their dark complexions were not beautiful.

When I visited family in India growing up, I remember some members refusing to play outside with me because they were too afraid that they would get darker in the sun. A cousin of mine said that she could never get married if she got too dark. In my visits to India over the last twenty years or so, each time I went, I constantly saw and heard the messages about how women did not want to get darker. One aunt would make what she called a “face pack” with gram flour and yogurt and would let this mixture sit on her face because she was told that this would lighten

24 her complexion. She would ask if I wanted to try it, but I always refused. I also saw the advertisements on television pushing skin lightening products, as if they were some kind of magical concoction that would improve our lives by making our skin lighter.

When one of my uncles married his college sweetheart, some of my family members were not happy with the bride to be because they felt that she was too dark. They asked him why he chose her. When another relative had her children (a son and a daughter), her son was very dark and her daughter was extremely fair. People continuously commented on how beautiful the daughter was because she was fair. When it came to the son, people would make comments that it was so

“unfortunate” that their son did not have the same luck as his sister. It is through these experiences that I began to see another facet of racism in my world - colourism. I could understand racism because I experienced it firsthand. I did not really fit into the mainstream group growing up, but seeing discrimination amongst people from the same background perplexed me. We were disempowering our very own. These inter and intra group dynamics rooted in skin colour made obvious the power differentials that existed in each context. I began to understand that although the issue looked slightly different, it was also entrenched in the legacy of colonialism, and the power and privilege attributed to white skin.

The older I got, the more I realized that these frames of representation were one-dimensional.

They perpetuated a singular ideal of power, privilege and beauty; one that was propagated by

Western hegemonic ideals related to race and beauty; one that I was not a part of. This heightened my awareness and caused me to focus on challenging such exclusionary ideals

25 through work in the social justice sector, to dismantle the dominant ideologies that promote

Western cultural hegemony and promote self-loathing in racialized women.

These representations of beauty from the West are the “norm” that I grew up with: blue eyes, blonde hair, thin and white skin. I would have never imagined that this “norm” would be what my cousins overseas would strive for as well. However, it was their reality too, but instead of feeling inferior and excluded due to race, they felt this way because of their colour. Factors such as globalization and the media have exported this type of thinking to the rest of the world. These ideologies have a profound impact on the way that people perceive beauty ideals globally. My lived experience, education and social activism against racism and inequity have fuelled my passion and advocacy to scrutinize and unpack the relations of power underlying Western beauty ideals, and how they continue to negatively influence racialized women such as myself, while reinforcing the desire for whiteness.

My personal discomfort with this aspect of my identity resulted in the feeling of not being happy in my skin. I grew up feeling that I needed to be someone else. I spent most of my life trying to fit in with the majority, but as I have gotten older (and hopefully wiser), I have come to understand that my identity and story are tied to that of my ancestors. I have heard about, and seen the struggles that the women in my family endured, from banishment, oppression due to colonialism and patriarchy, and exclusion. They have shared with me the importance of having a voice and standing up for what I believe in. The women in my family challenged patriarchy; in particular my mother, grandmother and great grandmother who all spoke their truths in times of peril and remained true to who they were. Even when things were tough for them, they

26 persevered. I know that I have descended from a line of powerful, beautiful and intelligent women that have woven the fabric of my life story. These have been the roots of my inspiration.

I know that the work that I am doing to challenge these beauty ideals, and to change the narratives in our families and in society in general, are all a part of my journey to reclaim my identity – one that is defined by me.

All of this has propelled my interest in exposing the power relations at the heart of Western society. One that is rooted in colonialism and imperialism, creating hierarchies that exalt white bodies, and marginalize, reject and dismiss racialized bodies. The standards of beauty that we see globally, have typically not included the diverse beauty of racialized women. These reinforce Westernized hegemonic beauty ideals related to skin tone and maintain the various systems of supremacy that engender injustice, as well as the subordination of racialized women.

Because of globalization and the media, these images are predominantly on billboards, and in magazines and advertisements. I know that this definition of beauty is distorted and excludes the multiple narratives and intersecting identities of racialized women. It does not carve out a space for racialized women to belong to the dominant narrative, as skin colour is a loaded signifier of identity and value. Such beauty ideals render racialized women invisible. The issue may look different for me here at home (racism) and for my family in India (colourism), as well as across the globe, but the roots of the issue remain the same.

Moreover, my interest in, and research on colourism has also come from the surge in social media platforms over the last fifteen years or so. Growing up, we did not have social media.

Through these mediums, the flow of information is instant and effortless. Individuals such as,

27 celebrities and other public figures share pictures with their fans and followers. It is interesting to see how celebrities and public figures represent themselves through such online platforms.

One particular phenomenon that I have noticed has been the increase in celebrity endorsements for skin lightening products (Guha Ray, 2010), as well as the images being posted by celebrities in Bollywood such as, Priyanka Chopra and Deepika Padukone. The images of their complexions become lighter each year. I think that these types of social influences further propagate Western beauty ideals that young women aspire to, “Women are programmed and controlled by the peddlers of physical perfection even though from time to time we like to imagine we have pulled ourselves free. Upholders of beauty exploit the inadequacies of a weak and needy post-modern society that must be told what to be” (Alibhai-Brown, 2010). The scale and infiltration of this type of messaging through media outlets (including social media), in the modern day, is incomparable. The “Advances in technology has caused normal concerns about how we look to become obsessions. We have become accustomed to rigid and uniform standards of beauty on TV billboards and magazines, we see 'beautiful people' all the time, more often than members of our own family, making exceptional good looks seem real, normal and attainable" (Lankford, 2010). Skin tone beauty in India reflected via the media and Indian celebrities upholds colourism. We see that “Indian celebrities appear to be the dominant body ideals for Indian women” (Li, Min, Belk, Kimura, & Bahl, 2008, p. 447). Through this messaging and socialization, women feel the pressure to conform to these “templates” of beauty, even when it looks nothing like their own.

Definitions of Key Terms It is also important to define the key terms with which this dissertation will grapple. First, it necessary to highlight that the terms “fair skin” and “light skin” will be used interchangeably

28 throughout this dissertation. Next, the terms that will be used in the context of this research are:

1) South Asian, 2) family unit, 3) skin tone, 4) wheatish, 5) self-esteem, 6) colourism, and 7) pigmentocracy.

1) First, the term “South Asian” refers to all women whose origins are in India (native and inhabitant). The term “South Asian” and Indian will be used interchangeably throughout the remainder of the dissertation.

2) Next, the term “family unit” is adapted from a definition from the United Nations Statistics

Division, and refers to any individuals who may or may not live within the same place of residence, who are related, to a specified degree through blood, adoption or marriage (2008).

For the purpose of this research project, various multigenerational family unit relationships will be included, depending on the life stage and membership of each woman family member (i.e., grandmother, mother, aunt, sister, daughter, niece, granddaughter, cousin, daughter-in-law or sister-in-law).

3) The term “skin tone” (fair or light skin (tone)) will be used and reflects the complexion or shade of one’s skin colour, which can range from light to dark (Keenan, 1996).

4) On a related note, the term “wheatish” will be used as well. A wheatish complexion is defined as light brown skin, resembling the colour of wheat. It is commonly used in India in matrimonials (Wheatish Complexion, 2014).

5) Fennell’s (1999) definition of “self-esteem” will be used, which reflects the overall opinion that an individual has of oneself, how one evaluates oneself, and the value that one attaches to themselves as a person. This focuses on an individual’s perception or subjective appraisal of their own self-worth and self-respect, as well as the positive or negative beliefs that they hold about themselves. Self-esteem can involve a variety of beliefs about the self such as, the evaluation of one's own appearance, beliefs, emotions and behaviours (Branden, 1994; Taylor &

Brown, 1988). It encompasses the self-evaluation and personal conceptualization that people make and hold about themselves.

6) The term “colourism” refers to an “intraracial system of inequality based on skin colour, hair texture, and facial features that bestow privilege and value on physical attributes that are closer to white” (Wilder & Cain, 2011, p. 578). While colourism is the most widely used term, it can also be found in both scholarly and unscholarly sources as: skin colour bias (Glenn, 2009), pigmentocracy (Lipshütz, 1944), skin tone bias (Wilder & Cain, 2010), skin colour stratification

(Hunter, 2002), colour complex (Golden, 2004) and shadeism. However, the terms colourism, pigementocracy, skin tone bias and skin colour stratification will be used interchangeably throughout the remainder of this dissertation, with the caveat that they have the same meaning and are the most commonly used terms to describe this phenomenon. These terms will provide a framework and context for this research project.

7) Finally, the term “pigmentocracy” is “A system of social or class distinction based on skin colour; a society based on such a system; the dominant group in such a society”

(“Pigmentocracy”, n.d.). It was a term coined by Chilean sociologist Alejandro Lipshütz

(1944), originally describing the socio-racial order of Latin America. This term will be discussed in the context of this research in Chapter 3 Literature Review - Historical Antecedent of Colourism in India: Pre-colonial, Colonial and the Present, Understanding Colourism section.

Overview of Dissertation Chapters In Chapter 1, I provide a brief overview of the research with background information on the topic related to colourism and beauty ideals in order to situate the research project. The statement of the research problem, the research objectives and questions, contribution to scholarship, and limitations of the research project are also discussed. In addition, I situate myself in the research, and summarize the definition of key terms.

In Chapter 2, I outline the theoretical framework grounding and guiding my analysis. Using an amalgam of Critical Race Feminism Theory and Post-Structuralist Theory, I discuss the psychosocial impacts of colourism on women in India, grounded in the narratives of the women interviewed, as well as the ideologies and systems that both perpetuate and reinforce Western beauty ideals.

In Chapter 3, I conduct a review of the literature and provide a historical antecedent of colourism in India. This looks at the pre-colonial, colonial and present time to examine relevant works that look at racism and colourism, historical perspectives towards skin tone in India, and the effects of skin tone on colourism in India.

In Chapter 4, the second component of the literature review, looks at the existing literature pertaining to the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem among South Asian women.

The scope of the literature that was reviewed investigates works on this topic in the context of

India. More specifically, literature looking at race socialization within South Asian families in

India, the effects of skin tone on colourism within South Asian families in India, skin tone and self-esteem among women in India, as well as skin tone and body image disturbance in India are examined. Through a review of the literature, I then provide a conceptual framework of skin tone related perceptions and self-esteem, and discuss gaps in the literature in relation to my research project and how they will be addressed.

In Chapter 5, I discuss the methodology, my qualitative research design, data collection and analysis procedures, as well as any limitations and weaknesses in my chosen methodology.

Furthermore, I include the key methodological principles and tools upon which I have based my analysis. This will highlight the theoretical and methodological background to my analysis in examining the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem among different generations (age groups) of South Asian women.

In Chapter 6, I outline the findings with the sample that I interviewed. I include information from their personal experiences and narratives regarding race socialization, identity formation, skin tone bias and/or discrimination, and self-perception (self-esteem). I outline the key frames through which these individual’s experiences are represented and trace the emergence of this issue through socially constructed beauty ideals related to skin tone. I consider their impact on the lives of these women, as it contributes to colourism, while reinforcing and normalizing white heteropatriarchy. Information and results from the demographic analysis and two questionnaires that were utilized for this research project – the Skin Color Questionnaire (SCQ) (Bond & Cash,

1992) the Skin Color Assessment Procedure (SCAP) (Bond & Cash, 1992) are also discussed. I include my analysis and discussion around Westernized hegemonic beauty ideals related to skin tone, and how these definitions of beauty dictated by the dominant group are rooted in colonialism, Western hegemony and commercialism to promote a universal depiction of beauty.

More specifically, I discuss how Westernized beauty ideals related to skin tone shape the identity formation and self-perceptions of Indian women. I provide a demographic analysis of my sample, and highlight my findings based on the themes that emerged from my data: a) importance of fair skin as social and cultural capital for South Asian women, b) family socialization and standards in identity development and colour consciousness, c) skin tone preferences and behaviours: cognitive dissonance, and d) Snow White Syndrome is reinforced and perpetuated through the mass media.

Participant quotes provide a richer understanding of the phenomenon. Additionally, the results of two implemented skin tone questionnaires - the Skin Color Questionnaire (SCQ) (Bond & Cash,

1992) and the Skin Color Assessment Procedure (SCAP) (Bond & Cash, 1992) are provided and summarized.

In Chapter 7, I analyze and discuss my findings based on my research questions and the four themes. I examine the social and cultural importance attached to skin tone, the role of the family unit and how familial dynamics, standards and customs can shape and influence the beliefs, perceptions and practices of its members around factors such as, identity formation, colour consciousness, beauty, self-esteem and gender “norms.” In addition, I examine protective factors that support and build resiliency in younger generations of women in a family unit, from their experiences with prejudice, exclusion and/or oppression because of skin tone bias and/or discrimination. This chapter looks at “Snow White Syndrome” and the role of the mass media in

33 promoting, reinforcing and perpetuating Western hegemonic beauty ideals related to skin tone though various mediums. The role of globalization and increased technology including, the impact of social media platforms and large multi-national corporations in perpetuating and challenging such beauty ideals are scrutinized. The resulting global stratification and pigmentocracy (societies where wealth and social status are determined by the lightness or darkness of one’s skin colour)

(Lynn, 2008) are analyzed as well. The dissemination of these fair skin beauty ideals, and the impact that they have on women’s self-perceptions and self-esteem are examined further.

In Chapter 8, I provide an overview of the relevance of this research to academia, discuss how the findings contribute to the literature and address any gaps, the practical implications, recommendations that stem from the findings, limitations of the research project, as well as possible future directions of research in this area. This chapter also provides my conclusion. I briefly summarize the key findings of my dissertation, the deductions that I have drawn from my research project, and recap the importance of these findings for both researchers and practitioners.

Conclusion This chapter has given an overview of the research project including, the statement of the research problem, the research objectives and questions, my contribution to scholarship, and limitations of the research. I also situate myself in the research, and a summary of the definition of key terms and an overview of the dissertation chapters are provided.

Looking at the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem with a unique population from a multigenerational perspective, elucidates the differing experiences of each generation of women.

This research discusses how skin tone bias manifests itself among the women in their families.

Factors such as, family norms, culture and the media reduce our ability to be independent of thought and limit our personal forms of self-expression because we all want to belong and feel accepted, even if it means through assimilation. Seeing these images and remembering my struggle to conform, I am troubled because I recognize that I could have continued to be a part of that conditioned existence well into my adulthood, perpetuating this very thinking in my own life. However, if it were not for my ongoing journey in the world of social justice, critical race and feminist academia and activism, I would not have been able to take an analytical pedagogical approach to these experiences. This dissertation has materialized from this phenomenon.

Chapter 2

Theoretical Framework

Introduction The literature focuses on the impact of colourism on racialized women from an intersectionality approach and discusses some of the psychosocial impacts. Currently, there is limited research looking at theories on the subject of beauty and self-esteem among Indian women to better understand their motivation in pursuing strategies that alter their appearances toward a Western ideal (Chen, Yarnal, Chick, & Jablonski, 2018; Ayyar and Khandare, 2012; Johnson, 2002).

Examining the relationship between gender, skin tone and the development of self-concept in the context of India is the foundation for this research project. It considers the historical perspectives towards skin tone, race socialization and identity development within South Asian families, the relationship between skin tone and body image disturbance, as well as the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem. This is one of the primary drivers behind this project and is informed by my lived experience and research.

Understanding colourism and the associated prejudice and discrimination that goes along with having dark skin elucidates how this negatively influences one’s self-perception. It also shows how Western beauty ideals can encourage one’s desire for light skin. This in turn can shape the individual’s life opportunities and values regarding attractiveness, self-identity and overall body image. The purpose of this chapter is to outline the theoretical frameworks that converge to situate this research project, which are Critical Race Feminism Theory and Post-Structuralist

Theory. Theoretical frameworks are important in exploratory studies and direct research

36 determining what will be focused on, while providing the lens through which the research question is evaluated.

Theoretical Framework: Critical Race Feminism Theory and Post-Structuralist Theory This research project is guided by the theoretical frameworks of Critical Race Feminism

Theory (CRFT) and Post-Structuralist Theory (PST). These frameworks permit a critical analysis of the junctions and divergences of power relations in the politics of race, body image and beauty. With these theoretical frameworks, I examine the ideologies and systems that both perpetuate and reinforce Western beauty ideals in India. These theoretical frameworks help to make sense of people’s perceptions and lived experience related to appearance (skin tone in particular) in social and cultural relations, and the allure of skin-bleaching, including, its deep- rooted psychological and colonial ties. The desire to alter one’s appearance to attain lighter skin in an attempt to increase one’s beauty and status, speaks to the influence of the West that continues to promote a concept of beauty that favours itself.

CRFT seeks to understand how society is organized along socially constructed intersections of race, gender, class and other dimensions of diversity that form social hierarchies. These social constructions are central to the way that racialized people are ordered and constrained in society

(Treviño, Harris, & Wallis, 2008). CRFT focuses on the counter narratives as methodology and legitimizes the voices of racialized women in speaking about social oppressions in various contexts. More specifically, CRFT is central to examining the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem in the target population of this research project, as it critically examines and advocates for the transformation of Western hegemonic structures and ideologies around beauty.

Because images of white beauty are reinforced in everyday life and language, many Indian

37 women are susceptible to internalizing what is around them. This “White patriarchal discourse represents white women as the ‘benchmark woman’ - a hegemonic ideology and social location that define dominant and subordinated femininities” (Deliovsky, 2008, p. 49). These Western hegemonic beauty ideals are positioned as the norm because they are not regarded as whiteness, but rather just as beauty (Deliovsky, 2008). Most of the women that I interviewed talked about the defining characteristics of normative beauty such as, fair skin, slim, tall, etcetera, while never naming them as white. In this way, colourism becomes a form of internalized racism. Thus,

CRFT, informs the understanding of how Eurocentric beauty ideals, systemic racism and intersectional oppression push these beauty norms, while negatively impacting Indian women’s psychological and physical health.

Post-Structuralist Theory (PST) states that every aspect of the human experience; our values, beliefs, habits and identities are rooted in the perceived knowledge that we have about ourselves and the world, based on language. PST is “…known for its efforts to offer a critical review of normative concepts…and it makes use of the linguistic turn (i.e., the re-evaluation of language in theories of knowledge), phenomenology, and hermeneutics alike” (Finkelde, 2013, p. 1245).

PST provides a critical analysis with the discursive and normative practices and ideologies of everyday life. It is essential in examining the Western hegemonic beauty ideals that lead to body dissatisfaction related to skin tone in women. It questions the dominant narrative in society and shows how this narrative permeates the worldviews of many, reminding us to be critical of, and to dismantle ongoing beauty ideologies rooted in colonialism, patriarchy and globalization. PST

“…calls into question the grand narratives through which the humanist/modernist individual is made into the heroic, creative origin of him or herself, and it shows, in contrast, how individuals and their social and geographical worlds are made possible in relation to each other” (Davies &

Gannon, 2005, p. 35). The hegemonic Western beauty ideal is portrayed in the media and perpetuated by our families, peers and other social institutions. These factors shape and define what beauty is according to the mainstream. Nevertheless, it is an unrealistic “truth” and PST aims to challenge such universally declared definitions of beauty that establish categorizations and hierarchies of race. As a result, we come to understand how society is stratified along colour lines.

Critical Race Feminism Theory The term “critical race feminism” was coined by Richard Delgado, a Latin professor of Law at the University of Colorado. He is considered one of the predecessors of Critical Race Theory

(CRT) and described Critical Race Feminism as the “theoretical framework or prism with which to view women of color” (Wing, 2007, p.1). Critical Race Feminism Theory (CRFT) is a theory that can provide a deeper understanding about the social construction of race and the significance attached to skin colour. CRFT is an offshoot of Critical Legal Studies and Critical Race Theory

(Berry, 2014). It has branched off to include a gender lens in its analysis. CRFT has parallels with Critical Race Theory, as it acknowledges and addresses the experiences of Black people

(Berry, 2014; Delgado & Stefanic, 2001). The main CRF founders and contributors are scholars such as, Richard Delgado (2000), Derrick Bell (1993), Mari Matsuda (1996).2 CRFT builds on the tenets and features of Critical Race Theory, “…addressing essentialism, anti-essentialism and intersectionality, the normalization of race and racism, addressing interest convergence, and dismantling color blind notions” (Berry, 2010, p. 151). It places power relations at the centre of

2 See additional CRF founders and contributors in the field: Adrienne Katherine Wing (2000; 2003; 2007), Patricia Williams (1992; 1998) and Kimberley Crenshaw (1991; 1995).

39 the discourse on gender, race, class and other forms of marginalization. It is anti-essentialist in nature and examines the intersections of social oppression and how the multiplicity of one’s identity occurs in different contexts (Delgado & Stefancic, 2000). The focus is on counter narratives and storytelling as a methodology, while validating the voices of racialized women and their experiences with marginalization and oppression.

As a racialized woman myself, with intersecting components of my identity, I realize that these elements not only make up who I am, but also how I experience the world. They shape my lived experiences and how I am seen and treated by others. With gender and race being at the forefront of my identity (because it is what you can see first), they bear multiple historical, social, cultural and economic complexities (Berry, 2014). I thought in this way about the identities of the participants in my research project, each with their own unique stories and experiences. As my identity has intersecting components, so do theirs. However, their lived experiences are underrepresented because there are a lack of safe spaces for them to share their stories. Furthermore, due to internalized colourism, they are not always aware of, nor do they attribute their experiences to the myriad of ways that white hegemonic ideologies affect them.

This creates a monopoly that impacts the larger cultural production in India. Thus, CRFT challenges gender essentialism, and dismantles the normalization of racism and colourism because it proposes that a woman’s essence (beauty) is not universal. Beauty comes in all forms.

Crenshaw (1991) describes this phenomenon, “Race, gender, and other identity categories are most often treated in mainstream liberal discourse as vestiges of bias or domination - that is, as intrinsically negative frameworks in which social power works to exclude or marginalize those who are different” (p. 1242). As South Asian women, some participants were marginalized

40 because of their complexions and genders. These individuals experienced this in different ways, from familial pressure to social conformity influenced by the media and poor self-perceptions.

This research project aimed to acknowledge these women and to share their stories and experiences. CRFT allows for these counter narratives to emerge and promotes self-reflection.

Through self-reflection, we can develop critical thought to better understand the nature of our identities and stories.

The motto “know thyself” often ascribed to the Greek philosopher Socrates, is an essential pursuit (Austin, 2011). However, to do this, an individual must first examine oneself, “…to reveal it, to analyze it, and to create change” (Berry, 2010, p. 151). Telling people’s stories is important, as it reveals one’s positionality. CRFT focuses on the stories of the marginalized through storytelling. CRFT provides an opportunity for racialized women to examine the multidimensionality and intersectionality of their identities, as well as how it influences their worldviews, perceptions and experiences about beauty and their sense of self. Using a CRFT approach in the analysis of my participants’ experiences helps me as a researcher to, “delineate their multiple identities, examine how those identities intersect to privilege or lead them to face discrimination…” (Wing, 2000, p.8). Because negative images and messages about having darker complexions is reinforced in everyday life and language, racialized women are susceptible to internalizing what is around them, unless they are socially and culturally aware.

Categories of identity such as, gender, race, colour and class intersect, and more accurately reflect the experience of one’s position in society. Thus, storytelling and counter narratives legitimize the voices of racialized women, and provide a critical reflection and awareness about

41 the politics of privilege and exclusion in society. CRFT argues that there is not one universal voice. Society must pay attention to the ease with which Western hegemonic identities and practices undoubtedly dominate racialized women in places such as India. The reproduction of dominant beauty ideals that are perpetuated by the Western world creates barriers to bringing an anti-racist and anti-colonial approach to the beauty industry.

The fixation with achieving light skin denies one’s own unique identity and upholds the notion that women must alter their appearances in order to advance socially, culturally and economically. Thus, CRFT interrogates the meaning of whiteness and how patterns of privilege and power are transmitted through various social systems (Burton et al., 2010, p. 443). These social systems create inequities and interest conflicts in society. CRFT represents a praxis, bridging theory and scholarship to bring awareness to the stories of marginalized women and creates what Matsuda (1989) refers to as multiple consciousness. Much of CRFT discourse is rooted in intersectionality perspectives and considers how “the ability of social phenomenon such as race, ethnicity, class, gender and nationality mutually construct peoples’ notions of self and others” (De Reus et al., 2005, p. 457). The demand to transform one’s body to look a certain way is shaped by social institutions and interactions in the context of systems of inequality

(Burton et al., 2010). Skin tone stratification perpetuates inequality, as skin complexion holds social value for women. The emphasis on differences among racialized women goes against feminist notions of solidarity and sisterhood (Hill Collins, 1991).

CRFT as a framework can benefit racialized women battling against colourism, such as the women who participated in this research project. It creates a space to centre on non-Western

42 standards of beauty and identity, through promoting practices that challenge and critique oppression based on skin tone (Evans-Winters & Esposito, 2010). CRFT dismantles beauty myths and body politics that market images of white beauty to young Indian women. These oppressive messages aim to control the behaviours, bodies and sexuality of young women

(Burton et al., 2010). To counter this, CRFT speaks to the uniqueness of racialized women and calls for the promotion of practices that assess and combat gender and racial oppression (Evans-

Winters & Esposito, 2010, Burton et al., 2010). Critical race feminists also argue for the need to understand how the body is a site of political and social struggle (Burton et al., 2010) in society.

Many women that face colourism through negative representations have “invented and employed oppositional racial identities as a source of pride and resistance” (Burton et al., 2010, p. 453).

They have “drawn on performance and the formation of intentional communities as strategies of liberation” (Piper, 1998, p. 81). These forms of resistance will help Indian women move in a new direction, as CRFT can encourage Indian women to advocate for change through new self- defined images of beauty that are inclusive of all, regardless of skin tone. It allows Indian (and other racialized) women to find their distinct voices in the presence of the dominant thinking and culture that are rooted in white, heteropatriarchal standards of beauty.

Post-Structuralist Theory Post-Structuralism is a movement that emerged out of philosophy and literary criticism in opposition to Structuralism (Mastin, 2009). The movement began in the late 1960’s in France.

In order to understand Post-Structuralism, it is essential to first understand Structuralism.

Structuralism was an intellectual movement that was initially developed in Europe in the early

1900s, in the structural linguistics of Ferdinand de Saussure (Deleuze, 2002). Ferdinand de

Saussure was a Swiss linguist and semiotician whose key contribution to Structuralism was his

43 theory of a two-tiered reality about language (Aronoff & Rees-Miller, 2003). He argued that the first tier was the langue, the abstract and invisible layer, while the second tier was the parole.

This tier referred to the actual speech that is heard in reality (Fendler, 2010). His theory and basis were later adopted by Claude Levi-Strauss, a French Anthropologist that used this two- tiered model to determine the reality of myths. Levi-Strauss’ idea was that “all myths have an underlying pattern, which form the structure that makes them myths” (Fendler, 2010, p. 6). This established the Structuralist framework to literary criticism. Some scholars associated with

Structuralism were Claude Levi-Strauss (1973; 1958), Roman Jakobson (1990; 1969; 1956) and

Jacques Lacan (1973; 1968). The main concepts of Structuralism are that: every system has a structure, the structure is what governs the position of each element of a whole, “structural laws” address the coexistence as opposed to the changes, and finally, the structures are the true factors that lie beneath the surface or the appearance of meaning (Pericliev, 2013, p. 3).

According to Mambrol (2016), it was considered

… an intellectual movement, structuralism was initially presumed to be the heir apparent to existentialism. However, by the late 1960’s, many of Structuralism's basic tenets came under attack from a new wave of predominantly French intellectuals such as the philosopher and historian Michel Foucault, the philosopher Jacques Derrida, the Marxist philosopher Louis Althusser, and the literary critic Roland Barthes.

This is where Post-Structuralism began to emerge.

Post-Structuralism came about and spread during a time of political disorder and disenchantment with the traditional values of the time period. Many prominent Post-Structuralists such as, Michel Foucault, Jacques Derrida and Louis Althusser were originally Structuralists, but eventually disregarded its tenets and principles altogether (Deleuze, 2002). Post-Structuralism posited that, “…language is not a transparent medium that connects one directly with a ‘truth’ or

‘reality’ outside it but rather a structure or code, whose parts derive their meaning from their contrast with one another and not from any connection with an outside world” (Sampaolo, 2016).

It understands reality as a perception that is diverse, insubstantial and more culture specific than

Structuralism. Thus, language as a vehicle is used to convey and share information, but the meaning that is attached to the information comes from individual experiences. Each experience is unique and a reality in its own way. Other sources are examined to provide meaning as well, such as, literature or cultural norms, which are not imposing in nature and do not assure of reliability (Mastin, 2009). An individual attaching meaning to something will use the culture and society that they are immersed in as a factor that plays a role in the interpretation of the information or experience before them. PST posits that every aspect of the human experience, from our personal habits, behaviours and roles, to the methods that we use to communicate, as well as our own identities, are all textual (Shmoop Editorial Team, 2008). Things that people believe that they know about themselves and the world around them, are based on language.

This is concerned with external constructions outside of the text such as, race, class and gender

(Sampaolo, 2016). These are the elements that provide the meaning and interpretation of various text.

The key assumption underlying PST, which is the concept of “self” as a singular and logical being, is a false construct (Mastin, 2009). Instead, an individual consists of clashing tensions and knowledge claims (e.g., gender, class, profession, and etcetera) (Mastin, 2009).

Therefore, interpreting the meaning of a text is contingent upon an individual’s own personal concept of “self.” According to Mastin (2009), an author’s proposed meaning is secondary to the meaning that another individual (the reader) discerns. PST focuses more on specific histories and

45 the surrounding context (social, cultural, etcetera). It is essential to have diverse outlooks and viewpoints to develop a multi-faceted interpretation of a text, despite the fact that these interpretations may vary from one another (Mastin, 2009). This highlights the importance of language and text in shaping and constructing people’s realities and identities.

PST aims at disrupting the ideas that society has been socialized to believe or that are taken at face value. For example, as a society, individuals are taught many concepts in terms of dichotomies (Davies & Gannon, 2005): weak and strong, man and woman, black and white, good and bad, etcetera. In this way, we come to understand the world and these concepts in a singular way – nuance is often lost, and the intricacies and diversity of these concepts and what they mean for different people are overlooked. PST emphasizes that the values and ideals that we grow up with are developed by the language that we use to create them in the first place

(Mastin, 2009). The meaning of text is based on an individual’s concept of self. Many of the ideals and standards that society have been socialized to believe, both historically and in modern day, have become our dominant frame of reference. They socially stratify and categorize groups of people to overpower, oppress, marginalize and exclude those deemed inferior. In this case, ideals and norms related to gender are oppressive because society is still rooted in a patriarchal culture with social systems in place that devalue women. These are factors that racialized women continue to battle today.

PST uncovers the links between language and its influence in shaping the thoughts and attitudes of people. Subconsciously and consciously, the human mind makes the connection between words and concepts with their imparted meaning without further critical examination of their origins and/or intent. People create and construct knowledge about the world through their own

46 beliefs. The creation of socially defined ideas and concepts organizes the world into categories and hierarchies that are separate from any foundational reality. Society must deconstruct and scrutinize the meanings of these words and concepts to better understand their impacts. Certain concepts and ideals hold meaning that create privilege for some, while oppressing others. Ideals related to race, colour and superiority is one area where this can be seen. As a result, it is essential to consider heterogeneous outlooks to make a multifaceted interpretation of a text, regardless of whether the interpretation and understanding differ. Thus, beauty norms push dichotomous thinking - fair skin is associated with attractiveness and positive attributes, while dark skin is associated with being unappealing and negative attributes. This shows the power of language and who in society has the authority to define it. PST works to dismantle this type of mindset to redefine language, as it deconstructs the dominant knowledge systems and related assumptions that produce the impression of a singular meaning. Davies & Gannon (2005) describe how power relations are socially constructed and upheld,

Through analysis of texts and talk, it shows how relations of power are constructed and maintained by granting normality, rationality and naturalness to the dominant term in any binary, and in contrast, how the subordinated term is marked as other, as lacking, as not rational. Through examining the ways the social inscribes itself on the individual, and by calling into question the construction of the individual in the essentializing terms of humanist and modernist theories, poststructuralist theory shows how it is that power works not just to shape us as particular kinds of being, but to make those ways of being desirable such that we actively take them up as our own. (p. 312)

In this way, PST shows how gender, race and beauty are established through structures of language, culture and dominant social perceptions. Such socially regulated “norms” and grand narratives (Davies & Gannon, 2005) must be questioned and resisted as the only sources of meaning.

Deconstructing racial and gendered dichotomous thinking allows individuals to move beyond socially constructed normative knowledge. Disrupting oppressive associations with race, colour, gender and beauty and related discourses, provides an opportunity for racialized women, such as the participants in this research project, to transform these meanings and to offer a more diverse, inclusive explanation. Without challenging the dominant discourse around race and beauty, there will be no change, “Discourse, or more properly, discursive practices, have the power to hold the normative order in place, and the power to open up the not-yet-known” (Davies &

Gannon, 2005, p. 313). The reproduction of whiteness relies on a hegemonic normativity.

Historical and contemporary representations of beauty have changed over time. However, the constant that remains is the established definition of a universal, homogenous depiction of feminine beauty that highlights the power of an idealized Western beauty aesthetic represented through a white feminine ideal. Notions of beauty and modern-day forms of preserving white superiority have historical linkages to racist discourse. Even the idea of Indian femininity is based on the features, such as “lighter skin, lighter eyes, a sharp nose, and delicate nostrils”

(Ayyar & Khandare, 2012, p.86). This perception of ideal beauty and Indian femininity is constructed based on the standards of beauty from the Western world. Therefore, in India, women with darker complexions face what is known as “triple jeopardy,” where the effects of race, gender and class intersect and heighten the inequality that they face (Palmore & Manton,

1973). Given India’s focus on lighter skin based on historical, religious, social and cultural dynamics, it is obvious that global markets take advantage of this.

Popular culture and the mass media reinforce the message that fair skin is beautiful. Due to globalization, lifestyles, values and the standards of living have changed in India. India’s

“higher disposable incomes, and the sharp rise in globalization via television and the Internet,

(by which more Indians are being exposed to foreign physical attributes such as fair skin and blonde hair)” (Shevde, 2008, p. 5), contributes to women’s quests to attain fair skin beauty.

The lived experiences of racialized women, such as the participants in my research project, helped me as a researcher to better comprehend how race, skin tone and gender are presented and experienced in a particular text and context. The intersectionality and multiplicity of the participants identities demonstrates that beauty can be experienced, defined and lived in more than one way. This is where the truth lies, according to Davies & Gannon (2005),

Truth arises, rather, from engagement with the other, from the particularity of events that the researcher is able to apprehend in relation to the other, from a specific kind of listening to the other that stretches the ears of the listener, that requires the listener to be open to becoming different and in that difference, to know the world differently. (p. 315)

People take up these predominant “truths,” and endorse and protect them in order to maintain their power, and to define their position of privilege in society. The oppressive messages that

Indian women are bombarded with, are proof of the ongoing influence of the West, and its ideals of beauty, womanhood and femininity. Nonetheless, many Indian women are left out of this equation, as they do not fit with the glamorization and modern view of white feminine beauty.

The participants in this research project shared their realities with feeling the pressure to be constantly made over, transformed or shunned because they did not represent this singular definition of beauty. Using CRFT and PST with the lived experiences of these women, serves as the base on which to build theory. Multiple discourses are central to both theoretical frameworks, especially in examining discourses of race and gender.

Why Postcolonial Theory Was Not Used as a Theoretical Framework Though this research project utilizes CRFT and PST as its theoretical frameworks, Postcolonial

Theory is one theory that has been articulated by many scholars. Although I could have situated my work and analysis within this theoretical framework, I chose not to for various reasons. It is important to acknowledge why Postcolonial Theory was not chosen, which I discuss in this section. Postcolonial Theory is “a body of thought primarily concerned with accounting for the political, aesthetic, economic, historical, and social impact of European colonial rule around the world in the 18th through the 20th century” (Elam, 2019). India was colonized by a few

European nations, but the major one being England (the British). Postcolonial Theory has taken on diverse forms and interventions (Elam, 2019). However, its main principle is that the world can only be understood in relation to the history of colonial rule and imperialism.

Postcolonialism Theory posits that all universal values (e.g., reason) are Eurocentric in nature, and negative as a result (Bhari, 1996). This is not the case and seems to be an over simplification of this aspect. Not all values are universal, nor rooted in Eurocentricity. In such a diverse place as India, it is necessary to consider that some values are engrained in the Indian culture and informed by its own history (pre-colonialism). These very values can also look different across various parts of the country, and even within family units. This is one of the reasons why I did not use this theory. I did not want the participants stories to be lost under this perspective.

Secondly, I wanted the women’s narratives to be front and centre, so that they could share their truths, as defined by them. By focusing specifically on Postcolonialism, would have been to reinforce the centrality of the West in conversations surrounding colonialism. This considers

50 how language either disputes or supports that colonial legacy (Bahri, 1996). Bearing this in mind, my goal was not to frame the participants narratives in this way because I wanted their stories to be at the forefront; not for the emphasis to be specifically on colonization. In Chapter

3 of the Literature Review, I discuss the possible origins of colourism in India. From the literature, it appears that colonization did not cause colourism in India, but rather, colourism became more pervasive because of it. Thus, there is much more to the analysis here. Looking at larger systems of oppression that are racist and patriarchal in nature provides a holistic view with which to examine and investigate this phenomenon. Even though Postcolonial Theory argues that racialized groups such as, Indians are stuck or influenced by these systems in the West, it is my perspective that CRFT and PST analyze these systems through a critical race and feminist lens, while not losing the women’s subjectivities during this process.

Thirdly, even the term Postcolonialism implies that colonialism is over. However, many non-

Western countries are still tied to their oppressive colonizers economically, culturally or politically (Brians, 2006). Non-Western countries are considered subordinate to rich Western countries through various forms of neocolonialism, even though they have legitimately been declared independent nations (Brians, 2006). This theory does not account for this perspective and I wanted to discuss this global hegemony in my analysis, as this shows that colonialism has not yet ended.

Lastly, one of the main reasons that I did not utilize Postcolonial Theory is because it appears to define this time period from a Eurocentric point of view; it puts the focus specifically on the colonial experience, as the most important factor to think about in non-Western countries

(Brians, 2006). It is not to say that colonialism has not had a powerful influence on non-Western countries, but centering on this aspect alone, is a rigid way to identify or distinguish Indian people by. With a rich background, there are many nuances in people’s histories and lives. It unintentionally hides the truth that global hegemony perseveres in different forms, other than more overt colonial rule. India in particular, has a long history of precolonial literature that has defined its past and the culture, and there should be more prominence put on that. In this way, I wanted the women’s experiences to empower them, so that they had the ability to share their stories according to their realities.

Conclusion The rationale to utilize these theoretical frameworks to situate this research project is to focus on the lived experience and counter narratives of the participants. Both theoretical frameworks allow race, colour and gender to be at the forefront and advocate for critical conversations about power dynamics and white privilege in society. These theoretical frameworks resist the dominant narratives in society as “truth.” These dominant narratives define social power, gender norms and beauty ideals, while contributing to normalcy and the homogeneity of white beauty.

They draw attention to the processes of racialization and othering that keep those from the mainstream on top, while disenfranchising others (Crenshaw, 2011; Hunter, 2002). CRFT and

PST highlight how societal structures of power provide privilege for some, while marginalizing others. Therefore, providing a space for the voices of the “other” to be shared is critical. As a result, the narratives of racialized women who are made to feel insignificant and inferior due to their social location and skin colour are given voice here. It is imperative to recognize that the goal is not to replace one voice with another one, but to draw attention to the complexities and

52 differences between them, through metanarratives. CRFT and PST both identify these elements, while serving as a means to address and eliminate inequity and social injustices.

They both also deconstruct whiteness and white privilege in a Western dominated world, highlighting the saliency of race, color and gender in defining beauty ideals. By revealing the power of white privilege through critical examination and practice, it brings colour and race claims into a single analytical framework. Women that are perceived to be a part of disadvantaged or socially (deemed) inferior identity categories are excluded from conventional representations of beauty. One’s idea of beauty must be based on their own social and cultural perceptions. This reminds us that society, the media, or other sources of influence cannot define a universal depiction of beauty. Not only have racism and colourism played a tremendous role in the beauty myths that imperil women globally, they have also created disparities related to class, income, employment, politics, heterosexual relationships and popular culture. Much of feminist theory has focused on identifying the reality that exists within Western culture, where racialized women, especially those with darker complexions, are excluded. Consequently, racialized women are taught to mistrust their own experiences and judgement about desirability and self- acceptance because they succumb to the ideologies of the dominant culture. Collectively, racialized women have the power to redefine traditional meanings of what it means to be beautiful, and to celebrate that physical differences carry diverse representations of beauty with exciting opportunities for change.

Furthermore, CRFT and PST focus on whiteness by challenging its normativity and power. Both theoretical frameworks show how gender, race and beauty are established through structures of

53 language, culture and dominant social perceptions. CRFT examines the structures that perpetuate racism and colourism, while PST rejects the perpetuation of white hegemony as a

“truth.” Instead, it offers a meaning of text that is based on an individual’s concept of self and identity. CRFT and PST empower racialized women to share their personal accounts of colourism and discrimination through counter narratives. Counter narratives allow those from the dominant group to better understand the experiences and worldviews of marginalized women, including the effects of hegemonic beauty ideals. Hegemonic representations of white skin and beauty are embedded within “…multiple social institutions and sell an entire lifestyle imbued with racial meaning. The lifestyle that is communicated through these ads sell whiteness, modernity, sophistication, beauty, power and wealth” (Leong, 2006, p.172). Counter narratives defy hegemonic thinking. Countering beauty myths and cultural norms through a multiplicity of images will saturate the media with different representations and ideas of what Indian beauty means.

CRFT and PST as frameworks, push for resistance and benefit racialized women battling against colourism by supporting non-Western standards of beauty and identity, and through promoting practices that challenge and critique oppression based on skin tone (Evans-Winters & Esposito,

2010). Both theoretical frameworks negate beauty myths and body politics that market images of white beauty to young Indian women. They argue the need to understand how the body is a site of political and social struggle for women (Burton et al., 2010). Many women who face colourism through negative representations have “invented and employed oppositional racial identities as a source of pride and resistance” (Burton et al., 2010, p. 453). These women have

“drawn on performance and the formation of intentional communities as strategies of liberation”

(Piper, 1998, p. 81). Such forms of resistance will help Indian women move in a new direction and encourage them to advocate for change through new self-defined images of beauty that are inclusive of all, regardless of skin tone.

Chapter 3

Literature Review

Historical Antecedent of Colourism in India: Pre-colonial, Colonial and the Present

Introduction The purpose of this particular chapter is to focus on the literature looking at the historical perspectives toward skin tone in India. The literature used in this review falls into two major areas: 1) the historical antecedent of colourism in India, which is discussed in this chapter and 2) racial identity, skin tone and body among South Asian women in India, which will be discussed in Chapter 4. More specifically, it is important to identify how and when skin tone became a significant factor for acceptance in Indian society (Mishra, 2015). Thus, an in-depth understanding of Indian society and its preferences for fair skin, as well as the origins and history of colourism in India are imperative. Because of India’s rich history, the literature review of the historical antecedents helps to better understand this issue in relation to my research question and sub-questions. This chapter intends to specifically provide a background and grounding for this dissertation in order to further recognize the complexity of the issue, and the context within which it exists. Examining India’s history with skin tone is essential because it offers an insight regarding the social, cultural and political factors of the past, to see how things have shifted over time. Skin tone bias continues to be one of the most prevalent issues that influences perceptions and decision making in people (Maddox, 2004; Maddox & Gray, 2002). This literature review offers somewhat of a timeline on colourism in India and it elucidates the role that key factors play in shaping one’s identity formation and self-perceptions. It also provides valuable insight into the elements that may have influenced each participant age group (generation) in my

56 research project regarding attitudes, behaviours and group dynamics related to skin tone and body image.

The literature review provides the backdrop to discuss the roots of colourism in India. It cites different examples traced back throughout history from the pre-modern (pre-colonial) era including, religious texts and historical imagery. It also looks at the caste system and how it shifted with the influence of colonization. Furthermore, the colonization from British rule and

Eurocentrism is discussed as well. The review looks at this issue in the present day and discusses the power and influence of the mass media and increased globalization in perpetuating colourism. Literature examining the particular social inequalities and oppression experienced by

Indian people reveals the dialectical connections between caste, class, race and colour. Findings highlight how race and colour, and their socially constructed meanings function in India. They offer a contextual analysis to further comprehend the issue within its historical and cultural setting.

Understanding Colourism In examining the preference for lighter skin tones, it is necessary to understand its origins and history, as well as how it impacts those with darker skin. The roots of colourism can be traced back to various factors in different parts of the world. Social hierarchies based on race, colour, nationality and ethnicity have existed for millennia across the globe. The literature discusses examples of this across Africa, where skin tone bias was evident (Hunter, 2007). Slave owners routinely used people’s skin tones to oppress and hierarchize groups where lighter skinned slaves usually worked in the home, and darker skinned slaves were forced to work in the fields (Hunter,

2007). Colourism has looked somewhat different across the world. It has spread as a direct

57 result of white supremacist ideologies that racialized people were measured up against. Scholars have proposed that globally, colourism is a social and cultural issue with profound historical roots. For example, different stories describing racism and colourism have been reported in

Judeo-Christian biblical texts, as well as Greek, Roman and Indian religious texts

(Parameswaran & Cardoza, 2009; Metcalf, 2005; Goldenberg, 2003). Thus, references to skin colour were apparent even long ago. Examples in these various texts show how associations with whiteness meant being pure and good, while associations with darkness meant being evil and bad. The dichotomy between black/dark and white/light is still a common symbol in many cultures and religions, and these ideologies translate into various forms of discrimination globally (Parameswaran & Cardoza, 2009; Metcalf, 2005; Goldenberg, 2003).

Colourism has been documented worldwide: Africa (Brown, 1967; Legum, 1967), Jamaica

(Henriques, 1951; Tidrick, 1973), Brazil (Harris, Consorte, Kang & Byrne, 1993), Israel

(Munitz, Priel & Henik, 1985), Japan (Wagatsuma, 1967; Goldberg, 1973), Latin America

(Uhlmann et al., 2002; Murguia & Telles, 1996), United States (Hunter, 2005; Hall, 1995),

Canada (Sahay & Piran, 1997), the United Kingdom (Swami, Henry, Peacock, Roberts-Dunn, &

Porter, 2013), and India (Moore & Eldredge, 1970; Beteille, 1967). Most of these places were colonized in some form. Racialized populations in the United States, Canada or the United

Kingdom were also likely to have had ancestors that were colonized. According to Hunter

(2005), the pervasiveness of colourism upheld racial inequality. Light skin has been considered a social advantage due to the global prevalence of pigmentocracy (Thappa & Malathi, 2014).

Pigmentocracy is a term coined in the 1940’s by Chilean sociologist Alejandro Lipshütz (1944),

58 originally describing the socio-racial order of Latin America. According to Lipshütz (1944), pigmentocracy refers to a hierarchy based on skin colour and other bodily features that are considered to be racial signifiers such as, hair texture and the size and shape of one’s nose, lips and ears. It refers to how a society is ordered to privilege or discriminate against certain individuals of various phenotypes, rather than to an aesthetic hierarchy within a group; it describes societies where wealth and social status are determined by skin colour (Lipshütz,

1944). The amount of honour, status and prestige one can accrue depends upon a person’s place in the hierarchical continuum, which is determined by one's appearance, not ancestry (Lipshütz,

1944). A person with lighter skin who came from a darker skinned family would receive a great deal of honour and status due only to their appearance (Lipshütz, 1944). The situation, therefore, often resulted in reduced opportunities for those with darker skin.

According to Hunter (2005), global increases in the desire for lighter skin are a result of the combination of old ideologies of colonialism and race, and new technologies of the body. We continue to see the manipulation and commodification of people’s bodies and identities today.

In commodity culture, mainstream white ideals produce and push images that promote visions of what is desirable. The associations attached to fair skin – success, power and privilege, paint a picture to drive consumer culture. This kind of imagery appeals to a consumer, where it affirms or denies one’s identity. It “…reveals ideological and pedagogical aspects of skin” (Borgerson

& Schroeder, 2018, p. 103). Society has become extremely self-conscious of their bodies and identities, and the commodification process and consumer culture highlight how others see us, and we in turn, see ourselves.

Historical Perspectives on Skin Tone in India Colourism has also been an issue in India, both historically and contemporarily. In India, skin tone has become the basis for social and cultural inequalities. Nonetheless, the origins of colourism here, and in other parts of South Asia, are challenged by differing perspectives and theories (Utley & Darity, 2016; Bhattacharya, 2012). As put forth by Balaji (2013), colourism in

India “…is not limited to one particular faith, tradition or ethnicity.” An obsession with skin colour has been attributed to the culture and caste system, as argued by some scholars (Thappa &

Malathi, 2014; Sharma, 2005). Colourism practices appear to predate British colonization.

However, they were certainly manipulated by the British’s disdain for darker skinned Indians.

Even before the introduction of the colour hierarchy in India, historical examples revealed potential preferences for lighter skin, which were embedded within the Indian culture, scriptures and its historical imagery. The religious imagery and texts have highlighted the possible social, cultural and anthropological origins of colourism in India, and the gendered nature of this phenomenon.

Pre-Modern Era: Culture, Religious Texts and Historical Imagery India’s past illustrates a mixed history of the culture’s long-standing preference for light skin.

Colourism in India has a historical discourse of colour and class based discrimination, as revealed in historical texts and imagery (Ayyar & Khandare, 2012; Glenn, 2009; Johnson, 2002;

Beteille, 1967). Some distinctions between skin tones were found in ancient Hindu religious texts and imagery. Most Hindu deities were depicted with lighter skin in these texts. For example, the story of Gauri, the Hindu goddess of purity and austerity, is told in the Padma

Purana, a Hindu religious text compiled between the 4th and 15th century (c.750-1000 C.E.)

(Srinivas, 1962). This story could be a clear example of the preference for lighter skin.

According to Adinarayan (1964), Parvati loved Lord Shiva, the destroyer. However, Lord Shiva

60 was not fond of her because he found her dark skin to be unattractive. This saddened Parvati, who then retreated into the forest where she lived a very austere life. Upon noticing Parvati’s dedication and mastery of her physical self, Lord Brahma granted her one wish. She asked to be rid of her dark skin, so that Lord Shiva would love her. Her wish was granted and she became the goddess Gauri (meaning white in Sanskrit), an incarnate of Parvati (Adinarayan, 1964). This story appears to depict historical preferences for lighter complexions that may have provided a foundation for current day prejudice.

In other Hindu scriptures, the stories of two other deities, Krishna (deity of love) and Kālī

(meaning “black” goddess in Sanskrit), revealed the gendered bias in the depictions of various deities. Although Krishna and Kālī were often depicted with dark skin, Krishna has been represented with blue skin, which is “...representative of his holiness as well as his dark complexion” (Johnson, 2002, p. 217). In contrast, Kālī, whose name literally means “black” or

“she who is death” has been portrayed as a fierce, voluble goddess (Johnson, 2002). The depictions of Krishna versus Kālī bring to light how dark skin has been used as a portrayal to symbolize savagery. In addition, Kālī, was depicted with black skin, while most Hindu goddesses have been depicted with lighter golden skin reflecting their distinguished, virtuous personas (Johnson, 2002). The negative connotations associated with dark skin such as, those exemplified in the goddess Kālī (symbolizing cruelty and destruction) have been extended to darker skinned Indian women as well. Similar references throughout various Hindu texts and imagery, suggest that fair skin, especially on women, is preferred (Parameswaran & Cardoza,

2009; Johnson, 2002). Such religious stories (and related teachings), historical imagery and cultural ideas have been passed on from generation to generation.

Even so, some scholars such as, Sharma (2016) Mishra (2015), Foley (2014) and Sūryakanta

(1975) have maintained that during this time, dark skinned heroes and deities were common during this period. These scholars make the argument that darker skin was accepted then.

Ancient Hindu texts show Lord Krishna as a dark skinned hero of the Yadava tribe (Mishra,

2015). The word Krishna means “black” in the Sanskrit language (Sūryakanta, 1975). There have also been references made to other heroes in the Rig Veda who had dark skin such as, its hero, Trasadasyu, son of Purukutsa (a dark complexioned leader) (Sharma, 2016, Sūryakanta,

1975). Additional stories about Kanva, a poet of hymns, as well as Dirghatamas, a singer, have been discussed (Sharma, 2016, Sūryakanta, 1975).

The Vedic scriptures of Hinduism, more specifically the Rig Veda, is one of four volumes of sacred Indo-Aryan collections of Vedic Sanskrit hymns that contain the mythology of the Hindu gods (Violatti, 2018). It has been considered to be one of the foundational texts of the Hindu religion. These examples from the religious texts and imagery have been transmitted to audiences over time via various means, such as the media. For example, the story of Krishna was passed on orally as an epic poem and sung to audiences by a bard, as done so today (Foley,

2014). Over the centuries, they have also been written in numerous languages, creating thousands of different, but related texts (Foley, 2014). Some of these historical examples may show that darker skin was not necessarily rejected during this time because certain deities and religious stories featured heroes that had darker skin tones. However, many Hindu deities have historically been depicted with lighter skin (Parameswaran & Cardoza, 2009). Examples of deities and heroes with dark skin were not as common (Mandalaparthy, 2016; Parameswaran &

Cardoza, 2009). The juxtaposition of these dual realities could explain that during this era, fair

62 skin may not have been as heavily emphasized or strongly favoured. As time went on though, factors such as, class stratification, social hierarchies and colonization began putting more emphasis on skin tone due to the social significance attached to it. These factors did not introduce notions of colourism into India, but rather greatly strengthened such pre-existing attitudes towards it.

These texts and imagery play a pivotal role in Indian society, particularly as a teaching tool for dharma (meaning religious duty in Sanskrit), and other concepts in Hinduism (The Heart of

Hinduism, 2004). These texts have found their way into numerous other media forms as well.

Components of these stories, teachings and such, are regularly performed in song, theatre productions and dance performances, as well as depicted in art (Foley, 2014). They also continue to be visually recreated in present day (Foley, 2014). With the rich history, culture and prominence of the various Hindu texts and imagery, and their respective impact on society, it can only be assumed that these aspects may have played a role in shaping the beauty ideals during

India’s pre-modern era.

Varna: Caste-Colour Discrimination It is imperative to further examine the social, cultural and religious origins of India’s colour based discrimination in order to grasp its longstanding obsession with whiteness. The literature discusses various theories regarding the genesis of colour prejudice in India, which can be linked to culture and caste (Bropleh, 2014; Thappa & Malathi, 2014; Ayyar & Khandare, 2012; Jaswal,

1979; Berreman, 1972; Risley, 1908; Muir, 1868) or colonization (Shankar & Subish, 2007;

Arnold, 2004). More specifically, there are two important ideas that have been put forth by scholars to explain the origins of colour bias and prejudice in India. Some scholars have argued

63 that evidence of the caste system and colour based discrimination existed for centuries in historical and religious texts (Ayyar & Khandare, 2012; Johnson, 2002; Béteille, 1967). Others contend that the caste system was introduced by the nomadic Aryan race that invaded India around 1500 B.C.E. (Thapar, 2008; Sharma, 2005; Johnson, 2002; Rajarama & Frawley, 1995;

Indradevi, 1985, Ambedkar, 1979). These scholars argue that people were categorized by caste and skin colour, so that the Aryans could control the local populations and secure a higher status.

The organization of Indian society based on rank and a hierarchical order emphasized the various facets of caste-colour discrimination.

It is discussed that caste-colour discrimination or varna also existed in historical, cultural and religious texts in India (Ayyar & Khandare, 2012). The term varna has had several attributed meanings, “ranging from colour, lineage, occupation, and ritual ranking; varna was most commonly held as a signifier of ‘skin colour’” (Ayyar & Khandare, 2012, p. 74). Further meanings of varna were outlined by Cox (1948), “…appearance, exterior, color, kind, species and caste” (as cited in Utley & Darity, 2016, p. 133). The various definitions of the term highlight that hypotheses were made about the meaning and existed in terms of the caste system’s relationship with colour. The concept of varna has often been connected with another term: jāti. At times, both terms were used interchangeably, and the concepts misunderstood by scholars (Béteille, 1967). Also debated among Eastern and Western scholars, the term jāti has been understood in the Western world to mean “caste,” yet, in the Bengali language and some

North Indian languages, “it not only signifies caste, but also comes closer to the meaning ‘race’ than perhaps any other word of popular usage” (Béteille, 1967, p. 454). Jāti has been used to refer to sub-castes, caste groups, common ancestry and religious communities (Berremen, 1972;

Béteille, 1967) as well. It has been argued that jāti represented the idea of common descent and described the interdependent, hierarchically ranked, birth-ascribed groups too (Ayyar &

Khandare, 2012; Ambedkar, 1979; Berreman, 1972; Srinivas, 1962). The theoretical understanding of the concepts of varna and jāti have remained contentious and among the most debated concepts in Indian academia. There is no consensus among scholars on the origin of caste and these concepts. Due to the diverging and differing definitions regarding these concepts, they have been associated with the Aryan race theory in the literature as well. Both concepts are integral in defining the caste system. Their meanings could emphasize elements of rank by colour and common descent among various groups, which may demonstrate some form of social order, as well as its role in colour based discrimination in India. However, since India’s people have had an array of skin colours due to the differing climates in the North (lighter skinned) and South (darker skinned), some scholars posit that the caste system focused more on social status and wealth accumulation instead (Vaid, 2009; Cox, 1948). Vaid (2009) states that,

“Another speculation about the origins of color consciousness comes from the fact that the

Sanskrit term for caste (varna) also means ‘color,’ and there are well-documented proscriptions against the mixing of upper and lower castes through marriage (varna-sankara).” It appears that even though the term varna may have meant colour, its interpretation was more focused on ranking people based on other factors.

It is thought that the caste system was used as a way to keep the upper castes pure, as they were priestly castes (Cox, 1948). It could have been that the social organization of the caste system evolved to organize groups by status and religious sanctity (i.e., priesthood). Other scholars have suggested that the earliest classification of the caste system in the Rig Veda was not based

65 on birth or hierarchy, but merely upon one’s occupation (Mishra, 2015; Dube, 1996).

Somewhere over time, it became birth-based and firm in its interpretation, and many more castes and sub-castes emerged from the varna categorization (Mishra, 2015). The interpretation of the caste system changed. Dube (1996) explains how one of the earliest historical explanations of the caste system described, “…the four orders in society originated from the self-sacrifice of

Purusha, the primeval being, who destroyed himself so that an appropriate social order emerge.

Brahmin: born from the head; Kshatriya from the arms; Vaishya from the thighs and Shudras from the feet” (as cited in Mishra, 2015, p. 727). It is said to have been a symbolic categorization, where all groups came from the same body to perform different functions in society, but were considered equal (Mishra, 2015). This explanation of the caste system differed from the school of thought that postulated that it organized Indian society based on colour.

Scholars argue against the comparisons of race and caste to assess and define social inequalities that emerge from this system (Slate, 2011; Vaid, 2009, Cox, 1948). Cox (1948) stated that,

“…writers who use modern ideas of race relations for the purposes of explaining the origin of caste make an uncritical transfer of modern thought to an age which did not know it” (p. 91).

The various interpretations regarding the caste system and the origins of the colour and class hierarchy in India, appears to be far more complex than previously thought.

The Aryan Race Theory and Creation of the Caste System Another significant debate around the origins of colour prejudice stemmed from the Aryan race theory. The Aryan invasion has been considered a historical event that may have foreshadowed undercurrents of skin tone and racial discrimination in India. Colourism in India has been attributed to the Aryan racial theory, which propagated the supremacy of an assumed Aryan race of white people (Rajarama & Frawley, 1995; Mazumdar, 1989). The supremacy of the Aryan

66 race coerced Indians to conform to white hegemonic norms due to the discrimination that they faced (Rajarama & Frawley, 1995). The Aryans were considered to be a superior race due to their white skin. Generally, it was believed that the caste system was introduced by this nomadic group, and that it was based on varna (colour) (Ayyar & Khandare, 2012; Vaid, 2009). The lighter skinned Aryans utilized the racial structure to create a divide between themselves and the indigenous, darker skinned Dravidians (Ayyar & Khandare, 2012).

According to various scholars (Ayyar & Khandare, 2012; Thapar, 2008; Bamshad et al., 2001;

Ambedkar, 1979), the Aryans invaded the Dravidians through the north-west around 1500

B.C.E. The Aryans had lighter skin, as they were related to the Persians and Europeans. They possessed physical features distinct from the indigenous Indian population such as, white skin, sharp noses and strong physiques (Ayyar & Khandare, 2012). After the Aryans invaded India, they intended to safeguard their distinctive and unique features against the dilution in their new home. They did this through the creation of a hierarchical structure that socially organized groups by skin colour (Rajarama & Frawley, 1995). The social organization of the population came to be known as the caste system, which redefined India’s history. It was also said to have become a key attribute in the Hindu culture, religion, history and imagery (Basham, 1989). The stratified social hierarchy (caste system) was organized by division of labour, power and inherited social status (Ayyar & Khandare, 2012; Rajarama & Frawley, 1995). In the hierarchy, the priests (Brahmins) were at the top, followed by the aristocrats (Kshatriyas), the merchants

(Vaishyas), and lastly, the artisans or agriculturalists (Shudras) (Ayyar & Khandare, 2012;

Adinarayan, 1964). The caste system was specific to the Hindu religion and consisted of the four aforementioned classifications. It was considered to be “absolute and perpetual” (Bates,

1995). Castes were passed down over generations and divided based on hereditary groups through three traditional features: 1) separation in marital relationships and indirect and direct contact, 2) division of labour, which one inherited from their birth line and could depart only within certain limitations, and, 3) a hierarchical structure that ranked people from inferior to superior (Dirks, 2001).

Other explanations attempted to define the caste system as well. The pan-Indian ranked categories or varna, advanced the ideas of “ritual purity” by the Aryans and was used to explain group rank (Berreman, 1972). The caste system perpetuated inequality, and the concepts of rank and “ritual purity” provided the justification of this order. This hierarchical system benefitted the Aryan race. Berreman (1972) discusses the purpose of the caste system and argued that this

“...rationale is advocated by those whom the system benefits, but is widely doubted, differently interpreted, or regarded as inappropriately applied by those whom the system oppresses” (p.

389). Even with differing theories and interpretations of the caste system or varna by modern day scholars, the truth remains that the system of stratification that was set in place oppressed many who did not fall within the upper echelons of society. A system that may have originally been developed for religious or cultural purposes could have been misinterpreted over time and passed on for generations to benefit those of higher rank, power and lighter skin.

The Aryans also influenced various religious texts during their rule in India (Indradevi, 1985).

Some European scholars have argued that the Vedas scriptures of Hinduism speak of a battle between light and darkness (Frawley, 2009). According to Frawley (2009), this battle was turned into a war between the light skinned Aryans and the darker skinned Dravidians. It

68 highlighted the existence of the colour based hierarchy (caste system) as well. Examples of social stratification by colour were said to be reflected in the Vedas (Rig Veda) (Jaiswal, 1991).

It explicates that varna was fundamentally a stratification system destined by divinity. As a result, it was unacceptable for one to transgress the divine hierarchical order (Jaiswal, 1991) that was set out by varna. The order described the caste system as a stratified social hierarchy based on skin colour. According to Jaiswal (1991), in the Vedic tradition, there was said to be a great focus on colour prejudice. For example, in the Vedas, those with dark complexions were considered to be subhuman or referred to as amanusa (Ayyar & Khandare, 2012). In the Rig

Veda, scholars alleged that the word varna undoubtedly referred to the colour of skin and the hair of people of two different races known as, the Aryan Varna and the Krsna Varna (Bropleh,

2014; Ayyar & Khandare, 2012; Indradevi, 1985; Srinivas, 1962). The Rig Veda emphasized different racial features as well, as the lighter skinned Aryans conquered the Dasas (meaning servants), who were considered to be beastly (Ayyar & Khandare, 2012; Indradevi, 1985). The

Dasas were exploited, enslaved and treated as inferior due to their dark skin. This negative sentiment was reflected in a hymn in the Rig Veda, “You (Indra) subdued Pipru and powerful

Mrgayu and Rjisvan, the son of Vidathin, you smote down fifty thousand dark ones, you shattered cities as old age shatters good looks” (Ṛgveda, IV. XVI. 13). This example provided some evidence of the existence of two racially different groups. In this case, it appeared that the notion of white superiority was imported by the Aryans and their writings in the Vedas.

Despite the acceptance of the Aryan race theory by some scholars, others have contested its authenticity and claim that it lacks the support of historical or archeological evidence (Sharma,

2011; Vaid, 2009; Sharma, 2005; Chentharassery, 2000; Ambedkar, 1979). Vaid (2009)

69 suggests that there is not any information in ancient Vedic texts or religious scriptures that imply that lighter skin was considered superior. The Aryan invasion may have emphasized skin colour, but in spite of there being some linguistic similarities between Sanskrit and European languages, there has not been much evidence to prove that the Aryan invasion ever happened (Vaid, 2009).

If the Aryan race theory is true, few would deny that colour consciousness embedded itself in dominant Indian ideology from early on.

British Rule and Eurocentrism With the stratification of the caste system and British rule in India, it became apparent that there was a strong association between skin tone and social status. The obsession with fair skin worsened during British rule in India from 1858 to 1947. Some scholars argued that the British ignored the traditional caste system in India and other related practices (Russell-Cole et al.,

2013). Under British rule, it was said that the caste system was used in a more refined form in order for them to create further social divisions in their favour (Bates, 1995). The British introduced and implemented their own standards and practices to authorize and give power to high status, fair skinned Indians as regent leaders (Utley & Darity, 2016). Because of this, light skin became associated with the upper classes and power, and light skinned Indians were bestowed special privileges and resources. In contrast, darker skinned Indians were subjugated and oppressed (Russell-Cole et al., 2013). The literature draws parallels between the origins of colourism being traced back to early class hierarches in Asia, and lighter skin being associated with leisure classes and colonialism globally, in places such as India, and with slavery in

America (Rondilla & Spickard, 2007; Hunter, 2005; Stevenson, 1996).

The British considered themselves to be superior and intelligent. Darker skinned Indians were

70 treated as subordinates, and denied entry into educational institutions and other public places with signs that stated, “Indians and dogs not allowed” (Agarwal, 2012; Karlekar, 2004).

Regardless of whether colourism existed in India before colonialism, it certainly became pervasive because of it. British colonization bolstered the value placed on whiteness. Studies have shown that European (Caucasoid) features are granted higher status, even within certain minority ethnic groups (Maddox, 2004; Thompson & Keith, 2001; Keith & Herring, 1991). This seemed to be the case in India. Resembling the dominant group allowed for assimilation and/or some acceptance into the mainstream group, as colourism is “...reflected in power structures that matters most in relation to skin tone dissatisfaction...” (Swami et al., 2013, p. 469). With this dynamic, colourism persisted, as the British preserved the ideology of whiteness and its associations with power, prestige, intelligence and attraction (Bhattacharya, 2012; Banks, 2000).

Indians wanted to be granted this power and privilege as well.

Historically, India’s rulers have always been fair, “...be it the Aryans in the early centuries or

Europeans in later years. Fairness is equated with superiority, power and influence, therefore the preference for lighter skin” (Chadha, 2005). Some scholars stated that the desire for lighter skin during this period may have originated from the hierarchical structure of the caste system

(Bhattacharya, 2012; Ayyar & Khandare, 2012; Basham, 1989). During this period, fair skin became a means for shifting one’s social status from the side of the oppressed to that of the powerful oppressor. The redevelopment of class barriers by the British emphasized the social privilege and access that lighter skinned people had to various resources and opportunities.

Thus, class and skin tone played a major role in the organization of economic, political and social powers (Malik, 2007; Sharma, 2005; Banks, 2000), as the British discriminated against the

Indians. The British created a divide and developed exclusive societies for themselves in India.

They lived in places particularly demarcated for the white skinned people, where no 'native'

Indians were allowed to enter (Fisher, 2007). Racial ideologies openly argued the superiority of the white British and the permanent subjugation of the Indians to the white supremacy.

During British rule, many Indians were treated as subhuman and continued to face years of racial discrimination (Fisher, 2007). A discourse of racial discrimination and abuse “...identified a non-white skin with every kind of unsavoury physical and moral attribute” (Arnold, 2004, p.

263). For example, in the 1830’s, Indians were referred to as “black” or “black servants” and were insulted with racial and/or degrading epithets (Fisher, 2007; Arnold, 2004) by the British.

As time went on and the British power expanded, the “Europeans presented themselves as an ideal physical and racial type which no Indian could match and adjudicated among Indians on the basis of their appearance, as if at some external beauty contest” (Arnold, 2004, p. 263). Due to such discrimination, some scholars contended that racial stratification in India was indeed a by-product of colonialism (Thappa & Malathi, 2014; Dirks, 2001; Omvedt, 1976). The British used the idealization of light skin to their advantage in order create a dichotomy (white skin as superior and dark skin as inferior) in order to increase their power over the Indian people. They subjugated the Indians and rationalized their dominant positions based on an inherent superiority, and thus, as following from the “natural” order of the world. The closer that one was to the white skin ideal, the more power one had. Many upper caste Indians reaped such benefits, as they most resembled their white skinned oppressors, and used their status and power to discriminate against fellow Indians (Mishra, 2015). Those that did not meet this Eurocentric beauty ideal were exploited, shunned and victimized (Ayyar & Khandare, 2012). Fair skin was

72 associated with the prosperity, power and the higher education of the ruling class, which disparaged those with darker skin from lower social classes, as they worked as labourers and farmers. Thus, darker skinned people not only suffered racism from the British, but colourism from other fellow Indians.

Because Indians with lighter skin were considered to be conceptually closer to the dominant class, they were unlikely to challenge the superiority of the white norm. Instead, they competed for power against Indians with darker skin (Ayyar & Khandare, 2012; Bhattacharya, 2012;

Thiyagarajah, 2010). Those with darker complexions internalized the negative messages that they received from their oppressors and faced a myriad of struggles such as, exploitation, poverty and exclusion (Fisher, 2007). Victims of discrimination and exclusion often internalize

(believe and make part of their self-image), the ideologies and misinformation propagated by their oppressors (Lipsky, 1987). Darker skinned Indians and those of lower castes were enslaved by the British. They were forced to produce or export in order to pay ever increasing taxes that they naturally could not afford (Carey, 1867). Due to such treatment, Indians believed that they could only do service work because they were not “deserving” of anything better due to their position in society (Fisher, 2007). Such internalized messages became a perceived truth for many Indians, as they believed that they were inherently not worthy or capable of more.

It was apparent that internalized oppression occurred on an individual level, as well as among members of the same group (Lipsky, 1987) during the British rule. Those with darker skin believed the negative stereotypes and messages about them that were passed on by their oppressors. History has proven that the British were strategic in that they were able to persuade

73 some upper caste Indians to align with them in order to afflict fellow Indians, in exchange for limited power and privilege (Lipsky, 1987). In some instances, Indians undermined, criticized, mistrusted or isolated themselves from one another, as skin colour became a vehicle of oppression (Lipsky, 1987; Carey, 1867). These examples illustrate the impact of colour hierarchies and their roots in colonialism, as marginalized groups internalized the white aesthetic ideal (Hall, 1995, 1997). Many racial and ethnic groups, such as the Indians, internalized the colonial and slavery-supporting value systems of their oppressors (Hall, 1995; Fanon, 1952).

Consequently, they desired lighter skin and anglicized facial features to appear more like the dominant group. Under British rule, racism was rampant and this in turn spawned an increase in colourism where, “…the privilege afforded to lighter complexion individuals with Eurocentric physical features” (Utley & Darity, 2016, p. 130) became the standard. Regrettably, the fixation with lighter skin today can be considered a form of modern day colonialism.

Modern Day Colonialism: The Influence of Popular Culture and Media The media can have a huge influence on one’s self perceptions. Media imagery may play a significant role in constructing changes in the way that the body is perceived and evaluated, depending upon an individual’s perception and the importance of such cues (Groetz, Levine, &

Murnen, 2002). Earlier studies from the 1950’s and 1960’s highlighted the perceived importance of skin colour and social status within caste populations (Das & Mukherjee, 1963; Büchi, 1958).

The notion of beauty in India is rooted in historical racial discourses. For example, in 1962, a

Rhodesian student living in India for several years shared how he was the victim of recurring discrimination. Other Indian students would not speak or interact with him due to his darker skin

(Atlanta Daily World, 1962). Fast forward to 2009, and such racism continues. Deipirie KuKu, a young African American studying and living in New Delhi, shared his horrendous experience

74 of racism. He described feeling stigmatized, disgraced and judged by the reaction of the people he encountered:

Once I stood gazing at the giraffes at the Lucknow Zoo only to turn and see 50-odd families gawking at me rather than the exhibit. Parents abruptly withdrew infants that inquisitively wandered towards me. I felt like an exotic African creature-cum-spectacle, stirring fear and awe. Even my attempts to beguile the public through simple greetings or smiles are often not reciprocated. (KuKu, 2009)

More than fifty years later, the social climate around skin colour has not changed.

The disdain for darker skin has long been ingrained in the Indian culture, as it counters dominant cultural beauty ideals. With the association of fair skin with power and status post colonization, there remains a lingering legacy of this historical period in India (Peltzer, Pengpid, & James,

2016; Malhotra & Singh, 2015; Nadeem, 2014). This has led to an increased perpetuation and acceptance of Western beauty ideals. Swami et al (2013) describe this phenomenon, “...skin tone dissatisfaction may be driven by attractiveness ideals or perceptions of societal standards, but are also likely to reflect the negative content of contemporary and historical attributions of darker skin tones and the negotiation of power structures” (p. 473). The push for skin lightening products has been a visible sign of this disdain, as it influenced the discourses that contributed to the defining of beauty. In 1975, manufacturers of “fairness” creams introduced these products in

South Asia (Karnani, 2007, Shankar & Subish, 2007). More specially, these types of products were introduced by Unilever, a Dutch company (Tambe, 2018). After the products were introduced, they became quite popular and increasingly common among South Asian women

(Karnani, 2007). They have since become one of the most popular beauty products on the market in India (Hunter, 2011; Glenn, 2008). Since its inception, skin lightening has become a billion dollar industry across India (Shevde, 2008). When the multi-national corporation

Unilever, first introduced “Fair and Lovely” skin lightening creams under its Indian subsidiary name (Hindustan Lever Limited), the product held a great portion share (50 to 70 percent) of the market in India (Karnani, 2007). Hindustan Lever has since boasted that 90 percent of Indian women want to use their product because it is “aspirational...a fair skin is like education, regarded as a social and economic step up” (Luce & Merchant, 2003). These and other discourses associating light skin with beauty and success continue to be perpetuated by popular culture and the media.

Due to globalization, India’s lifestyles and values changed as well (Shevde, 2008). They have contributed to women’s quests to attain beauty. Many young Indian women have been routinely exposed to Indian and Western media, which predominantly portray Western beauty ideals

(Shevde, 2008). A singular form of beauty is conveyed. Rampant capitalism has made whiteness an international beauty standard and commodity (Goon & Craven, 2003). Skin lightening products are continuously pushed by large multi-national corporations (Parameswaran

& Cardoza, 2009) putting the focus on a toxic beauty standard. This demonstrates how skin lightening is entrenched in the context of the Indian culture; fixated on images of whiteness in the media and in its distribution to consumers.

Advertising media influences people on a daily basis. The pervasiveness of media images and messages in our everyday lives tends to both obscure and naturalize the social ideologies that they communicate. As Hussein (2010) points out, “Advertisements need to be recognized both as social and economic institutions producing and reproducing material and ideological authority and commodity relations” (p. 413). Thousands of advertisements on billboards, television and in

76 print media have spread the skin whitening campaign all over India. They have typically used only light skinned models (Shevde, 2008). Average print advertisements, for instance, have displayed images of the transformation of women who used “Fair and Lovely” products (Hunter,

2005). A famous “Fair and Lovely” commercial depicted the unhappiness of one Indian woman whose father treated her poorly because she was never the son that he wanted. As she got older, her father continued to dismiss her because she could not land a good job due to her dark complexion. After using “Fair and Lovely,” she found a great job and for the first time in her life, her father was proud of her (Shevde, 2008). The message within such advertising was obvious: if you used this skin lightening product then you would make your family proud, become more beautiful, and secure a great job and husband, which is what every woman

“should” aspire to. Many Indian women continue to be exposed to this biased reality. The commoditization of their attractiveness highlights the importance of their physical appeal.

With increasing technology and globalization, the obsession with light skin heightens. There was further evidence that schoolgirls in India, aged 12 to 14, were widely using fairness creams

(Ninan, 2003). These facts are disturbing because the cultural and social implications of these products are so powerful, that even youth are buying into the superiority of fair skin mentality.

The influence and impact of the Western media “has changed India’s nationhood by intertwining it with traditional cultural norms of the West, while creating a mediated ideology that focuses on a ‘cultural standard for the global elite’” (Jha & Adelman, 2009, p. 68). The desire to be a part of this “global elite” has meant having light skin. Globalized media marketing has packaged beauty into bleaching products and images of whiteness, constantly reminding people of what every Indian should aspire to resemble. In the Indian media, the representation of light and dark

77 skinned people, especially women, speaks to systems of domination that commodify gender, cultural, racial and ethnic differences (hooks, 1992b). The images have maintained the power of the status quo and represented a dominant cultural order of whiteness as a standard of beauty.

The Indian media perpetuates fabricated differences between skin colour, gender and culture, so that society will buy into these notions, while maintaining the interests of “social control as well as commodity innovation” (hooks, 1992a, p. 369). Fabricated differences have created dichotomous thinking, where one side looks good, and the other side looks bad. This strategy has been used to push Western beauty ideals about skin colour onto racialized women. In the global media, images associated with white skin are highly valued and emulated through skin lightening products and fair complexioned models (Gopaldas & Siebert, 2018). Images valorizing whiteness has become an imperative, and lighter skinned people reap the benefits due to their complexions.

In a study done by Gopaldas & Siebert (2018), looking at globalizing mediascapes and marketing images in the media, they reviewed the images marketed in an Indian magazine known as Femina. It is India’s most read English language magazine and has been translated into other languages as well (Gopaldas & Siebert, 2018). The magazine has focused on topics such as, beauty, health and fashion. The results of the study indicated that colourism was prominent throughout the magazine, as images mainly showed fair skinned models, “The vast majority of Femina cover persons are young, lean and light-skinned Indian women” (Gopaldas

& Siebert, 2018, p. 336). As a result, audiences are manipulated and affected by images of difference that serve to uphold the norms of the dominant group through commodification.

White skin is equated with beauty, and in a sense, becomes a commodity that racialized women

78 wish to achieve. As a result, colourism prevails through consumption (hooks, 1992), and those with darker complexions have been marginalized, while the power and privilege of the dominant group is sustained. By way of such processes, the media and multi-national corporations such as, Unilever and Hindustan Lever Limited, are implicated as modern day propagators of colourism.

Bollywood is another example of an institution that has had a huge impact on Indian culture and participated in marginalizing dark skin for decades, particularly for women (Mishra, 2002;

Vasudevan, 2000). For example, in most Bollywood films, numerous references have been made to the colouring of women through imagery, language and music. Gori, which literally means white in Hindi, has often been used to describe the fair complexion of women. The majority of songs in Bollywood make reference to beautiful women as gori (Ayyar & Khandare,

2012; Mishra, 2002). In older and newer films such as Main Hoon Na, Mela, Aaj ka Arjun,

Atma, Gharana and Diwana (Ayyar & Khandare, 2012; Mishra, 2002), one can clearly see this phenomenon. The longing for whiteness in Bollywood is deep-rooted in the Indian psyche.

Having seen some Bollywood films, it has not been hard to notice another trend that has emerged within the industry: European models as background dancers in song and dance numbers. This trend has become common over the last decade. Modelling agencies have received thousands of requests to provide Eastern European models (Lakshmi, 2008) for Bollywood films. The founder of a modelling agency explained that she gets calls from advertisers and film producers that say, “We are looking for a gori model with dark hair. Do you have white girls who are

Indian looking?” (Lakshmi, 2008, p. H11). The desire for white skinned models has become the

79 new “norm” as, “…choreographers are now hiring white dancers in song and dance scenes. For a rickshaw driver who earns $2 a day, seeing a fair skinned woman is an escape, it’s a fantasy”

(Lakshmi, 2008, p. H11). The belief has been that using white models in Bollywood films would increase the international exposure, ratings and success in global markets. Consequently, darker skinned “extras,” models and back up dancers have faced increasing unemployment and rejection because the film industry perceived light skinned dancers to be more desirable and necessary for success, but also for promoting an “upper class aesthetic” in their films

(Parameswaran & Cardoza, 2009, p. 231). This desire for anglicized features in film actors and dancers reflects deep cultural values that privilege Western forms of beauty in an Indian context.

Bollywood actresses have also been influenced by Western conceptions of beauty and aesthetics because it has been demanded by the business (Kavoori & Punathambekar, 2008, p. 79). As the largest film industry in the world, Bollywood has great influence over the Indian population

(Shevde, 2008). The images and fantasies propagated by Bollywood have been what people wish to emulate. As a result, the glitz and glamour of Bollywood often excluded actresses with darker complexions. In regard to images of beauty, sexuality and gender roles within Bollywood cinema, the ongoing colonial racism and traditional caste system values, encouraged the portrayal of the ideal Indian woman as fair skinned, physically attractive with light eyes, and in search of love (Glenn, 2008). Many Indian women do not fit this mold and are thus, excluded from the equation. According to Sihera (2002), in most films, it has been highly unlikely to see a dark South Asian woman playing a leading role, “Anyone who is too dark tends to be assigned a supporting role or more likely, no role at all. This deliberate discrimination is repeated throughout society, so that those who aren’t fair are kept out of the powerful and influential

80 positions” (p. 61). Because fair skin is considered a highly visible form of social capital for racialized women, it is believed that lighter skinned actresses convey more appeal and desirability for viewers. Numerous darker skinned actresses battled against colourism and have not been able to achieve greater status than most lighter skinned actresses in the film industry

(Parameswaran & Cardoza, 2009). Yet, some continue to challenge these beauty standards.

Bollywood cinema subliminally reinforces skin colour bias to promote its films through the use of lighter skinned actresses (Osuri, 2008b). The infiltration of Western ideals in films has played an integral role in naturalizing images of Bollywood women for mass consumption. Numerous darker skinned actresses battle against colourism because they are not able to achieve great status in the film industry compared to their lighter skinned counterparts (Parameswaran & Cardoza,

2009). Actresses such as, Rekha and Smita Patil from the late 1960’s (Parameswaran &

Cardoza, 2009), to more current actresses such as, Rani Mukherjee and Bipasha Basu have darker skin and have managed to somewhat break the colour barrier. However, they were required to wear layers of makeup and white powder to camouflage their naturally darker skin

(Parameswaran & Cardoza, 2009; Sihera, 2002; Chowdhury & Halarnkar, 1998). Rani

Mukherjee and other current day actresses were rejected from several films because they were thought to be “too dark.” When Rani Mukherjee began her acting career in Bollywood, a top producer told her that she would never “make it” because of her skin tone (Sihera, 2002). In

1998, a film called Kuch Hota Hai was being filmed and the producer was reluctant to hire her due to her “dark skin, round face, husky voice and plump figure - all no-no’s in Bollywood cinema’s shallow world of casting” (Stephen, 2007). Make-up artists would put layers of white

81 powder on Rani “…before being washed out by blinding stage lights for good measure”

(Stephen, 2007). She found herself low on the wish-list of Bollywood producers and directors.

The yearning for gori Bollywood actresses suggests the formulation of an Indian identity that is increasingly dependent upon whiteness. In contrast, actresses with naturally fair skin such as,

Aishwarya Rai, Kareena Kapoor and Katrina Kaif, have become some of the most well-known and successful actresses in Bollywood cinema due to their lighter skin (Music and Films.com,

2013; Parameswaran & Cardoza, 2009; Osuri, 2008a; Johnson, 2002). These actresses have been some of the highest paid in the industry and make between 5 to 8 crores (approximately 1 to 1.5 million USD) (Music and Films.com, 2013). Aishwarya, for instance, was described as

“the most beautiful woman in the world and an icon of Indian beauty” (Osuri, 2008a, p. 109).

She was considered the “epitome” of Indian beauty: “Standing 5’7” with greenish eyes. She made appearances on the Oprah Winfrey Show and 60 Minutes. Her appeal abroad had set the bar in the potential marketability of a particular type of Indian woman. She clearly matched up to Western perceptions of beauty due to her white skin and beautiful eyes” (Datta, 2000, p. 75).

It has been said that she bears a striking resemblance to white, French-born model, Laetitia Casta

(Datta, 2000). Drawing such a parallel demonstrates how Indian beauty is defined through the lens of a white aesthetic. According to Datta (2000), “...her appeal abroad set the bar in the potential marketability of a particular type of Indian woman. She clearly matches up to Western perceptions of beauty due to her white skin and beautiful eyes” (p. 75). Actresses “...with such a physical appearance of whiteness mixed with a classy, sometimes English-inflected, but still authentic Hindi-speaking capability are becoming more popular” (Singh, 2005). The closer

Bollywood cinema moves towards the ideologies of the dominant group, the more it loses touch

82 with the true reality of Indian culture. This fixation on fair skin has seemed to be a sign of a lingering, ingrained colonial mentality that embodies global modernity in a postcolonial India.

The Value of Skin Colour for South Asian Women Colourism yields real-world advantages for individuals with light skin. Nonetheless, colourism has affected men and women differently (Maddox, 2004). Colourism against women is sustained by white beauty norms and systems of patriarchy, which insist that racialized women ensure that they look beautiful to please men (for those who are heterosexual), while increasing their chances of achieving success in other areas of their lives. There appears to be a gender component that unjustifiably affects South Asian women’s experiences with skin tone bias in various aspects of their lives (Balaji, 2013). They have the power to not only affect one’s self- esteem, but to shape one’s identity in a negative way. Hegemonic representations of white skin are embedded within multiple social institutions (Hunter, 2005). Mass marketing and the dissemination of images that have depicted fair skin, represent beauty and white privilege rooted in colonial ideologies that continue to shape globalization, business and the media.

The literature highlights that having light skin is far more significant for women than men because it is a form of social capital for women (Hussein, 2010; Shevde, 2008; Hunter, 2005,

2002). Since physical appearance tends to be more of an important status characteristic for women than for men, having social capital has allowed women increased access to life enhancing opportunities such as, better paying jobs and higher education (Devaraj & Patel, 2017;

Hunter, 2016; Hunter, 2002). Existing research has consistently demonstrated that lighter skinned South Asian women have more of an advantage than darker skinned women (Hunter,

2005; Sahay & Piran, 1997) because lighter skin affords more opportunities, and access to

83 resources in almost all categories of life chance outcomes (Karnani, 2007; Sen, Iyer & George,

2002). In India, dark skin has traditionally been associated with unattractiveness, evil and other negative traits. This has been apparent in various sources such as, Bollywood films and other cultural products (Gosai, 2010; Shevde, 2008; Sonwalkar, 2001). Several studies found that darker skinned Indian women were stigmatized both within and outside of their communities as undesirable, unattractive and of lower social classes (Jha & Adelman, 2009; Parameswaran &

Cardoza, 2009; Shevde, 2008; Johnson, 2002). They underline the prominent role that skin tone plays in the lives of Indian women.

Currently, as skin lightening products are being marketed to wider audiences, such products have not only been purchased by middle and upper classes, but also by rural and urban women from lower income households (Johnson, 2002). In the case of marriage, many potential brides and grooms, in most historical and contemporary advertisements for marriage, specifically noted that their skin was fair or “wheatish” in colour (Jha & Adelman, 2009; Vaid, 2009; Shankar &

Subish, 2007; Béteille, 1967). This was also evident in studies where Indian brides and grooms consistently selected those with fair skin (Nagar, 2018; Singh, 2011; Jha & Adelman, 2009;

Shevde, 2008; Phillips, 2004). The most desirable qualities of an Indian bride have been perceived to be virginity and fair skin (Hussein, 2010; Béteille, 1967). Even earlier practices in

India showed that wealthier families would seek lighter skinned brides among poorer members of their subcaste (Béteille, 1967). Women with darker skin were considered a liability because families would have a hard time finding a suitor for their daughters (Stone & James, 1995).

Consequently, those families could not afford the expensive dowries (Stone & James, 1995;

Béteille, 1967). The dowries served almost as a form of “compensation” for the bride’s dark

84 skin. Unfortunately, in some rural areas, the practice of dowry still exists (Ramasubramaniam &

Jain, 2008; Stone & James, 1995). The selection of a partner with fair skin remains gender biased.

With a continued focus on light skin and increased globalization, the current culture in India has indicated that those who do not fit the light skinned standard of beauty, may face significant stressors and negative mental health outcomes (Harper & Choma, 2018; Nagar & Virk, 2017).

Opportunities to climb the ladder of success are determined by skin tone (Ayyar & Khandare,

2012). Popular culture and the media have reinforced the message that fair is beautiful. Thus, it is critical to examine and understand the economic, psychosocial and health related impacts of colourism on the lives of darker skinned women.

Fair skin serves as an asset for women. It provides them with advantages when trying to find a job or suitor for marriage (Bhattacharya, 2012; Gist, 1953). The economic consequences of colourism negatively impact women with darker complexions. Several studies have examined the links between colourism, employment outcomes and income (Wade, 2008; Malik, 2007;

Saifee, 2005). These studies elucidated the significance of light skin privilege and how it increased women’s economic opportunities in countries such as India. Goon and Craven (2003) argue, “The subject of skin whitening is an image and it is an image that has an economic end”

(p. 25). It comes as no surprise then that Indian women with lighter skin have higher incomes and employment in more prestigious occupations compared to their darker skinned counterparts

(McPhate, 2005; Gomes & Westerhof, 2002). According to Malik (2007), lighter skinned women are more likely to attract power and money due to the status attributed to their skin tone.

Furthermore, Challapalli (2002) found a great difference in the socioeconomic outcomes between lighter and darker skinned women in India due to class and the increased status attributed to the former.

The psychosocial consequences of colourism also deeply impact the emotional and psychological well-being of South Asian women (Nagar & Virk, 2017). The pressure to conform does not come without consequences. When women feel that they are not meeting societal expectations, it can impact one’s self-esteem and sense of self in negative ways. Skin lightening products such as, “Fair and Lovely” reinforce the desirability of light skin. The mental and emotional effects of not meeting this standard can be detrimental if one has a darker complexion (Parameswaran & Cardoza, 2009). Because young women are in the process of shaping their individual identities, they are easily influenced by what they see (Marques et al.,

2011), and become inundated with these types of messages in the media. Young women may feel further marginalized if they are considered inferior in Indian society due to factors such as, poverty and caste discrimination (Karan, 2008; Malik, 2007). Society believes that the perceived value of fair skin determines a person’s worth. These experiences can have negative effects on the emotional health and self-esteem of young women because they can produce feelings of inadequacy for those whose natural skin tone is perceived as “dark” or “dusky” (Saifee, 2005).

It appears that only a person with fair skin rises to prominence.

The health related consequences of using skin lightening products are equally important, but rarely discussed. Skin whitening creams have posed a huge health risk. With ingredients such as, mercury and hydroquinone, they can lead to severe physical deformities (Emmanuel, 2009).

The ingredients have been known to burn skin, cause nerve and kidney damage, as well as cancer and offensive body odours (Emmanuel, 2009). Some products contain steroids that have led to health issues including, the development of visible blood vessels, uneven skin colour or a blotchy appearance and blue-black discolouration of the skin (Emmanuel, 2009; Malik, 2007) as well. Skin lightening products can also reduce the amount of melanin in skin, thereby, making the body more vulnerable to ultra violet rays, skin cancer and ageing (Malik, 2007). The most popular skin lightening products contain 4 percent hydroquinone, which is a chemical used in photo processing and the production of rubber (Malik, 2007). Products containing higher levels of hydroquinone are banned in the United States and Europe, but available in India and Canada

(Malik, 2007; Abbas, 2006). Yet, these products are still on the market for purchase.

Without understanding how such products work and their adverse side effects, Indian women have been left unaware of the perils of using them. The selling and purchasing of these types of products have not really been regulated in the country (Shroff, Diedrichs, & Craddock, 2018).

As a result, Indian consumers fall prey to multi-national corporations such as,

Unilever/Hindustan Lever Limited. These corporations continue to have free rein to sell harmful products without regulation and put the health of Indian women at risk. These companies have come under scrutiny in India by various groups though (Emmanuel, 2009). Nonetheless, it has been argued that because skin complexion is a standard of Asian beauty, they are simply serving an existing market (Luce & Merchant, 2003, p. B1). A great emphasis is placed on skin tone and it has a substantial influence on the behaviour and development of Indian women.

Conclusion This chapter has looked at the historical antecedents and factors that may have contributed to

India’s preference for fair skin, and the roots and history of colourism in the pre-colonial, colonial and present day periods. It appears from the literature that in ancient India, there may not have originally been discrimination on the basis of skin tone. Because India has a complex, yet diverse history, the factors that may have played a role in perpetuating colourism have seemed to have become contributing factors when looked at from a colonial lens. Old meanings attached to practices and structures such as caste, which originally stratified society based on occupation and status (resource and wealth accumulation), were being looked at, and defined in, new ways due to issues such as colonialism, and interpretations by various scholars. The supposed Aryan invasion was an example of this and discussed how it shaped skin tone stratification based on class and colour.

During British colonization across India, it appeared that people enacted what they saw, perhaps for the purposes of survival and/or status and power. Caste, class, religion, gender and economics became variables contributing to this phenomenon. However, these factors have had a different influence in modern-day India. Through my research project, I discuss if and how some of these elements play a role in the connection between skin tone and self-esteem among

South Asian women, and their perpetuation of colourism. Bearing in mind India’s unique, but multifaceted history, it becomes difficult to determine if the preoccupation with fair skin has somewhat declined over time. Nowadays, the transmission of messages around beauty and fairness are seen through different means, mainly advertisements and Bollywood. Whereas, the traditional hierarchal caste system and cultural imagery has diminished over time. Nevertheless, colourism might be an old fallacy in a new disguise.

Chapter 4

Literature Review

Racial Identity, Skin Tone and Body Image Among South Asian Women in India

Introduction The purpose of this chapter is to review the existing literature pertaining to the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem among the population being studied. The scope of the literature that was reviewed investigates works on this topic in the context of India. The literature review draws some parallels with additional works that look at race, colour, race socialization, identity formation, self-esteem, as well as body politics amongst other groups of racialized women/communities and racial/ethnic diasporas. Furthermore, this chapter provides a conceptual framework of skin tone related perceptions and self-esteem, and identifies the gaps in the literature, both in relation to my research topic. Finally, my research topic’s contribution to the literature including, the gaps in the literature that it will address are also discussed.

Race socialization is a vital component in the development of children in racialized families.

The literature shows evidence that race socialization can serve as a protective factor in racialized families because it provides family members with racial/ethnic identity, resiliency and various coping mechanisms (Bozo, Revels-Macalinao, & Huynh, 2018; Harper & Choma, 2018). Race socialization is the primary medium for racialized families to convey cultural standards and values that are rooted in tradition, with dialogue that either perpetuates or resists the status quo ideals, as well as norms related to race and colour (Brown et al., 2007; Hughes et al., 2006;

Lesane-Brown, 2006). This accentuates how the manifestation of skin tone bias is transmitted in

South Asian families.

As race socialization can inform one’s self-concept, the literature looking at the relationship between skin tone and body image disturbance in India is also investigated. The majority of the literature on physical beauty and body image is limited to white populations. Thus, there is a dearth of studies looking at the relationships between physical beauty and body image (self- esteem) amongst some groups of racialized women, especially South Asian Indian women. The studies that have been conducted on body image disturbance (Body Dysmorphic Disorder) and skin tone surveillance (the monitoring of one’s skin tone) that include Indian women in their samples, report that the majority of these women respond less favourably to various aspects of their beauty, especially skin tone (Choma & Prusaczyk, 2018; Harper & Choma, 2018;

Prusaczyk & Choma, 2018; Sahay & Piran, 1997). This may be due to factors such as, colonization and increased globalization (Glenn, 2009; Saifee, 2005). Skin tone is a prevailing variable that dictates body image and is a measure of beauty in the South Asian community. For

Indian women, skin colour and facial features tend to influence body image as well (Wade,

Irvine, & Cooper, 2004). Since the dominant image of beauty tends to be based on white,

Western standards, some South Asian women may suffer from lowered self-esteem and/or other psychosocial issues if they cannot measure up to this aesthetic. The literature argues that the ethnocentric criteria of Western beauty ideals that are spread across the globe can have deleterious effects on Indian women (Parameswaran & Cardoza, 2009; Osuri, 2008b; Datta,

2000). Feelings of inadequacy, inferiority and low levels of personal well-being and self-esteem are reported amongst these women in the literature as well (Choma & Prusaczyk, 2018; Harper

& Choma, 2018; Bakshi & Baker, 2012; Karan, 2008; Sahay & Piran, 1997). Karan (2008) explains how South Asian women are influenced by the dominant culture’s body image ideals and the negative impact that they have on the evaluation of their appearances, as a result.

Overall, the literature provides a broader understanding of the contextual factors affecting the identity development and self-esteem of South Asian women, which this dissertation builds upon.

Race Socialization in Families Skin lightening has been entrenched in the practices of many cultures. Unfortunately, the adoration of fair skin has also persisted on a personal level by family members who teach their children the social value that is attached to having lighter skin (McHale et al., 2006). The messages that are passed on from parents to children regarding skin colour, shape their outlook, beliefs and attitudes towards race and colour. Race socialization is “…defined as specific verbal and non-verbal messages transmitted to younger generations for the development of values, attitudes, behaviors, and beliefs regarding the meaning and significance of race and racial stratification, intergroup and intragroup interactions, and personal and group identity” (Lesane-

Brown, 2006, p. 400). It impacts younger generations in how they see themselves (Neblett et al.,

2009; Marshall, 1995). The process of negotiating one’s identity can be a challenging, complex and multi-faceted experience that is a part of this socialization. Race socialization involves the developmental period where children and adolescents begin to develop their identities because it

“...set[s] the stage for a wide range of situations and experiences that increase the prominence of race and invites these youth to consider the personal significance and meaning of race” (Neblett et al, 2009, p. 189). As children grow up, parents and other family members transfer their world views about race and ethnicity on to younger generations (Aboud, 2008) in overt and covert

91 ways. For example, parents may engage in socialization behaviours that emphasize the beauty attached to fair skin or that reflect their acceptance of negative images about their own racial group that are put forth by society (McHale et al., 2006). In turn, this may make youth self- conscious of their racial identities.

Understanding the nature of race socialization and its underlying mechanisms is essential, as it explains the relationship between racial identity and positive youth development (McHale et al.,

2006; Marshall, 1995). The race-related messages that youth receive as they grow up, influences not only how they perceive themselves, but how they are perceived by society. The race-related messages that parents pass on to their children include, discussions around racial pride and racial barriers (Neblett Jr., et al., 2009; Montalvo, 2005; Hughes & Johnson, 2001), discrimination

(Bozo, Revels-Macalinao, & Huynh, 2018; Romero et al., 2015), equality, as well as self-worth and self-esteem (Kulish et al., 2018; Wakefield & Hudley, 2007). Messages about racial pride that are transmitted on to youth focus on feeling proud, having positive feelings regarding one’s background, and discuss the teachings, heritage and unity of one’s racial group (Doucet,

Banerjee, & Parade, 2018; Suizzo, Robinson, & Pahlke, 2008; Hughes & Johnson, 2001).

Furthermore, messages shared with youth that focus on racial barriers and discrimination discuss racial inequality (Wilder & Cain, 2011; Hall & Carter, 2006), stereotypes and prejudice related to the inequality (Doucet, Banerjee, & Parade, 2018), and coping strategies that parents share with their children to deal with racial adversity (Benner & Kim, 2009). Parents aim to prepare their children for everyday life, so that they can handle situations where they may face potential bias, prejudice or discrimination. Some of the messages that are transmitted by a parent, serve as protective measures that are “…used to promote positive racial identity and prepare ethnic

92 minority children to combat racism” (Neblett Jr., et al., 2009, p. 190), as they mature. Studies have shown that parents use pre-emptive measures to prepare their children for situations of prejudice and discrimination (Kulish et al., 2018; Hughes & Johnson, 2001). However, in other cases, some measures were considered to be reactive if parents themselves had faced issues of discrimination in the past because they wanted their children to be able to better recognize such situations, and to develop the skills to be able to effectively deal with them (Romero et al., 2015;

Hughes et al., 2006).

Additionally, equality messages that are shared by parents to youth emphasize fairness and living together harmoniously in society, regardless of one’s racial identity (Neblett Jr., et al., 2009).

Moreover, messages around self-worth and self-esteem that are passed on to youth, discuss valuing one’s identity and encourage them to be comfortable in their own skin (due to their race and colour) (Neblett Jr., et al., 2009; Umaña-Taylor, Bhanor & Shin, 2006; Hughes & Johnson,

2001; Marshall, 1995). As children grow up, race socialization messages from adult family members continue to have a huge impact on the development of their racial identities and colour consciousness.

The development of a child’s racial identity becomes further complicated when characteristics such as, darker skin is not equated with acceptance or success in mainstream society (Neblett Jr., et al., 2009; Hunter, 2007). Youth learn from what they see. Racialized groups living in

“…hierarchical multiethnic societies must consider the extent to which they will sustain a unique group identity and negotiate their relationship with others…in relation to the powerful dominant group” (Wakefield & Hudley, 2007, p. 148). As a result, parents’ strive to foster strong, positive

93 racial or ethnic identities in their children in order to combat racial prejudice and discrimination

(Doucet, Banerjee, & Parade, 2018; Romero et al, 2015), so that they can cope with its negative effects should they have to. Parents wish to instill a sense of pride and community within their children, so that they can face the world confidently, being who they are.

Nonetheless, developing positive racial or ethnic identities may look different within each family. Depending upon a family’s experience with discrimination, such efforts may actually have a negative effect instead. In trying to cope, families may unintentionally pass on unfavourable views about their race to their children, which could have a negative effect on the child’s development, sense of well-being and identity formation (Farver et al., 2007; Marshall,

1995). Youth may begin to self-loathe and not wish to identify with their racial and/or ethnic background if they observe and learn these behaviours from their parents (Benner & Kim, 2009;

Hughes & Johnson, 2001). Youth may adjust their behaviours or actions in order to fit in with the dominant group, so that they do not draw any unwanted attention to the part of their identity that they may feel embarrassed or ashamed of - their skin colour. When youth experience racial discrimination, it leads to lowered self-esteem, increased rates of depression, psychological distress, heightened behavioural problems and isolation (Wakefield & Hudley, 2007). Youth begin to understand how skin colour can have an impact on one’s life experiences. In addition, youth witness this though their parents’ beliefs and practices around race, family processes and the social stratification related to race in areas such as, employment (Devaraj & Patel, 2017), income (Mason, 2004), education (Ryabov, 2016; Thompson & McDonald, 2016) and marital relationships (Burton & Tucker, 2009). They also begin to learn about these identity politics and the related social meanings and consequences that are attached to skin colour.

The teaching and learning of colour consciousness is perpetuated by families (Wilder & Cain,

2011). As a result, colour differences are learned, reinforced and sometimes challenged within family units. Ultimately, they shape children’s perspectives and experiences as they develop

(Farver et al., 2007; Wakefield & Hudley, 2007; Marshall, 1995). Youth may begin to believe that their skin colour is unattractive or undesirable if they do not resemble members of mainstream society. To further exacerbate this issue, with increasing technology and globalization, the obsession with fair skin has become more prominent, as discussed in Chapter 3 of the Literature Review. It impacts the average family because the emphasis to attain lighter skin starts at a young age (Shevde, 2008). A deeply held cultural value that Western or white bodies are superior to racialized others is constantly depicted in media images (Nagar &Virk,

2017; Parameswaran & Cardoza, 2009). Consequently, some families are influenced by such images, and the deeply held cultural beliefs about beauty and modernity that these messages perpetuate.

A substantial amount of literature and popular culture works such as, Don’t Play in the Sun

(Golden, 2004) and CC Stinson’s Light, Bright, Damn Near White (2007) have documented this issue. Some sociological research has indicated that African American families may encourage and perpetuate skin tone bias (Kurtz-Costes et al., 2019; Wilder & Cain, 2011; McHale et al.,

2006; Stevenson, 1994). Parents have been shown to teach skin tone bias directly to their children through their behaviours and messaging (Harvey, 1995; Russell et al., 1992). For example, parents may tell a child to stay out of the sun to avoid getting darker or children may see their parents using skin lightening products. Children emulate what they see, and this may teach them that they too need to use similar products to alter their physical appearances

(Badruddoja, 2005). Additional studies have explored the relationship between skin tone and mental and physical health in racial communities including, African Americans (Sweet et al.,

2007), Latino/Hispanic Americans (Telzer & Vazquez Garcia, 2009), and South East Asian

Americans (Kiang & Takeuchi, 2008). These studies of racial and ethnic minority groups may provide direction for future studies that similarly examine race socialization and identity development in South Asian families in India.

Race Socialization in South Asian Families When considering child socialization or views about the self, each race or culture is influenced by its own “...philosophical and ontological assumptions, often reflected in patterns of social situations, social acts, practices...” (Sapru, 2006, p. 485), and other similar factors. In South

Asian families, there are unique social acts and practices that shape identity development in children. However, there are not any existing empirical studies examining the intersection of race socialization and colourism. Some studies have looked at race socialization in South Asian immigrant families in Canada and the United States (Farver et al., 2007; Rajiva, 2006; Farver,

Narang & Bakhtawar, 2002; Aujla, 2000). For example, Farver, Narang and Bakhtawar (2002), did a study with American-born Asian Indian adolescents (n=180), where one of the parents (an immigrant), would complete questionnaires assessing their acculturation, ethnic identity and family conflict. The adolescent participants were asked to complete anxiety and self-esteem measures as well. The findings indicated that the parent and adolescent ratings of their self- identification and ethnic identity were positively associated. Thus, parents that had separated or marginalized styles of acculturation ended up reporting higher family conflict than those individuals that had an integrated or assimilated acculturation style. The adolescents in the study reported higher levels of self-esteem, less anxiety and less family conflict when there was not an acculturation gap between them and their parents. The way that parents related to their place of birth and new home country had some significant effects on their children’s ethnic identity

96 achievement and psychological functioning. These studies may be helpful in elucidating what race socialization looks like in South Asian families in general, and could translate to families in

India as well. They may also be beneficial in explaining the key role that race plays in the lives of these families, as well as their social and cultural attitudes in this regard.

It has been argued that Indian self-identity is heavily defined by the family (Segal, 1991), and that youth try to create a sense of self based on the socialization process by their parents (Farver,

Narang, & Bakhtawar, 2002). South Asian families have been described as allocentric, where the self and family are intertwined. However, the added challenge for youth in these families is acculturation, as they strive to find their place in the dominant culture (Farver et al., 2007;

Farver, Narang, & Bakhtawar, 2002). Socialization practices in South Asian families lead to the development of a mutually dependent sense of self that is greatly shaped by interpersonal connectedness in family relationships (Sapru, 2006; Aujla, 2000). South Asian youth construct their racial identities in relation to the familial and acculturated values of their parents and mainstream society (Farver et al., 2007; Farver, Narang & Bakhtawar, 2002). How parents relate to their own racial identities and to the dominant culture will likely affect their children’s racial and/or ethnic identity achievement. Negative experiences with discrimination have an impact on

South Asian youth in embracing their racial and/or ethnic identities, as discussed by Bozo,

Revels-Macalinao & Huynh (2018). Such experiences could make a young individual self- conscious about their racial and/or ethnic identity. Furthermore, acculturation determines how

South Asian families adapt to the dominant culture in regards to their beliefs, values and behaviours (Berry, 1993). For some youth, it can be a difficult developmental period if they are challenged with situations that concern their skin colour, ethnicity and identity that may or may not validate the values of their background (Delucchi & Do, 1996). The ontological significance

97 of South Asian youths’ struggles in trying to belong, while understanding what their racial and/or ethnic identity means to them is critical. Many South Asian youth who are from immigrant families aspire to look like the dominant group (Farver et al., 2007; Sahay & Piran, 1997). The desire to belong and look like their white counterparts often comes at the cost of negating one’s own identity and physical appearance (i.e., skin colour). One youth described their experience of wanting to fit in with mainstream society as follows:

When I was younger, I hated my brown skin. I had wished that I was not so dark, that my skin would somehow magically lighten. When I was younger, I was ashamed and embarrassed of my Indian heritage and the ‘foreignness’ that my skin betrayed. I developed creative strategies of denial and pretense to cope with and survive in a racist environment. (Karumanchery-Luik, 1997, p. 54)

This speaks to the experience of many South Asian youth who experience racism, exclusion and marginalization due to skin colour. It has detrimental effects on their social and psychological well-being (Farver et al., 2007). The hegemonic norms around race have encouraged some youth to “bargain with racism” (Puar, 1995, p. 27), and have privileged those with lighter skin.

Lighter skin has offered the promise of belonging, at the expense of disassociating from one’s own racial and/or ethnic identity.

Race Socialization and Gender Inequality within South Asian Families Young adolescents construct their racial identities and their sense of self to combine their ancestral and the acculturated values of their parents, as well as that of the dominant group

(mainstream society). This influences youth mental health in relation to their racial identities because skin colour has been found to be linked with the psychological well-being and mental health outcomes in racialized youth. These concepts are discussed further in this section.

South Asian youth construct their identities in relation to familial values such as, collectivism, family integrity and loyalty and traditional gender role preferences (Hui & Triandis, 1986). To

98 date, there have not been any studies that have examined race socialization and identity formation among children and adolescents in South Asian families in India. Nevertheless, drawing parallels with South Asian immigrant families in other parts of the world, family plays an essential role in child development and their identities (Sapru, 2006) for youth in India.

Through their identity formation, youth gain a better sense of who they are or are expected to be.

This is related to the teaching and learning of colour consciousness in the family unit. It begins even before children are born. For example, at the birth of an infant, family members will first inquire about the child’s gender and then immediately ask whether the child is gori (white skinned girl) or gora (white skinned boy) (Abraham, 2017). Dark-skinned infants that are girls have been at a disproportionately high risk of infanticide, as families believe that they will require higher dowries when their daughters grow up and get married (Ayyar & Khandare, 2012;

Choudhry, 2011). This is looked at as a burden in the eyes of the family.

As a result, South Asian women face significant pressure from in laws and other family members to have a son who can carry on the family name and bring wealth to the family (Krishan, 2018).

The burden of having a daughter is more than people realize. According to Philips (2004),

This association is made almost at the birth of a female child, and in India, where the dowry has reached frightful proportions as a compulsory requirement in most arranged marriages, it is not uncommon for relatives to make remarks about a female child’s complexion along with the subtle reminders to the newborn’s parents of the dowry they must put by for her future marriage: the darker the complexion, the higher the dowry. (p. 253)

When having a child, the family’s first hope is that they will have a son. If the child has fair skin it is considered to be a bonus. However, even if the son does not have fair skin, the child will have other socially desirable characteristics that will allow him to get by (Dhillon, 2012) in life.

As long as the son has characteristics such as, he comes from a wealthy background, is educated

99 and has a good job, he can still find a mate without many challenges in adulthood. It is expected that he can take care of the family and woman that he will marry, which is rooted in India’s focus on traditional gender roles (Krishan, 2018). If the family does not have a boy, the next best thing is to have a fair skinned daughter. If the daughter turns out to be fair and beautiful, as deemed by society, it makes it much easier to find her a suitor when she grows up (Dhillon,

2012). The family would not have to bear the financial burden of her dowry then. For some

Indian families, having a daughter with a darker complexion is perceived as an encumbrance.

The daughter would be considered unappealing, unlucky and a financial burden on the family when of marriageable age:

Dowry is such an albatross it can almost make you understand the preference for boys. Take Ranjita's 19-year-old niece. The girl's father works as a driver on a salary of 8000 rupees per month. Several families have shown an interest in her but are demanding a $5300 to $7000 dowry and that's on the lower side. He will have to sell his tiny plot of land, borrow from every single relative and even then it won't be enough. 'Luckily', it's his only daughter. Imagine if he had two or three. (Dhillon, 2012)

Numerous stories have been reported of fathers killing their newborn daughters (Dhillon, 2012).

Therefore, darker skin is considered to be a heavy burden for some families to carry, where the value attached to lighter skin comes at a huge cost, “The matrimonial market and the still widespread practice of dowry makes India among the few countries where a direct monetary value can be ascribed to fair skin” (Mehra, 2010). Darker skinned women are subjected to higher dowry prices than fair skinned women, and some fair skinned women may not even have to deal with this issue (Mahmud, 2013; Dhillon, 2012; Teays, 1991). Even though dowries are an illegal practice in India, it is still rampant (Sukumar, 2017). Women are judged based on their skin tone, as opposed to the content of their character. This demonstrates how people are constantly ranked and evaluated according to colour.

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Despite being a prominent issue in the country, not only for women, but for families in general, few qualitative studies have been conducted that explicitly address the links between skin tone and psychological or physical health among South Asian women in India. In one study conducted by Swami et al (2013), the results showed that a sample of ethnic minority individuals in Britain (292 British South Asians, 260 British African Caribbean and 648 British White participants), the participants generally experienced skin tone satisfaction. More specifically, participants appeared to show a pursuit of lighter skin tones than they already had, and the

British South Asian group had a lighter skin tone ideal compared to the other racial and ethnic participant groups in the study. In another study conducted by Sahay and Piran (1997), it was found that in a sample of 100 South Asian Canadian women, they preferred skin tones lighter than their actual skin tones. The findings in these studies have further supported the idea that light skin tones may function as an ideal in the South Asian population.

Race socialization within families in India appears to be rooted in a social and cultural history.

The preference for skin lightening becomes a socially learned behaviour, as key in-group members (such as children), are witnessed avoiding the sun or using skin lightening products

(Karnani, 2007). Families share knowledge with their children regarding “tips” and “tricks” to lighten their skin. One age old “remedy” has been to apply turmeric powder to the entire body

(Johri, 2011). Women use the turmeric powder to make a paste and apply it to their face and

(sometimes body). This is traditionally done before an individual gets married, so that their complexion becomes fair and glows (Li et al., 2008). Even many “Fair and Lovely” skin lightening product advertising campaigns involve telling stories about a family and their daughter’s quest for fair skin success (Hunter, 2011; Parameswaran & Cardoza, 2009).

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According to Bakhshi and Baker (2012), daughters in South Asian families may learn more about cultural conventions through verbal instruction or comments and/or social learning from their parents. The “Fair and Lovely” advertisements are a great example of this. Advertisements for these types of products often depict family members (usually the parents), telling their daughter that she will be unsuccessful, unmarriageable or undesirable unless she lightens her skin. They usually show a daughter following the advice of her parents and how her luck instantly changes for the better with the “valuable” advice of her parents (Shevde, 2008). The moral of the story: she would have never been able to access those life enhancing opportunities had she not used the skin lightening product (Johri, 2011; Shevde, 2008). Many women that struggle with their identities and who wish to lighten their skin, internalize this system of skin tone bias and its related beliefs, schema and behaviour (Karnani, 2007; Dasgupta, 1998; Bond &

Cash, 1992). Consequently, this internalization has adverse effects on women because they are impacted by environmental and other social cues such as, family members commenting that they are too dark. This further reinforces one’s negative beliefs and insecurities about their skin colour.

Manifestations of Skin Tone Bias in South Asian Families When examining racial or ethnic identity, the internalization of negative beliefs about one’s own racial group is a measurable state in identity development among ethnic minority individuals

(Telzer & Vazquez-Garcia, 2009; Kiang & Takeuchi, 2009; Charles, 2003; Parham & Helms,

1985). Some of these scholars have examined this further. For instance, Telzer & Vazquez-

Garcia (2009), as well as Kiang & Takeuchi (2009) found that individuals had negative beliefs about one’s race or skin colour because there is a social importance placed on this part of one’s appearance. Both studies showed that those with darker skin tended to have poorer-self

102 perceptions including, lower feelings of attractiveness and self-esteem. Race socialization serves as a possible buffer with racialized youth from the negative self-perceptions that are associated with having darker skin. The results highlight that skin colour could have a huge influence on racialized people’s well-being. This is shaped by one’s experience with their racial and/or ethnic identity, which could be a source of distress if the individual has experienced prejudice or discrimination based on their skin colour (Farver, Narang, & Bhaktawar, 2002). Based on one’s experience with discrimination, it can determine what part of that individual’s identity (i.e., racial and/or ethnic identity) that they will embrace or internalize (e.g., due to factors such as negative or positive stereotypes). It can also determine how these factors have been reinforced for the individual (i.e., if the individual has a sense of ethnic pride or exclusion from the dominant culture) (Coard et al., 2001). The fantasy of Western beauty standards damage our culture in unimaginable ways.

Manifestations of colourism in India have always been apparent, especially against women. It can be seen in different contexts. Numerous marriage advertisements and sites ask for “fair” skin (Nagar, 2018; Utley & Darity, 2016), and media sources such as, television serials and

Bollywood films bombard popular culture with images of light skin (Kavoori & Punathambekar,

2008; Mishra, 2002). Several researchers have examined the social exchange theory to explain this social phenomenon in matrimonial advertisements (de Sousa Campos et al., 2002; Rajecki,

Bledsoe & Rasmussen, 1991; Koestner & Wheeler, 1988). Ramasubramanian & Jain (2009) advance that the social exchange theory proposes that there is an exchange of rewards, costs, material and social entities between men and women. For example, “...men are likely to offer financial stability in exchange for women’s physical attractiveness, and vice versa for women”

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(Ramasubramanian & Jain, 2009, p. 257). The exchange of beauty for wealth has been reported in many cultures and is highly evident in India too (Ramasubramaniam & Jain, 2008; Pandey,

2004; Shukla & Kapoor, 1990). Since beauty standards are highly gendered in Indian society, they are more likely to be applied when evaluating women as opposed to men

(Ramasubramanian & Jain, 2009). Skin colour, along with dowry negotiations, disempower

South Asian women figuratively and socially. Families are heavily influenced by cultural norms and global media images that in turn affect South Asian women’s perceptions of their embodied selves and racial identities. Badruddoja (2005) emphasizes the double standard that exists in

Indian families regarding the types of discrimination that men and women face. It severely impacts the emotional development of young women because “beauty is considered to be more important in defining women, as opposed to men. If a man is dark, this can be easily compensated by other characteristics, such as having a good job, but if a woman is dark, this is less easily compensated for, and in the ‘marriage market,’ she will be a less desirable ‘product’”

(Badruddoja, 2005, p. 52). Skin tone bias affects women more deeply because they are usually judged on their physical appearances, which some may feel dictates their self-worth. As a result, many South Asian women may consider lighter skin to be an asset that can improve their social and economic status.

Matrimonial advertisements, magazines and fashion editorials, as well as Indian cinema, promote skin lightening cosmetics and products by taking advantage of this cultural perspective.

South Asian women have become overly conscious and succumb to the pressures of conforming to what they see. This pressure, coupled with the notion that light skin will lead to success in many facets of one’s life, do not teach or allow women to focus on more important areas that

104 impact their lives (Gomes and Westerhof, 2002) such as, poverty and oppression. Women have been continuously objectified, as their looks become the be-all and end-all of their existence. As a patriarchal society, India expects women to follow the “norms” that are put in place by men and their families (Buckley, 2015). The “norms” are related to things such as, conforming to traditional gender roles, and consulting with the family on decisions affecting most aspects of life including, career choice, mate selection and marriage (Hui & Triandis, 1986). Such “norms” are rooted in social structures that reinforce and proliferate male privilege, while excluding or othering women’s experiences. Young South Asian women struggle with social and familial definitions and expectations, while they experience challenges in trying to redefine and shape their identities according to familial expectations in different contexts and situations.

Body Image Disturbance: Body Dysmorphic Disorder Cash (2004) describes body image as a “multifaceted psychological experience of embodiment”

(p. 1), as it relates to one’s feelings, beliefs and values about their appearance that can have an overall impact on their self-esteem and sense of self-worth. Negative body image can gravely impact various aspects of one’s life, and individuals are at an increased risk of suffering from

Body Dysmorphic Disorder (BDD) (Neziroglu, Khemlani-Patel, & Veale, 2008). BDD is a distorted perception of one’s body, which leads to the individual’s intense dissatisfaction with their body, and dysfunctional behaviours aimed at improving their appearance. BDD is defined in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV) as, “A disorder that is characterized by a distressing or impairing preoccupation with slight or imagined defect(s) in one's physical appearance” (Phillips et al., 2010, p. 592). It is a disorder that can impact one’s psychosocial functioning and quality of life. Due to distorted thinking about one’s physical appearance, an individual will make numerous and sometimes extreme attempts to alter their

105 appearance (Neziroglu, Khemlani-Patel, & Veale, 2008). However, such efforts rarely bring about self-satisfaction in an individual because the perceived flaw is so ingrained in their cognition that it becomes all that they see.

BDD can have a harmful impact on one’s daily functioning. The relationship between body image and psychological and social functioning are implications of body image disturbance

(Neziroglu, Khemlani-Patel, & Veale, 2008). According to Cash, Santos & Williams (2005), beliefs about one’s body image serve as a cognitive thought pattern for one to judge their own appearance. For example, if an individual always feels negative or badly about the way that they look when going out in public, simply being in front of other people could be a trigger for that person. The environment could trigger the cognitive thought pattern, where the individual regularly becomes self-conscious about their physical appearance when in public settings. This may result in the individual feeling uncomfortable and/or afraid to be seen by others (Cash,

Santos & Williams, 2005). When this happens, thoughts about one’s body and the related emotions, as well as self-regulatory behaviours or coping strategies emerge (as cited in Hrabosky et al., 2009, p. 155). If an individual believes that a certain aspect of their body image, for instance, the complexion of their skin is flawed, this individual will become fixated on that one attribute. The individual will seek out various cosmetic treatments to fix the imagined deformity, but will still not be satisfied with their appearance (Cash, Santos & Williams, 2005).

Such feelings may be a constant backdrop, causing significant distress and preoccupation with one’s looks. Individuals tend to equate appearance with overall self-worth (Neziroglu et al.,

2008; Cash, Santos, & Williams, 2005).

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In the literature, various models or explanations elucidate the nature of BDD: “Neziroglu’s model emphasizes evaluative and operant conditioning as well as the role of relational frames in developing BDD related beliefs. Veale’s model emphasizes the role of imagery, attentional biases and effortful cognitive processes such as ruminating” (Neziroglu, Khemlani-Patel, &

Veale, 2008, p. 28). Therefore, BDD persists by means of operant conditioning principles such as, reinforcement and shaping. For instance, during childhood, an individual may have experienced intermittent positive reinforcement regarding their appearance, and it could have taken the form of focusing on the individual’s appearance and the

...repeated usage appearance-based descriptive labels such as ‘cute,’ ‘adorable,’ ‘handsome,’ and ‘pretty.’ Also, it is suggested that there might have been more emphasis on the individual’s appearance to the exclusion of his or her behavior (e.g., ‘You stood up so straight while playing your violin and were the cutest one there’ rather than ‘You did such a good job playing your violin.) (Rabinowitz, Neziroglu, & Roberts, 2007, p. 232)

This type of early reinforcement in a child’s life may instill the belief that one’s worth and sense of identity must be closely associated with their appearance because it is reinforced through the individual’s childhood. It then becomes a strongly rooted overrated belief (Rabinowitz,

Neziroglu, & Roberts, 2007, p. 232).

Hrabosky et al (2009) also discuss how factors such as, negative reinforcement and avoidant behaviours maintain BDD. Avoidant behaviours involve staying away from exposure (of the self or others) to one’s appearance by doing things such as, avoiding mirrors and not wanting to be touched (Neziroglu et al., 2008). Avoidance behaviours and other “…safety seeking behaviors (e.g., checking, camouflaging)” (Neziroglu et al., 2008, p. 32) serve a particular purpose. The purpose is to avoid perceived upsetting information that the individual believes they will receive regarding their appearance (Hrabosky et al., 2009). These types of behaviours

107 appear to serve as coping mechanisms for individuals to evade negative feelings about their appearance. It is fueled by dissatisfaction and the sense that one’s body is unacceptable. Cash

(2002) describes this phenomenon further:

... avoidance behaviors [serve] as self-regulatory processes that function as a coping mechanism to avoid, escape, or manage body image discomfort, and these evasive actions are maintained via negative reinforcement. BDD patients may engage in behaviors such as camouflaging, reassurance seeking, mirror checking or avoiding, excessive grooming, and avoidance of social or public situations in an attempt to reduce disgust, anxiety, or negative feelings in general. (as cited in Neziroglu et al., 2008, p. 32)

At times, one may like the way that they look. Yet, at other times, the individual may detest their own appearance. In such cases, those who suffer from BDD may seek reassurance and engage in behaviours to gain that. Individuals may persistently check their appearance in the mirror to ensure that they look okay or engage in other repetitive behaviors in an effort to improve, be given reassurance about, or to conceal the perceived imperfection (Veale & Riley,

2001). Research has shown that individuals concerned with their appearances not only think about how they look to themselves, but to others as well (Fallon, 1990). This cognitive pattern creates discrepancies in one’s bodily schema between their perceived physical attributes and the attributes that they desire. Consequently, those facing BDD constantly compare their bodies to others, often deciding that they are less attractive (Neziroglu et al., 2008).

In the case of skin tone, some racialized individuals may incessantly focus on this aspect of their body. Some recent studies have indicated greater dissatisfaction with skin tone among ethnic individuals being associated with increased negative body image and BDD symptoms (Marques et al, 2011; Buchanan et al., 2008). Individuals with body image and BDD symptoms may believe that with constant physical changes to one’s complexion, one can “escape” their perceived flaw (skin tone), and come closer to the idealized light skinned Western colonial

108 beauty. Some racialized women try to alter their appearances through skin bleaching creams, make up applications and even cosmetic surgery (Prusaczyk & Choma, 2018; Ansell, 2013;

Hunter, 2011; Olumide et al., 2008). Common methods that have been used to lighten skin are turmeric powder being applied almost consistently (Li et al., 2008) or a gram flour paste, or rubbing curd or milk directly on the skin.

Skin bleaching has also become a heavily utilized method in India over the last fifty years or so

(Pande, 2018). Prusaczyk and Choma (2018) conducted a study with 177 women between the ages of nineteen to thirty years old and found that higher skin tone surveillance was related to greater skin colour dissatisfaction and skin bleaching behaviour. Similar to the participants in the study, a negative self-perception can become a great source of stress related to body image for racialized women. The available research looking at judgements of skin tone across ethnic groups indicates that there is a general preference for lighter skin tones (Belletti & Wade, 2008;

Pawlowski & Szymanczyk, 2008; Swami, Furnham, & Joshi, 2008; Wade, Irvine, & Cooper,

2004; Feinman & Gill, 1978). This is the case for women with lighter skin tones than their local average, and men with skin tones that are darker than their local average as well (Frost, 2005;

Aoki, 2002). Furthermore, in a study conducted by Van den Berghe and Frost (1986), they looked at this phenomenon and available data for 51 societies. Out of the 51 societies for which the data were available, 47 preferred lighter toned skinned women. Additional studies in this area have also validated the connection between BDD, body image disturbance and psychological effects including, depression, body shame, appearance anxiety (Harper & Choma,

2018; Davison & McCabe, 2005; Denniston, Roth, & Gilroy, 1992), anxiety (Cash et al., 2004), and low self-esteem (Hrabosky et al., 2009; Robinson & Ward, 1995). An individual’s self-

109 concept is prone to be affected by the significance placed on skin tone, and this is shown to be true across age groups in the extant literature (Harvey, Tennial, & Banks, 2017). A negative self-perception takes its toll on one’s sense of self-worth

The Relationship between Skin Tone and Body Image Disturbance There are different components encompassed within the notion of body image. For example, this can include, skin colour, hair texture or weight (Bakhshi & Baker, 2011). Other factors such as, the familial context can also influence one’s body image (Johri, 2011). How women perceive themselves can be shaped by their experiences and the messages that they receive from family members (Farver et al., 2007). It can define who some women think they are. This is likely key in understanding a woman’s experience (McKinley, 1999). Having a sense of pride in one’s identity and self-worth creates a positive body image because a person is content with their body and appearance. Positive body image is important because it allows individuals to feel confident in their appearance and comfortable with whom they are. It is “A clear, true perception of your shape - you see the various parts of your body as they really are. You celebrate and appreciate your natural body shape and you understand that a person’s physical appearance says very little about their character and value as a person” (National Eating Disorders Association, 2001).

Therefore, with a healthy body image, one holds constructive self-perceptions and does not spend a great deal of time focusing on, and fussing over, various aspects of their appearance on a constant basis.

In contrast, some individuals may experience a negative body image and may not like what they see when looking in the mirror. A negative body image is based on a distorted perception of one’s looks, where an individual sees their body in an unrealistic fashion: “You are convinced

110 that only other people are attractive and that your body size or shape is a sign of personal failure.

You feel ashamed, self-conscious, and anxious about your body” (National Eating Disorders

Association, 2001). Body image issues related to skin colour can be heavily focused on over other physical features and become overly amplified by an individual (Neziroglu et al., 2008).

Skin colour satisfaction as part of body image and an aspect of physical appearance, represents a

“…psychological orientation that reflects one’s personal reaction to his or her psychosocial experiences, and appears to be associated with various behavioral, affective, and cultural predispositions” (Coard, Breland, & Raskin, 2001, p. 2259). Depending on one’s experiences with skin colour (e.g., discrimination), the individual may suffer from distress in their daily life and feel awkward or embarrassed of their body due to the “flaws” that they perceive in their appearance.

Body Image and Skin Tone The literature looking at BDD discusses the level of investment that people put into their appearances in relation to their body image (De Maynard, 2013; Hrabosky et al., 2009 Cash,

1994). Individuals devote time, money and energy into getting cosmetic procedures done, visiting dermatologists and using numerous products to alter their appearances (Baria, 2013).

Social, cultural and media influences focus on image and beauty as well, and may contribute to

BDD. Ideologies surrounding beauty that uphold the status quo are propagated through various means, such as the mass media (Hussein, 2010). They are rooted in historical, social and cultural practices that make people believe that if they do not live up to such societal standards of beauty, then they are lacking in some way.

One aspect of body image that has greatly impacted many racialized people around the world is

111 skin tone (Glenn, 2009; Hunter, 2007; Frisby, 2006). As a component of body image, skin tone has been associated with negative body image in those with darker skin (Cafri et al., 2009;

Rosen, Reiter, & Orosan, 1995). Skin colour preference (skin tone) has been confirmed to be a well-established predictor of general body image disturbance, as well mental health and well- being (Swami et al., 2013; Hunter, 2002, 2005; Sahay & Piran, 1997) in racialized people.

When considering skin tone as an aspect of body image, it is also important to consider possible correlations. BDD provides a conceptual framework through which to further understand the consequences of colourism, as many people incessantly strive to change their appearances and are influenced by various factors in doing so. Cash (2002) “... discusses how historical factors

(cultural socialization, interpersonal experiences, physical characteristics, and personality attributes) lead to the development of body image perception and attitudes that elicit emotions and behaviors that are then maintained via negative reinforcement" (as cited in Neziroglu,

Khemlani-Patel, & Veale, 2008, p. 28). Therefore, one’s attitude or bodily schema contributes to the emotions, beliefs and behaviors related to their body dissatisfaction. These emotions, beliefs and behaviours are rooted in various factors that influence a person’s body image development over time. Cash (2002) discusses the cognitive-behavioural aspects of body image development and contends that

historical and developmental variables predispose us to the acquisition of certain body image attitudes. Historical factors such as colonialism and more contemporary factors such as the media continue to influence and infiltrate society and images of certain beauty ideals that people believe they should live up to. Activation of appearance-related schemas by specific situational cues triggers the experience of body dissatisfaction... which prompts the use of cognitive and behavioural coping strategies. (as cited in Dhillon & Dhawan, 2011, p. 540)

Individuals are aware of, and sensitive to, cultural, social and other environmental cues and triggers that may impact their self-perceptions. For instance, when individuals see models in

112 magazines or on television that represent the Western beauty ideal of fair skin, it may act as a situational cue that activates their skin tone schema, triggering their dissatisfaction with their skin tone (body image disturbance). Due to this dissatisfaction with their appearance, the individual will engage in various coping behaviours such as, bleaching their skin or avoid being seen in public (in extreme cases) to manage the perceived flaw (Cash, 2002). The negative emotions related to body image disturbance makes it difficult for a person in a social setting if the individual is self-conscious, uncomfortable or ashamed of their darker skin. Trying to live up to unrealistic body ideals can take a considerable toll on a person, taxing their self-esteem, time and energy in pursuit of perceived perfection. The preoccupation with one’s physical appearance and the desire to have lighter skin are rooted in a colonial mentality and ideology that highly values features symbolizing beauty and success in an ever-changing globalized world.

Some cross-cultural investigations have looked at the role of various physical features such as, skin tone in body image including, perceptions of attractiveness and health in diverse populations (Swami et al., 2008; Hesse-Biber et al., 2004; Falconer & Neville, 2000). In one of these studies, Swami et al (2008) found that European participants showed a preference for tanned skin, while Asian populations judged pale skin as the most attractive (p. 334). In a study conducted by Altabe (1998), a group of diverse college students from African, Asian, Caucasian and Hispanic-American backgrounds (150 men and 185 women), were assessed based on weight-related body image and general body image (including skin colour as a measure). The results indicated that Asian Americans had the highest proportion of participants that valued light skin (15.7 percent) (p. 157). In addition, in a study conducted by Harper and Choma (2018), with 168 women, indicated greater skin tone surveillance among South Asian women living in

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India, which signified the internalization of a white ideal. These studies may explain the links between current body ideals (e.g., the desire for fair skin) and the historical, social and cultural forces that shape them.

The predominance of Western beauty ideals regarding light skin put racialized people at a disadvantage. White skinned models are considered the ideal representation of beauty. Images of white beauty are transmitted through various socialization agents such as, culture, family practices and the media. These sources not only reinforce stereotypes about beauty, but strengthen gender behaviour patterns that dictate how women should act and look.

Body Dysmorphic Disorder: Pressure for Women to Meet Western Beauty Ideals Individuals suffering from BDD constantly compare their appearance to others (Cash, 2002).

Amongst the broader socio-cultural determinants of body image development are ideal representations of beauty that are unrealistic and unrepresentative of many racialized women.

Socially sanctioned standards of beauty lead to a negative body image in a woman, if she feels that she does not meet these prescribed beauty ideals. Thompson et al (2001) discuss the impact of comparing one’s appearance to that of others because it plays a pivotal role in the development and persistence of body image problems in women (as cited in Neziroglu,

Khemlani-Patel, & Veale, 2008, p. 35). Body image issues usually begin at an early age, particularly in adolescents (Hrabosky et al., 2009), as they are developing mentally, emotionally and physically. This makes it a challenging period for disturbances in a young woman’s body image (Feingold & Mazzella, 1998). From early on, young girls come to learn about the social implications of their appearance. They experience the social pressures that persuade them to conform to societal beauty ideals. This usually determines how they will be perceived by others

114 and in turn, how they fit in socially. Social conformity increases in early adolescence as well, and thus, research has confirmed that young girls are most affected by body image disturbance

(Hrabosky et al., 2009; Davidson & McCabe, 2006; Feingold & Mazzella, 1998). Women may be more likely to make negative evaluations about their bodies and various physical attributes, as they learn that their appearances are regarded as a form of social capital. The more social capital one has, the more life enhancing opportunities they have access to (e.g., marriage partner, jobs, etcetera) (Hunter, 2007; Hunter, 2002).

The pressure to be beautiful and desirable maintains the subordination of women. According to

Bordo (1993), beauty becomes a normalizing discipline based on the self-perception of inadequacy and lack in women. Racialized women subject themselves to fashion trends and unattainable beauty norms that are rooted in hegemonic standards of beauty and promote the idea that light skin is indeed better. This marginalization has created disparities in areas related to wealth, employment, politics and popular culture for darker sinned women (Devaraj & Patel,

2017; Berry, 2008; Bodenhorn, 2006). The desire to meet the prescribed fair skin beauty ideal is a global phenomenon affecting racialized women: “Across cultures, Asian and Black women are increasingly considered beautiful when they meet Eurocentric ideals in terms of body shape, skin colour, and hair texture, and unsurprisingly, cosmetic surgery and health care products have become a ready solution” (Sepúlveda & Calado, 2012, p. 54). Racialized women try to manage the inconsistency between their own appearance and these Eurocentric ideals. Colourism and the preference for lighter skin has manifested itself in various forms across the globe (Hunter, 2002;

Glenn, 2008). It is certainly present in a large range of societies that have been exposed to colonialism and white supremacy ideology.

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Body Image Disturbance and Skin Tone in India Colourism in India is rampant. It has perpetuated detrimental beliefs about body image in women, while skewing perceptions of what it means to be beautiful. Many women evaluate themselves against a white hegemonic beauty ideal. Skin tone has been found to be connected to feelings of self-worth and attractiveness (Hall, 2006). More specifically, lower skin colour satisfaction has been significantly related to increased internalization of social beauty norms

(Thompson & Keith, 2001; Falconer & Neville, 2000). Among African-American women, some studies have shown that having a darker skin tone was found to be related to more negative self- perceptions and self-confidence (Harvey, 1995; Neal & Wilson, 1989). Despite the fact that skin tone is self-evidently a component of the body, two studies have explored the link between actual skin tone and body image disturbance (Bond & Cash, 1992; Buchanan et al., 2008). In the first study conducted by Bond and Cash (1992), they found a negative correlation between skin tone satisfaction and body image disturbance in a sample of 66 African-American women. The second study conducted by Buchanan et al (2008) used path analysis to establish a positive association between habitual monitoring of skin tone (skin tone surveillance), and general body image disturbance in a sample of 117 African American women. These studies establish a clear link between perceptions and monitoring of skin tone with body image disturbance in African-

American women. This may elucidate the link between skin tone and body image disturbance in other racialized populations of women as well.

Though body image disturbance has been investigated and recently gained more attention in the literature, there are not a great deal of empirical studies that specifically examine South Asian

Indian women and body image. The existing research in this area is limited, but comparative in

116 nature. In studies that have examined South Asian populations across the world, the preference for fair skin and associations with beauty have been established across the board (Harper &

Choma, 2018; Prusaczyk & Choma, 2018; Swami et al., 2013; Bakhshi & Baker, 2011; Jha &

Adelman, 2009; Sahay & Piran, 1997). These studies are helpful in explaining the body image pressures that South Asians face in various global contexts. The findings may also provide a better understanding of this issue among people in India due to the ubiquitous preference for lighter skin.

The aforementioned studies that have looked at skin tone and body image in South Asian populations suggest that individuals who are dissatisfied with their bodies, buy into the definition of fair skin beauty. For example, in a study conducted by Bakhshi and Baker (2011), the researchers investigated British Indian men and women’s perceptions of Indian physical appearance ideals through semi-structured interviews. The findings revealed that participants internalized Indian body ideals (including fair skin), and that these were linked to finding a suitable marriage partner for women (encouraged by maternal family figures and the media) (p.

458). South Asians suffering from BDD engage in negative appraisals of their body image when focusing on specific aspects, such as skin tone. When an individual focuses so much on one particular aspect of their body, it “...develops into such overriding importance that it defines the

‘self’ or identity of the individual or becomes the very center of a personal domain” (Neziroglu et al, 2008, p. 34). In the Indian culture, fair skin commonly appears to be one of the most important aspects of physical appearance because people believe that having it opens many doors

(Chadha, 2005) and provides upward mobility in society.

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Previous research on gender, body image and related measures of beauty suggest that gender differences greatly exist in this area. The number of South Asian women facing BDD related to distorted perceptions around skin tone are increasing, especially in adolescents and young women in metropolitan cities such as, Mumbai (Holla, 2012; Tahseen, 2012). The experience of one young South Asian woman diagnosed with BDD by a clinical psychologist highlights this unpleasant reality:

In India, many youngsters suffer from BDD, but due to low awareness and poor insight, they don't realise the severity and intensity of the problem. Currently, I am treating a dusky 19-year-old girl, who believes that she is ugly because of her skin colour. She is so obsessed about her complexion that she refuses to attend college or meet people. She avoids social situations or stepping out of home. This is because she fears that her defect will get undue attention from others around her. Her obsession extends with checking herself in the mirror, sometimes hundreds of times in a day. (Baria, 2013)

To further complicate matters, when bombarded with related media images, women are pushed to give into culturally determined ideas about beauty. They strive for a global, Western ideal to match what they see around them. The stream of Western created media across the globe, leaves a footprint of exclusive ideals regarding desirability and physical beauty through various forms of advertising (Mbure & Aubrey, 2017). These socially constructed definitions of beauty are part of larger systems that reflect and reproduce dominant ideologies about gender roles. A feminist perspective highlights that these systems are rooted in patriarchy and beauty norms are defined and disseminated by those with power (Berry, 2010). Travis, Meginnis-Payne, &

Bardari (2000) argue that these definitions of beauty exist “... to exert control over them

[women]. To the extent that women see attractiveness as a way of defining who they are, they are less likely to pursue more authentic routes to empowerment such as education, employment and financial independence (as cited in Dhillon & Dhawan, 2011, p. 540). As a result, women’s bodies are objectified and shaped by cultural and social ideologies. Such ideologies reinforce the

118 notion that women should define their inherent self-worth in aesthetic terms.

The Relationship Between Skin Tone and Self-Esteem Among Women in India Self-esteem can greatly influence people’s beliefs about their own worthiness and importance.

Self-esteem is defined as a person's overall sense of self-worth or personal value (Cherry, 2010).

It encompasses a variety of beliefs about the self such as, the evaluation of one's own appearance, emotions and behaviours (Branden, 1994; Taylor & Brown, 1988). An individual’s personal definition of self-esteem (what it means to that person) is “…socially constructed in dialogue with one’s culture, other persons and oneself” (Chatham-Carpenter & DeFrancisco,

1998, p. 468). These external and internal factors can both influence one’s self perceptions.

Self-esteem is essential for everyone because it helps to keep a positive outlook on life, and it also makes people proud of who they are, both inside and out. Nonetheless, some individuals may be unhappy due to feelings of dissatisfaction with their bodies or with aspects of their appearances. The pressure on women, in particular, to keep up with their appearances can create stress and pressurize them to change how they look. Some women may believe that their looks are all that they have to offer. Researchers have repeatedly shown that there is a significant correlation between self-esteem and body satisfaction related to various aspects of one’s physical attractiveness, in women more than men (Parameswaran & Cardoza, 2009; Thompson & Keith,

2001; Neal & Wilson, 1989). From a very young age, women learn that they are evaluated based on how they look. Young women come to experience and view their own bodies in terms of they are perceived by others, as opposed to how they feel about themselves or their abilities

(Spitzack, 1990). In addition, women may feel that they are unattractive (distorted self-image), and spend copious amounts of time, money and energy in “fixing” perceived flaws to no avail, as discussed in the section on Body Dysmorphic Disorder (BDD).

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Skin Tone and Self-Esteem Among Women Globally, many racialized women have disdain for their darker skin and suffer from lowered self-esteem as a result (Glenn, 2009; Hunter, 2002) of colourism. The privileges associated with lighter skin create a struggle because some women may feel compelled to lighten their skin in order to enjoy the power, status and societally distinguished beauty that comes with having it.

There is pressure on racialized women as, “...women may experience greater skin tone dissatisfaction then men because skin tone is viewed as an important indicator of women’s physical attractiveness and as a basis for social reward” (Swami et al., 2013, p. 473). Research has shown that factors such as skin tone, which influence body satisfaction in women are significant because low body satisfaction has been found to be linked with low self-esteem

(Breland-Noble, 2013; Denniston, Roth & Gilroy, 1992). The research looking at theories on the subject of beauty and self-esteem provide more information and context to better understand the motivation of racialized women to pursue strategies that alter their appearances (Johnson, 2002).

Skin tone bias perpetuates colourism, and low self-esteem in women is a byproduct of this.

In adolescents, changes in physical appearance play a salient role in their development

(Davidson & McCabe, 2006), mainly in young girls. According to Davison & McCabe (2006),

“Adolescents’ sense of self-worth and perceptions of social relations may therefore be closely linked to their body image” (p. 17). Youth feel compelled to belong and be a part of the mainstream. Social conformity allows one to fit in with their peer group without the fear of being excluded or singled out. Youth who judge their own physical appearances negatively may adopt certain behaviours, such as skin lightening from a young age in order to fit it. Having a poor body image may hinder a young girl’s “…development of interpersonal skills and positive relations with other boys and girls” (Davison & McCabe, 2006, p. 157). As girls get older, they

120 become more aware of the social implications of their appearances and the pressure to conform also increases, as they become young women. Self-objectification may appear as a preference for certain physical characteristics (e.g., lighter skin) because some young women believe that they will be judged more favourably if they have features that follow societal standards of beauty

(Hunter, 2002). The subjective evaluation of one’s appearance or body image can profoundly affect a young woman’s level of confidence.

The desire for light skin has a considerable impact on the way that young women identify themselves. Davison & McCabe (2006) argue that “women’s self-esteem is best understood when one considers the social context of body image” (p. 25). To effectively grasp self-esteem and body image requires an understanding of the impact of multiple factors on the lives of women. The role that social context plays on body image includes, the powerful and unconscious impact of factors such as, family, cultural norms and the media. Some studies have examined how skin colour impacts self-esteem in racialized women (Mathews & Johnson, 2015;

Coard et al., 2001; Sahay & Piran, 1997; Bond & Cash, 1992). The findings of additional studies have elucidated that, generally, darker skinned racialized women suffer from lower self- esteem than their lighter skinned counterparts (Watt, 2006; Thompson & Keith, 2001; Falconer

& Neville, 2000; Hall, 1995). These findings have also indicated that satisfaction with skin tone is associated with higher self-esteem and body satisfaction among young women (Thompson &

Keith, 2001). The study conducted by Thompson & Keith (2001) suggested a relationship between skin tone and self-esteem that was mediated by factors such as, socioeconomic status:

“For example, the poorer a woman is, the darker she is, the lower her self-esteem” (Muchera &

Frazier, 2013, p. 1178). Therefore, it appears that variables such as, socioeconomic status may

121 be intertwined with self-esteem, which in turn impacts the relationship between one’s skin tone and self-esteem because fair skin grants more upward social mobility for people (Hunter, 2005).

Moreover, Muchera & Frazier (2013) argue that “This [low self-esteem] can be influenced by a woman’s estimation of her likelihood in attaining mainstream ideals” (p. 1178). This encourages racialized women to continue on their quest for lighter skin in the hopes that they can attain this ideal by trying different harmful skin bleaching products and engaging in dangerous cosmetic procedures.

In spite of these findings, other studies have found conflicting information, arguing that skin colour is not associated with self-esteem (Smith & Silva, 2011; Keith et al., 2010; López, 2008;

Hoelter, 1982). These studies have further shown uncertainty regarding the direct relationship between skin tone and self-esteem. In a study conducted by López (2008), it was found that ethnic identity (in a sample of Puerto Rican women) moderated the relationship between self- esteem and skin colour (p. 106). Thus, women with either lighter or darker skin did not suffer from lowered self-esteem because they had higher levels of ethnic identity and attachment to the

Puerto Rican culture. This helped foster higher levels of self-esteem in these women.

Connecting to one’s racial and/or ethnic history and cultural heritage is another important way to promote resilience (López, 2008; Coard et al., 2001), and offset the negative effects of colourism. Perhaps this factor provides evidence of the benefits of group belonging (López,

2008), and serves as a protective factor in communities of colour. Another study conducted by

Coard et al (2001) had similar findings in a sample of 113 African American undergraduate and graduate students (46 men and 67 women). The results found that no significant relationship

122 existed between self-esteem and skin colour among the participants. The authors proposed that participants may have had a sense of racial and/or ethnic pride (related to the “Black is beautiful” movement of the 1960’s), and found that individuals who had a “pro-Black” attitude had higher levels of self-esteem (p. 2272). The valuation of one’s skin colour appears to be enhanced by ethnic and/or racial pride, as described in some of the literature. The authors also offered other explanations to explicate their findings, “…the finding possibly suggests an equating of satisfaction with acceptance. If this is the case, one can accept his or her skin color, but not necessarily like it (i.e., be satisfied with it), hence the compromised self-esteem” (Coard et al.,

2001, p. 2269). Therefore, the darker skinned participants may have expressed an acceptance of their skin colour, rather than actual satisfaction.

The literature has also put forward another explanation to clarify this relationship further. It has been proposed that ethnic and/or racial identity might serve as a protective factor against discrimination, “…dark skinned individuals in the same group ‘felt’ satisfied with their skin color, but felt that others (Blacks and Whites) continue to perceive them in a way that negatively affects their global sense of self. This finding suggests that projective defences may be operating and may result in a compromised sense of self” (Coard et al., 2001, p. 2269). The findings were similar in another study conducted by Hafer & Choma (2009). The literature highlights that

African American populations in particular, appear more likely to focus on interpersonal relations and may have more “interpersonal rewards” (than whites) (Keith et al., 2017; Hoelter,

1982). Thus, they are less likely to focus on internalized standards of comparison for self- enhancement purposes. As a result, African American communities are able to maximize the benefits of their interpersonal relations (e.g., with family, friends, etcetera), more than their white

123 counterparts do.

The family plays a vital role in race socialization and in promoting a sense of racial and/or ethnic pride in children, as discussed in the section - Race Socialization in Families. Messages related to racial and/or ethnic pride are passed down from parents to youth and are considered to be protective measures to promote positive racial identity, as well as to prepare racialized children to deal with racism and colourism (Bozo et al., 2018). These types of messages may encourage higher levels of self-esteem in youth as they grow older, and serve as protective factors from the harmful effects of discrimination. This may also explain similar findings in the other various studies. General self-acceptance operates to buffer the possible adverse comparison of oneself to an idealized standard of beauty.

Other studies have also revealed that African American and Afro-Caribbean women seem to have higher levels of self-esteem despite having darker skin tones (Coard et al., 2001). Black women in the United States experience issues of body image, gender roles and beauty ideals in a slightly different context than other racialized women around the world (Reece, 2018). This is due to differing historical factors and other social norms (Reece, 2018). It may be that such conceptualizations look different across the globe including, places such as India, “…with societal rules for ‘beauty’ being reflective of unique histories and cultural ideals” (Muchera &

Frazier, 2013, p. 1182). The lived reality of some racialized women differs based on their context and other historical, cultural and social variables. This appears to be the case for South

Asian women.

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Skin Tone and Self-Esteem Among South Asian Women When examining South Asian populations, particularly in India, there is limited research looking at body image issues and self-esteem. In one study conducted by Menon and Pant (2007), the researchers examined the concurrent relations between body image and adjustment in South

Asian women who were college students. The findings indicated that self-esteem was found to play a moderating role in the relationship between body image and adjustment. In another study conducted by Mintz & Kashubeck (1999), they assessed body image among Asian and European

American college students. They found that Asian American women reported lower levels of self-esteem and less satisfaction with their racially defined features (e.g., skin colour, height and nose). The findings from these studies provide some insight and information on the thoughts, feelings and experiences of South Asian women in relation to their bodies. It may also help to understand how South Asian women negotiate issues of identity, body image and discourses around beauty. These findings may serve as a parallel to better understand South Asian women in India in this regard.

These studies could also be helpful in understanding the sociocultural factors that are implicated as risk factors in the development of body dissatisfaction (related to skin tone) in South Asian

Indian women’s self-esteem. In India, light skin is considered a form of social capital, where women with lighter skin have access to better jobs (Devaraj & Patel, 2017), marriage partners

(Nagar, 2018; Utley & Darity, 2016; Bakhshi & Baker, 2011), higher education (Keith &

Herring, 1991), incomes (Goldsmith, Hamilton, & Darity, 2006) and status. The internationalization of cultural body standards and connecting these to one’s identity may make a woman feel shame when she does not achieve those standards (Bartkey, 1988). Consequently, personal value and self-worth are shaped by a resemblance to an ideal standard of beauty that is

125 closer to Western constructs (Alibhai-Brown, 2010; Bordo, 1993), rather than a true South Asian reality. The desire for fair skin has been ingrained into the culture for centuries, as discussed in

Chapters 3 and 4 of the Literature Review. Colourism appears to have been associated with historical influences such as, the old caste system and colonialism (Vaid, 2009). In addition, families play a significant role in socializing their children about white skin values. Lighter skin has meant a higher status and more beauty in India. These factors may explain the historical, cultural and social roots of colour based discrimination in India, while accounting for why not much has changed today.

A Conceptual Framework of Skin Tone Related Perceptions and Self-Esteem For this project, I derive my research questions based on my lived experience, as well as the literature looking at racial identity, body image disturbance and skin tone in South Asian populations. Using Critical Race Feminism Theory and Post-Structuralist Theory as my theoretical frameworks, and drawing upon the theories of race and ethnic socialization, body image disturbance and skin tone, I conceptualize that psychological well-being and self- perceptions related to skin tone are a race based component of body image that is learned through childhood socialization (social learning and conditioning) (Neziroglu, Khemlani-Patel,

& Veale, 2008). According to Neziroglu, Khemlani-Patel and Veale’s (2008) theory on body image disturbance, the factors that may cause, or contribute to this issue are historically rooted social and cultural values that uphold the dominant ideal. It is the dominant ideal that associates white skin with beauty and virtue, while reducing dark skin tones to be deemed as ugly or unappealing (Parameswaran & Cardoza, 2009; Neziroglu, Khemlani-Patel & Veale, 2008). This type of socialization begins early on in a child’s life. It is taught and taken in from sources of influence in an individual’s life (e.g., parental units and peer groups), via implicit and explicit

126 approval and validation (Aboud, 2008, p. 56). People are conditioned by the environment around them. Socially learned behaviours can also form youth identity and self-perceptions. For example, based on my own lived experience and stories shared in the literature, it is evident that socially learned behaviours such as, avoiding the sun or engaging in some form of skin lightening that are displayed by key ingroup members such as family, can have an unhealthy effect on an individual.

Such skin tone related beliefs, attitudes and behaviours are then internalized. They create cognitive preconceptions and predispositions that misrepresent and/or specifically focus on environmental, social and cultural cues that reinforce negative beliefs about darker skin tones.

This conceptual framework aligns with the research looking at race socialization, racial or ethnic identity and body image (See Chapters 3 and 4 of Literature Review). It also conceptualizes a form of internalized oppression; the internalization of negative thoughts, beliefs and outlooks regarding one’s own racial group/race or colour, which informs identity development and one’s sense of self among youth (McHale et al., 2006; Marshall, 1995; Baldwin, 1981). It appears that racial identity bears an important influence on skin tone related perceptions and self-esteem in a person. However, it may serve as a protective or negative factor in this process, which is contingent upon the types of environmental, social and cultural cues and values related to race and skin tone that were emphasized and exposed to the individual, while they were growing up.

As a result, these are internalized. For example, it would be crucial to see if the individual was taught about racial and/or ethnic pride or if they were excluded from the dominant group in their life.

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Skin tone as an aspect of body image, is predictive of psychological well-being and self-esteem levels, depending on one’s skin tone and how it is perceived by the individual (Marques et al.,

2011; Buchanan et al., 2008). This conceptual framework outlines that factors such as, adverse experiences because of one’s dark skin, skin tone bias and discrimination, subjective experiences of body image disturbance, as well as other social exchanges, sustain the attribution of negative social experiences, poor psychological well-being, harmful self-perceptions, and lowered self- esteem to having a dark skin tone.

For this research project, I explore the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem among women in South Asian families in India through a multigenerational comparison in order to gain a deeper understanding of the outcomes related to this conceptual framework. Moreover, I examine if skin tone plays a salient role in the lives of these women, if family interactions and expectations have any bearing on how South Asian women see skin tone, and its potential role in shaping their identities and self-perceptions related to beauty (attractiveness and self-worth).

Significant findings from previous research, in addition to historical, social and cultural factors that are unique to India, set the context and an empirical basis for this conceptual framework of skin tone related perceptions and self-esteem.

What is Absent in the Literature About South Asian Women in India and Skin Tone, Body Image and Self-Esteem? The literature is lacking in looking at the saliency of skin tone and its connection to body image, self-esteem and psychological well-being among South Asian women in India. Studies also looking at the associations between skin colour and discrimination in Asian populations are few and far between (Bozo, Revels-Macalinao & Huynh, 2018; Nagar, 2018). Most studies that have included South Asian women in their samples have utilized South Asians from countries such as,

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Canada, the United States and the United Kingdom. Furthermore, most samples of South Asian women from these studies are based on convenience samples (e.g., university and college students) due to the ease of access to these particular participants. There is a need for more representative samples (e.g., South Asian women from different parts of India) to ensure that the samples are more representative of the populations that they come from (Harper & Choma,

2018), that they better reflect the lived experiences of Indian women, and ensure better generalizability of the results. There have been a few recent studies conducted examining South

Asian women in India related to colourism and body image (skin tone) by a small set of scholars

(Choma & Prusaczyk, 2018; Harper & Choma, 2018; Prusaczyk & Choma, 2018). However, these authors have looked at the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem from an intersectionality perspective and/or mostly focusing on younger South Asian Indian women in their samples. Some researchers have begun to examine possible causal relationships that better explain the influence of skin tone on body image in Indian women.

Further literature providing an analysis of, and addressing the broader systemic issues that underlie skin tone bias and discrimination in India could be effective as well. For instance, there is a lack of literature reviewing the internalization of whiteness and chronic body surveillance related to skin tone (Harper & Choma, 2018), especially among Indian women. Understanding this further will allow scholars to make profound inferences about the nature of these relationships in body dissatisfaction and psychological well-being in this population. Additional research looking at South Asian women from India and the unique contexts and experiences that they bring must be considered in regard to this phenomenon.

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To this point, my research project speaks to the importance of conducting research that includes the voices and narratives of women who are often underrepresented and under investigated. The findings of my research project will both contribute to, and address some, of the gaps in the literature. Looking at the experiences of the participants, my findings:

1) Speak to further the research looking at the relationship between skin tone, body image and self-esteem among women from different age groups (generations) in a family unit. This provides a deeper understanding regarding this phenomenon amongst the various generations and elucidates how family expectations and upbringing can influence body image (skin tone) and self-esteem in Indian women.

2) Provide more context and awareness of the research topic regarding the young age group and their challenges in upholding traditional family values and expectations in a collectivist society, while trying to embrace the values of individualism in a more modern day India. The traditional gender roles that many of the women have grown up with look somewhat different for the younger generation, as they try to straddle the values of both worlds. The young age group grapples with conforming to prescribed gender norms and beauty ideals related to skin tone rooted in Western heteropatriarchy, but these values do not reflect or represent who they are.

3) Offer more information on race socialization and conditioning in South Asian families in

India around identity development, body image, skin tone and beauty. It provides some insight regarding how these concepts function in South Asian Indian families and how it differs from other racialized groups such as, African American families (the majority of the literature on skin tone, self-esteem and colourism focuses on the latter population). In addition, the few studies

130 that have looked at this topic in South Asian families have only been conducted with South

Asian immigrant families in countries such as, the United States and the United Kingdom.

4) Indicate some inconsistencies in the different age groups’ skin tone preferences and behaviours (cognitive dissonance). Most participants acknowledge that skin tone bias is hurtful and oppressive, yet, still show biases towards fair skin, and engage in skin lightening. This could contribute to the literature looking at internalized racism in the South Asian Indian population.

Overall, these findings discuss the desire and pressures to conform to dominant beauty standards and the quest for fair skin. The project aims to contribute to the literature on body image (self- esteem) in Indian women.

Conclusion This chapter has looked at literature examining race socialization within South Asian families in

India including, gender inequality and the manifestation of skin tone bias in family units. The relationship between skin tone and body image disturbance among South Asian women in India including, the connections between body dysmorphic disorder (BDD), skin tone surveillance and self-esteem have also been reviewed. Likewise, the literature looking at the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem among the same population has been considered. A conceptual framework of skin tone related perceptions and self-esteem, as well as the gaps in the literature, both in relation to the research topic, are also discussed.

Given that there is a lack of literature and varied literature in each of these areas looking at the

131 dominance of skin tone in this population, my research project will contribute to the literature, as well as reveal further information in these areas. It may elucidate the bearing that skin tone plays in regard to one’s identity formation and the development of one’s self-concept and self- esteem. It may also further explain how familial dynamics and their roots and practices could protect against, or perpetuate skin tone bias and discrimination.

The preference for fair skin in India is pervasive. It must be examined if we are to redefine

Western homogenous standards of beauty that can have adverse, long-term effects on how young women see themselves, and on their access to certain life opportunities. Colourism affects perceptions and interactions in ways that can be both subtle and profound.

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Chapter 5

Methodology

Introduction There is limited research looking at this topic from a multigenerational or familial aspect

(Johnson, 2002), and its connection to the research question posed. Thus, this research aims to fill an important gap in the current literature related to the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem. It may serve as a guide for future research and theoretical development in this area.

The purpose of this chapter is to outline the methodology guiding this research project.

Methodology encompasses the justification for the procedures of a systematic inquiry of a natural, social or cultural phenomenon. Applying a standardized methodology contributes to a deeper understanding of the condition(s), event(s) and/or problem(s) of a particular context. It is important in exploratory studies because an appropriate methodology provides the structure and framework that is necessary to conduct an investigation into the subject or phenomenon under review, and to discover new information or understanding. The methodology outlines “...the specific procedures or techniques used to identify, select, process, and analyze information about a topic” (University of the Witwatersrand, 2019). It outlines how the research question is evaluated, the rationale for the application of specific data collection and analysis procedures, and contributes to the research’s overall validity and reliability (Kallet, 2004). My research project engaged with the grounded theory method and used a mixed methods research methodology that described the participant narrative. The data collection process used a qualitative approach, semi-structured face-to-face interviews, as well as mixed qualitative and quantitative approaches through the use of two questionnaires, the Skin Color Questionnaire

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(SCQ) (See Appendix 6 Skin Color Questionnaire) developed by Bond & Cash (1992), and the

Skin Color Assessment Procedure (SCAP) (See Appendix 7 Skin Color Assessment Procedure), also developed by Bond & Cash (1992).

Utilizing a qualitative research approach provides an accommodating way to engage with the research process, as it is often focused on, “…garnering an in-depth understanding of a phenomenon or are focused on meaning (and heterogeneities in meaning) - which are often centered on the how and why of a particular issue, process, situation, subculture, scene or set of social interactions” (Dworkin, 2012, p. 1319). Conducting semi-structured interviews allows the researcher to elicit rich information that is not concerned with its generalizability to a larger population of interest, nor does it depend on hypothesis testing, but more inductive reasoning (Dworkin, 2012). I used grounded theory with the interviews in order to develop

“…categories from the data and then to analyze relationships between categories, while attending to how the ‘lived experience’ of research participants would be understood”

(Charmaz, 1990, p. 1162). These approaches provide a contextual understanding of the rich data and a deeper explanation of the phenomenon.

Using a quantitative approach with the two questionnaires, the Skin Color Questionnaire (Bond

& Cash, 1992) and the Skin Color Assessment Procedure (Bond & Cash, 1992), also provided additional information regarding this phenomenon. The questionnaires focused on participant skin tone identification and preferences (Bond & Cash, 1992). The additional data helped to examine the phenomenon to determine if the numerical data reinforced or contradicted the qualitative data. The questionnaire results provided numerical data that could be analyzed and

134 possibly highlight relationships and/or correlations been the concepts and themes (“McGill

Qualitative Health Research Group,” n.d.). They provided a further explanation through measurable, objective data.

In this section, the details of the research design and data collection methods, including the research site, sample and participant recruitment process for the semi-structured interviews, the specificities of the confidentiality agreement, informed consent and demographic questionnaire, and other questionnaires that were provided to each participant are discussed

(See Appendices for these documents). In addition, the data analysis procedures and limitations of the methodology are outlined.

Research Design This research project incorporates qualitative and quantitative methods including, semi- structured interviews and the use of two questionnaires to collect data. The rationale for predominantly using a qualitative methodology stems from its grounding in methods that are flexible and responsive to the context of the phenomenon under study. However, with the additional quantitative data set, it allowed me to determine what (if any) relationships and correlations existed in the data (Cresswell, 2013a). With the qualitative methodology focused more on attempting to understand human behaviour from the informant’s perspectives and lived experiences (Minichiello, Aroni, Timewell, & Alexander, 1990), the quantitative data helped to confirm certain aspects of this phenomenon. Overall, it provided richer data, as it captured the diversity and dynamic realities of participants. Participant data was analyzed by themes and descriptions, whereas, the quantitative methodology enriched the data from more of a fixed, measurable reality (Minichiello, Aroni, Timewell, & Alexander, 1990).

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For the semi-structured interviews, the qualitative approach allowed me to probe each participant, where I needed to elicit further information about their experience. Because I also used theoretical sampling, which will be defined in the paragraph – Grounded Theory:

Theoretical Sampling, the predominant qualitative design of my research project ensured the flexibility that I needed to gather a more thorough understanding of my research question.

Nonetheless, numerical comparisons were made available with the addition of the quantitative approach through the questionnaire data, allowing for the powerful stories of these women to be holistically analyzed through both approaches. Mixed methods can be helpful in such contexts, according to Cresswell (2013b), “Mixed methods may be useful when the researcher wants to elaborate, enhance, further illustrate or clarify the results of a method.” Each methodology provided a piece of the much larger picture, helped to better understand and explain the topic being studied, and contributed to making the data more broadly applicable.

The flexibility and depth of data that qualitative methodologies provide is critical for the success of any empirically sound research project. A primarily qualitative research design in this case, offered a contextual understanding of the data, created the opportunity for a more in- depth analysis and fulsome explanation. The data was more descriptive because it described the complex phenomenon and its social and cultural dynamics, along with individual perceptions (Mason, 2002). The focus was more on exploring the research question with a smaller sample size, to gather more information about this phenomenon not yet explored with the target population. With the addition of the quantitative data, the aim was to ensure that the data would be more conclusive. Although it may not necessarily be generalized to a larger population, (“McGill Qualitative Health Research Group,” n.d.), the data could provide a

136 thorough understanding of the subject-area with some aspects of the data able to be measured in a quantifiable way. Using this approach, enabled me as a researcher, to build the concepts and theory from this data without losing the complexity and plurality of the participant narratives. This research project was more contextually based and did not aim for generalizable results in the same sense as quantitative research. Rather, it aims to develop an understanding and awareness of the participants’ own perceptions and outlooks, as embedded in their social context. Overall, use of the various questionnaire tools improved the strength of the data analysis and it provided “…a comprehensive look at the research problem from many perspectives and will offer a more complete picture…” (Cresswell, 2013b). As a researcher, it provides a comprehensive, reliable data set to answer the research question under investigation.

Grounded Theory Grounded theory is concerned with the generation of theory. It is a qualitative research method that provides a systematic set of procedures and guidelines to gather, develop, analyze and conceptualize an inductively derived grounded theory about a phenomenon (Strauss and Corbin,

1990). Grounded theory was originally developed by sociologists, Barney Glaser and Anselm

Strauss. Through their collaborative research on hospital patients who were facing death, they wrote a book, Awareness of Dying in 1965 (Kenny & Fourie 2014). It was through this research that they developed the constant comparative method, which would later be known as grounded theory.

Grounded theory amalgamates qualitative and quantitative perspectives in the thinking and action processes (DePoy & Gitlin, 2016b). The approach “grounds” a theory in the context in which the phenomenon occurs. The theory that develops from the data is connected to

137 information from everyday life that it seeks to explain (DePoy & Gitlin, 2016b). Therefore, with grounded theory, the theory emerges from the data. The research question to be explored is done through collecting relevant information about the topic. According to DePoy & Gitlin (2016b), grounded theory involves the researcher engaging in data collection in a systematic way,

This strategy is similar to other naturalistic designs in its use of an inductive process to derive concepts, constructs, relationships, and principles to understand and explain a phenomenon. However, grounded theory is distinguished from other naturalistic designs by its use of a structured data-gathering and analytical process called the constant comparative method. (p. 169)

The basic characteristics of grounded theory are its constant comparison of data with emerging categories, and the theoretical sampling of different groups during the research process in order to attain the most amount of information about the similarities and differences in the data

(Creswell, 2009). With the constant comparative method, each piece of data is compared with others to determine if there are parallels and/or contrasts. The researcher then develops “…an elaborate scheme by which to code, analyze, recode, and produce a theory from narratives obtained through a range of data collection strategies” (DePoy & Gitlin, 2016a, p. 106). As data collection continues, “…each piece of information is reviewed, compared, and contrasted with other information. From this constant comparison process, commonalities and dissimilarities among categories of information become clear, and ultimately a theory that explains observations is inductively developed” (DePoy & Gitlin, 2016a, p. 105). Therefore, theoretical principles about the research question under investigation are revealed.

Grounded theory is effective when studying people's understandings of the world in relation to their social context. This is why I used grounded theory for this research project. It enables a contextualized theory to emerge from the data. Due to the nature of my topic, it facilitated in

138 uncovering the dynamics of factors such as, the social relationships and behaviours of groups, which are known as social processes (Crooks, 2001). It allowed me to examine the relationships, familial dynamics and behaviours of the women as individuals, and in their respective family units. More specifically, I utilized principles from Strauss and Corbin’s (1990) approach to grounded theory. Strauss and Corbin (1990) built on the original grounded theory developed by Glaser and Strauss (1967). The difference being that grounded theory according to

Glaser, emphasized induction or emergence and the researcher’s originality within a clear frame of stages during the research process, while Strauss and Corbin focused more on validation criteria and a systematic approach to the methodology (Hernandez, 2009).

Originally, Glaser and Strauss (1967) described the product of grounded theory as an explanatory substantive or formal theory. Strauss and Corbin (1990), further built on this, and revised it to incorporate a mandatory description along with explanation and the possibility of prediction from the data that emerged. With a smaller sample size and unique research topic, I wanted to ensure that I could validate the theory that emerged from the data as much as possible.

Strauss and Corbin (1990) argue that, “Validating one’s theory against the data completes its grounding” (p. 133). To do that, the backdrop of my lived experience as a fellow South Asian woman and the literature review provided information that facilitated the concept, category and property formation that eventually informed the theory. According to Strauss and Corbin (1990), reading the literature related to one’s topic of study before and throughout the research process is helpful to provide a framework in the selection of concepts and potential relationships that can later be corroborated with actual data from the study.

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Furthermore, the theoretical stances from the literature could provide more context to possibly inform interpretation of the data collected from participants (Strauss & Corbin, 1990, p. 51).

This was helpful because it presented me with a broader framework to operate from during my data collection and analysis phases. In addition, the literature aided in developing questions for my interview guide (See Appendix 8 Sample Interview Guide). As the categories and relationships emerged from the data, the interpretation and analysis of them came from the contextual information of what participants shared in their stories, the literature and subsequent analysis of participant data. Applying grounded theory from this approach, provided me with the guidelines on how to identity codes and categories and how to make connections between them to determine their relationships as well. During analysis, each category that emerged was

“…developed in terms of its properties and dimensions of the phenomenon it represents, conditions which give rise to it, the action/interaction by which it is expressed, and the consequences it produces” (Corbin & Strauss, 1990, pp. 7 & 8). However, the above changes did not change the major procedures that are central to grounded theory, as previously outlined by Glaser and Strauss (1967).

Site Selection (The Choice of New Delhi) The research project was conducted in New Delhi, India, where colourism remains a huge issue.

Skin tone is associated with success and status for many (Berry, 2008; Hunter, 2002; Moore &

Eldredge, 1970; Beteille, 1967). I chose New Delhi as the ideal location for my research because it is a large urban city with a diverse population and it provided increased opportunities for me to recruit participants. Because of its diversity, some of the major languages spoken in New Delhi are English, Hindi, Punjabi and Urdu (Census of India, 2011). My goal was to select a city that would provide me with as diverse a sample as possible because I wanted to ensure that I had

140 participants from a wide cross-section in terms of age, creed, cultural/linguistic, educational and socio-economic backgrounds. It is best practice for research samples to reflect the diversity of the population being studied, in order to gain a better understanding of the phenomenon under investigation. This allows for additional variables to better examine how different individuals and families experience the Western beauty ideal, colourism, perceptions and attitudes around this topic, as well as the socialization processes that women have experienced in regards to colour, beauty and body image. As a researcher, this assisted me in examining the variability or heterogeneity within the group, and helped me to better understand specific mechanisms and how they operated in regards to my research question. My goal was to contribute to the literature by examining the target population, so as to include their lived experiences through their own voices.

Sample The sample size for this research project was relatively small with twenty seven participants

(nine families). A smaller sample size was justified due to the exploratory nature of this research project. My goal was to learn more about this topic as it relates to this subset of the population, rather than focusing on the generalizability of the results to a larger population at its conclusion.

When I selected the sample size, I also considered the point of saturation. When no new information was generated from the data, I no longer recruited new participants.

I aimed to recruit at least three South Asian women family members from a single family unit who were each in different life stages (generations) (e.g., daughter, mother and grandmother). In this case, I selected subsequent participants based on the information that emerged from the data that was already coded using theoretical sampling. I was empirically confident that the

141 theoretical categories were saturated (Charmaz, 2001). As I conducted my data collection and analysis simultaneously, I did not know what or who I needed to sample further beforehand because my analysis of the data was emerging during this process. According to Charmaz

(2001), “To engage in theoretical sampling, researchers must have a tentative category or categories. Thus, theoretical sampling follows focused coding” (p. 6398), which I was able to do during the research process.

A combination of selective sampling, theoretical sampling and snowball sampling were applied at different stages of the research process. To begin, selective sampling (also known as purposive sampling) was used to identify the target population prior to data collection

(Schatzman & Strauss, 1973). Selective sampling chooses only those participants with defined characteristics (Wiersma, 2000). Having a sample with specific characteristics helps the researcher to gather ample data. Selective sampling is a common technique used in different types of qualitative research for identifying and selecting participants (information-rich cases)

(Patton, 2002). A researcher strives to select a representative sample, which is how I approached participant recruitment of a diverse sample of South Asian Indian women. In selective sampling, the researcher carefully chooses the sample to help provide insight and to answer the research question. I looked for a sample with certain characteristics: adult women in a family unit based on their life stages and membership in their respective families (e.g., daughter, mother and grandmother), who were aged 18 years and older. The minimum age to participate was 18 years of age due to the sensitivity of the research topic and concerns around obtaining parental permission. More specifically, the inclusion criteria for the sample were: women who were born and raised in India, 18 years of age and older, residing in New Delhi at the time of the research

142 project, the ability to speak either English, Hindi, Urdu or Punjabi, and who had two other women in their family unit in different life stages (e.g., one’s mother and grandmother or an aunt and grandmother) that agreed to also partake in the project. Likewise, the exclusion criteria included: failure of anyone to meet the outlined eligibility requirements in the inclusion criteria, men, women below 18 years of age, non-resident Indians (NRI’s), women who were immigrants in India, those who resided outside of New Delhi, those who spoke neither English, Hindi, Urdu or Punjabi, and who did not have two other women family members in different life stages that consented to take part (e.g., mother, grandmother, first cousin, sister-in-law, aunt, etcetera).

In each family, a woman family member represented one of three age groups (generation) of their own family unit. The age groups were: young, middle and mature (mature age group=65 years and older, middle age group=40 to 64 years old and the young age group=18 to 39 years old). For example, a family unit consisted of the daughter who represented the young age group, the mother who represented the middle age group and the grandmother who represented the mature age group. This allowed for similarities and differences to be examined across individuals, families and the age groups (generations). The number of participants in each age group were: mature age group=7 participants, middle age group=9 participant and the young age group=11 participants. It is important to note that because the research project aimed to conduct a multigenerational comparison of the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem, it was important to ensure that there were women in each family to represent one generation (e.g., grandmother=mature age group, mother=middle age group and daughter=young age group). In the sample, I was able to ensure generational representation in each family by the different members who participated. However, because of some of the women’s ages in their own

143 families, this ended up shifting the number of women under each age group. The reasons for this were because the older generations had gotten married younger or because someone had their children younger, so the age gaps were not very large for some women. Participants represented a mix of social locations from different ages, religions, socio-economic backgrounds, professions and educational backgrounds (See Appendix 5 for Demographic Questionnaire and Chapter 6

Findings for a detailed demographic analysis as self-identified by each participant.) The rationale for the selection of participants from various social locations was so that I could analyze the different experiences and perceptions of the women based on their respective identities.

Semi-Structured Interviews Semi-structured, face-to-face interviews provide the opportunity for more of an open-ended discussion between the researcher and participant. They help with deeper thoughts and ideas to emerge. Semi-structured interviews offer an adaptable approach to an interview and “…allow us to enter into the other person’s perspective” (Patton, 2002, p. 34). The interview questions were not all fixed or planned ahead of time, so the feel was more conversational. This provided a reasonable open framework, but “…to follow topical trajectories in the conversation that may stray from the guide when it seems appropriate” (Keller & Conradin, 2019). In my case, semi- structured interviews were beneficial because they allowed me to gain direct insight and an understanding of the lived experiences and perceptions of the participants regarding colour, beauty and body image. It also helped elucidate family socialization and standards around these issues for women in family units across the generations, as well as how this correlated with their encounters throughout the different life stages.

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I conducted semi-structured face-to-face interviews because the literature indicated that this would be the most effective tool for data collection from this type of sample. In these types of interviews, participants’ voices are heard, as they share personal and sometimes sensitive information. It allows the researcher to witness the emotions and other non-verbal behaviours and cues expressed through participant body language. It created more of a personal interaction between participants, and me as the researcher. Semi-structured interviews conducted face-to- face are highly effective, and create a space for personal discussion and are free from the distractions of technology, such as telephones and online interviews (Patton, 2002). Similarities and differences are analyzed to contribute to theoretical development. Participants share their narratives, while the researcher guides the direction of the interview through a line of questioning that emphasizes the purpose of the research project (Knox & Burkhard, 2009).

Semi-structured interviews were conducted with each participant lasting approximately sixty to ninety minutes. Each interview was comprised of approximately 40 questions. They were conducted at mutually convenient locations where participants felt most comfortable such as, coffee shops or at local parks across the street from their homes. It was important for me to create a safe space for participants, and this was facilitated by providing them the choice of where they wanted the interviews to be conducted. The exchange was then more comfortable for them, as participants overwhelmingly chose a casual space. Semi-structured interviews were also beneficial for my research project, as it encouraged two-way communication (Lichtman,

2010). Because of the sensitivity of my topic, it was important that I developed a rapport with the women, so that they felt at ease during the initial phase of the interview (Lichtman, 2010).

Semi-structured interviews usually start off more general and this was key in establishing that

145 rapport with the participants, so that they were comfortable to share their experiences with me.

As I saw participants opening up more during the interview process, I then began to move towards more personal and probing questions to elicit further information about their experiences. The interviews provided me with the opportunity to gain a range of insights on my topic. According to Lichtman (2010), information obtained from semi-structured interviews will not just provide answers, but the reasons for the answers.

To help facilitate the interview process, I developed an interview guide informed by the literature. However, the outlined open-ended questions merely served as a general framework for the interviews. The questions used a funnel design to structure the questions in six areas: background and growing up, socialization around race and skin tone, perceptions of skin lightening products, possible experiences with discrimination, preparation for bias (family socialization) and future outlook on the issue. This offered a flexible approach to the interviews.

The interviews were conducted with a fairly open framework for more focused, conversational and two-way communication. Not all questions that were asked during the interviews were designed and phrased ahead of time. I used an adaptable approach, so that some interview questions were developed on the spot based on participant responses and probing questions.

This aided in inquiring about further details and to delve into issues (Lichtman, 2010), where needed. The types of questions asked helped me to find out more about the women’s stories.

Each interview was audio recorded using a digital voice recorder. Permission was sought from each participant first. I translated (for those interviews done in Hindu, Punjabi or Urdu) and transcribed each one verbatim to maintain the integrity and reliability of the data. I had a

146 notepad in hand in case I needed to make any notes during the interviews, but I asked each participant beforehand if they were okay with that. I also explained the purpose of the notepad.

Most participants were okay with this, but a few women were not. In which case, I did not use the notepad and strictly used the digital voice recorder. I also made brief notes after each interview in order to capture the main points and engaged in memo writing when I had questions or thoughts after hearing an individual’s story. Throughout data collection and analysis, notes and memos were taken to track details. Participants from a particular family unit were each individually assigned a numerical identification in order to protect their identities and to organize the data. For example, participants in a family unit were coded as follows: grandmother – F1A, mother – F1B, daughter – F1C. If one woman agreed to take part, but other women in her family declined to participate for whatever reason, that particular family unit was not included in the project. It was imperative to have different generations of women from the same family unit represented in the sample.

The goal of conducting the interviews in one of the aforementioned languages was to ensure inclusivity, maximize the number of participants, but more importantly, to do the interviews with participants in their preferred language, so that they were comfortable sharing their knowledge and experiences with me. A more in-depth discussion of the participants and the recruitment and interview process is detailed in the following paragraphs.

Research Process: Participant Recruitment, Confidentiality and Informed Consent To identify potential participants for the research project, flyers were translated into English,

Hindi, Urdu and Punjabi (See Appendix 1 Research Project Flyer for flyer in English). They were circulated at various women-centred organizations and institutions in New Delhi (See

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Appendix 2 for List of Organizations) that had a high population of women who may have met the inclusion criteria. I also recruited women from two other major sites, which were the Centre for Social Research and the Centre for Women’s Development Studies. The flyers that were created to recruit participants did not work for those women who could not read. It was important to be as inclusive as possible, which was another reason that I connected with the

Centre for Social Research and the Centre for Women’s Development Studies, so that I was able to conduct information sessions in person. I wanted to introduce myself and outline the purpose of the research project with potential participants. I established contact with the Directors of both organizations prior to travelling to New Delhi. The Centre for Social Research is a non- profit, non-governmental organization. Their work aims to empower women in India through guaranteeing their fundamental rights, and increasing understanding of social issues from a gender perspective. Their mission includes operating at “... local, national and regional levels in an effort to enhance the capacities of individuals, communities and institutions for creating a humane, equitable and gender-just society” (Centre for Social Research, 2013). In addition, the

Centre for Women’s Development Studies (CWDS) is an independent research institute that is supported by the Indian Council of Social Science Research. The CWDS aims to develop, promote and disseminate knowledge about women’s roles in Indian society and the factors that impact their lives and status. The CWDS sees itself primarily as a catalyst in assisting women to realize their full potential and exercise their active influence on society and its transformation

(Centre for Women’s Development Studies, 2014). The organization has a prominent presence in New Delhi, as it is located in the heart of the city and has other field offices in India. The

Centre engages in a vast array of research with issues affecting Indian women from health, domestic violence and global beauty trends. The Centre also takes part in networking and

148 assisting with campaigns and initiatives that further advocate for the rights of women. For example, they promote and collaborate with academic institutions, grassroots level organizations and individuals engaged in similar activities.

Both organizations offer programs and services to diverse groups of Indian women (e.g., for different ages, social classes, literacy levels, etcetera), which was helpful in obtaining my target sample. Both organizations provided their support and allowed me to attend specific programs in-person, where I conducted a few information sessions to introduce myself, and to briefly discuss my research project to recruit potential participants. Due to the demographics of the women attending the programs at these organizations, my presentations were done in English and Hindi. A visual presentation was created using Microsoft PowerPoint as a supplementary tool for the information sessions. However, the presentation was rarely used, as I found it was practical and effective to engage with women through a more informal conversation to introduce myself. This tone created a relaxed atmosphere for the women, and I observed that more women spoke to me and asked questions about the project when the discussion was not scripted and formal. It is necessary to note that neither of these organizations were involved in the recruitment of participants for this research project in any way. They only served as a link to help connect me to potential participants. I was solely responsible for recruiting women for my project.

Participants were also recruited using community advertising and referrals from community leaders and other participants, once I had a few women recruited. In the context of this research, a community leader was a participant who connected the researcher (me), to numerous other

149 potential participants (friends and friends of friends) that they knew (with the permission of these individuals). This is known as snowball sampling. It is a technique that is used to gather participants through identifying an initial participant first, who then offers the names of other potential participants that the researcher can contact (Lewis-Beck, Bryman, & Futing Liao,

2004). The other potential participants may themselves be able to provide further names, which increases the possibility to expand the researcher’s network of contact (Lewis-Beck, Bryman, &

Futing Liao, 2004). This was helpful for me, as many women that I interviewed were gracious enough to provide me with the names of other potential participants. It created a climate of trust and confidence between myself, as the researcher, and the women.

Through theoretical sampling, the final sample size was twenty-seven women (nine families) for the project. New participants were systematically selected. I used data that guided me to select data samples that were most salient for this research project (Charmaz, 2005). In this case, I selected subsequent participants based on the information that emerged from the coded data

(Sarantakos, 2005). Snowball sampling was helpful, as key individuals from different families offered referrals on future participants. This saved me time, energy and resources during the research process (Wiersma, 2000).

To focus on the target sample being recruited, I ensured multigenerational representation from each family unit that participated through an initial screening tool (See Appendix 3 Initial

Screening Tool). The initial screening tool was given to each woman to determine if an individual met the eligibility criteria to partake in the research project. When women expressed their interest in taking part and were identified as eligible, an information letter was then

150 presented to them (See Appendix 4 Information Letter for Study and Informed Consent Form).

It explained: who I was as the principal investigator, the purpose of my research project, the duration of their time commitment, relevant information about me and my role with the

University of Toronto, the role of researcher and participant, my personal contact information (in

New Delhi and Toronto) and that of my Supervisor, potential risks in participating, confidentiality, reimbursement, the right to refuse participation without penalty at any point during the process, the option to request a summary of the results from the research project, as well as the specific privacy measures in place to protect their identities. Participants were also provided with the University of Toronto Research Oversight and Compliance Office contact information in case they had any questions regarding their rights and/or responsibilities as a participant in the project.

Following the information letter, participants were given an Informed Consent Form to look over, which I reviewed in depth with each woman. This form was signed and dated by the participant and me. Without informed consent, a participant could not partake in the research project. Once informed consent was obtained, a short demographic questionnaire was provided to participants for completion (See Appendix 5 Demographic Questionnaire). Participants were given a copy of the information letter and the Informed Consent Form for their records (this information was also written on the information letter). The demographic questionnaire asked for personal information, including: age range, gender, religion, highest level of education completed, household composition, employment/professional status, household income, geographic location in New Delhi and the number of people in the household. Gaining access to this information was sought through informed consent (either written or verbal depending on the

151 participant). The initial screening tool, information letter, consent form and the demographic questionnaire were all translated into the languages outlined in the inclusion criteria. The appropriate documents were used where needed based on participant preferences. Sufficient time was given to participants to thoroughly review each form, ask questions and/or share concerns with me for clarification. Once the demographic questionnaire was completed by the participant, the semi-structured face-to-face interviews began.

I was mindful of potential literacy issues when recruiting and interacting with participants. I was aware that a cultural emphasis on verbal contracts may have existed and that the spoken word could have been of great importance in the communities that I would be in. Thus, in only a few cases, written consent was not possible. I was flexible in the recruitment approach and obtained verbal consent where necessary. My goal was to be inclusive and to create a welcoming, non- judgemental space for all participants. I knew that it would not be appropriate to ask a potential participant if they could read and/or write. When I approached all potential participants, I first asked them directly if they preferred to read over the initial screening tool, information letter and

Informed Consent Form and sign where needed or, if they preferred for the information to be read to them and verbally discussed instead. In this way, all individuals were asked the same questions to ensure equal outcomes through equitable treatment, and an individual did not have to feel centred out or obligated to disclose any issues with literacy, etcetera.

To ensure consent was obtained in all cases, I asked participants to provide verbal consent, which was audio recorded using the digital voice recorder. I had planned that if an individual was not comfortable having their voice recorded, then I would offer to document their verbal

152 consent in my notes, as well as on the information letter. However, I did not run into this situation (all participants agreed to the recording of their verbal consent). The information letter outlined the information that was shared with each participant. As a researcher, it is essential to adapt one’s methodologies to fit the cultural context in which their research is taking place.

Often, this means a fundamental reconsideration of what qualifies as “genuine consent” given the cultural context. I strived to be mindful of this throughout my research process.

Questionnaire Tools After I finished asking my questions during the face-to-face interviews, the last component of the interview process involved the use of two questionnaires. First, each participant was asked to describe their perceived skin tone using the Skin Color Questionnaire (SCQ) developed by Bond

& Cash (1992). The SCQ assesses one’s skin colour satisfaction, self-perceived skin colour

(light-dark) and ideal skin colour with three questions (Bond & Cash, 1992). Following the

SCQ, participants were asked to complete the Skin Color Assessment Procedure (SCAP) developed by Bond & Cash (1992) (See Image 1: Skin Color Assessment Procedure (SCAP)

(Bond & Cash, 1992): Poster Board with 4x4 inch coloured squares of nine skin colours). This consisted of four inch by four inch coloured squares (nine in total), representing different skin colours that were presented to participants on an off-white poster board (coloured squares were positioned randomly and numbered). Participants were asked four questions and to select a colour tone for each question from a standardized colour system, known as the Pantone

Matching System (PMS) (Gitter et al., 1972), which helps with colour identification and matching. The PMS is a colour matching system in the printing industry that uses a numbering system to identify colours (Gitter et al., 1972). When participants examined the nine randomly positioned coloured squares on the poster board, they were asked to choose one coloured square

153 for each question: 1) What is the colour that most resembles your actual facial skin colour?, 2)

What is the colour that you would most prefer?, 3) What is the colour that you believe is the most admired by others?, and 4) What is the colour that you believe is most admired within your family? The questionnaires served as measures to better understand skin colour satisfaction and perceptions in each participant in order to determine if there were any connections with self- esteem, and to provide a deeper analysis with their narratives. The major techniques involved in grounded theory that were employed during this research project are described in the subsequent paragraphs: coding, memo making, and theoretical sampling.

Grounded Theory: Coding Process (Open, Axial and Selective Coding) Selective and theoretical sampling are rooted in grounded theory and were used for this research project. As noted earlier in this chapter, grounded theory allows the theory to emerge from the data (Wiersma & Jurs, 2009, p. 235). It allows the researcher to “…engage in overlapping steps in the research process to gather data from participants and documents, identifying codes, categories of themes or ideas that are embedded in the data, and sorting through information and codes to clarify the theory, which allows for a write up of the results in a way that clearly communicates the theory that has come from the data” (Wiersma & Jurs, 2009, p. 235). Initial sampling decisions were based on a general sociological perspective and a general problem, but once data is collected and coding begins, the researcher is led in “all directions which seem relevant and work” (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 46). Glaser (1978) recommends data collection strategies related to theoretical sampling, including staying open by changing interviewing styles, sites or participants, following up on recurring patterns in participant data, and asking key participants to give more information on categories that seemed central to the emerging theory.

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For this research project, the process of data collection for generating theory involved me collecting, coding and analyzing the data to decide what data to collect next and where to find it, in order to develop the theory as it emerged (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 45). This process of data analysis involved open coding of the data for relevant themes and patterns (Wilder & Cain,

2011). With open coding, once large categories were established, I then developed sub- categories describing the data (Wiersma & Jurs, 2009). For example, a large category included codes related to beauty norms and sub-categories under this were related to self-esteem and identity formation. These types of established categories helped me to determine what relationship(s) existed between skin tone and self-esteem in the target population.

Grounded theory enabled me to generate concepts that made sense of what was going on. Data collection and analysis occurred concurrently in this research project (following grounded theory methodology). According to Glaser (1978), during the concurrent data analysis phase, it is critical that the researcher not have any predetermined ideas about the data. Literature and theories that exist based on the topic can be used to inform the development of the categories.

However, they cannot be made to fit the literature and should not be used to create categories

(Lichtman, 2010). During the research process, I completed a literature review and had some prior knowledge to inform the development of the categories, but I did not force the development of categories to match the existing literature. This would have taken away from the spirit of grounded theory, and the integrity and reliability of my data. My goal was to let the data guide the theory development based on participant responses, and to allow the literature to provide a backdrop to help inform my later analysis. Prior knowledge on part of the researcher can be used to inform the analysis, but not direct it (Glaser, 1978).

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In the data analysis phase, the data was compared to the literature and constantly compared with the emerging categories to be integrated in the theory (Glaser, 1992). Ongoing analysis informed the direction of the next interview and the questions to be asked, aimed at developing theory. Once the data was analyzed and no new information was generated (saturation), integrating the categories were put into a theoretical framework. This process allowed me to become theoretically sensitive to the data (Charmaz, 1990). Charmaz (1990) suggests that theoretical sampling is best used when some key concepts have been discovered. Thus, further participants were recruited after some of the key themes were identified. Initial data collection started out with a particular subset of people to begin to develop the concepts. Theoretical sampling was then used to generate further data to confirm and refute the original categories.

NVivo 10 was used to organize and analyze the data.

When considering coding of the data, Strauss and Corbin (1998; 1990) identified a three step coding process during the data analysis phase, which I employed for this research project.

Coding involved a line by line analysis of each interview, which is open coding (substantive), whereby initial concepts were generated from the data. With open coding of each interview, I discovered what categories were emerging from the data. Each code was defined based on participant responses. Whenever a new code emerged from the data, I went back to previously coded transcripts again to ensure consistency in my review. Open coding employs constant comparison, the use of memoing and results in themes, sub-categories and core categories.

Engaging in constant comparison is a simultaneous and concurrent process of coding and analysis (Partington, 2000) during the research process. Constant comparison helps a researcher analyze data for theory development. The process involves,

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Identifying a phenomenon, object, event or setting of interest. Identifying a few local concepts, principles, structural or process features of the experience or phenomenon of interest. Making decisions regarding initial collection of data based one's initial understanding of the phenomenon. Further data collection cannot be planned in advance of analysis and the emergence of theory. Engaging in theoretical sampling - the key question is what group or subgroups does the researcher turn to next to collect data? Subsequent sampling decisions should be purposeful and relevant. The rationale for selecting comparison groups is their theoretical relevance for fostering the development of emergent categories. (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 28-52)

During the constant comparison, I used key questions as my frame of reference such as, “What is happening here?” and “Under what conditions does this phenomenon happen?” (Glaser, 1978).

As the categories began to accumulate and gain depth, the constant comparison compelled me to begin to reflect on the data and commence conceptualization using memos to record my reflections and annotations of the data. These results guided the subsequent sampling of participants through theoretical sampling.

Next, I engaged in the second stage of coding (axial coding) to see if any common categories emerged from the data. Axial coding allows the researcher to analyze the data to link concepts into conceptual families (coding paradigm) (Strauss & Corbin, 1990, 1998) or themes. This required a great deal of constant comparison between data categories, and I engaged in memo writing during this stage as well. During this stage, concepts were collapsed into categories. I then created a coding paradigm and organized the categories. This was done making reference to the literature during the process and going through the data (transcripts) repeatedly.

According to Strauss and Corbin (1998), a coding paradigm is comprised of unique characteristics. These characteristics were utilized as my foundation to generate the core- categories in selective coding (next stage). Finally, the last stage in the coding process involved selective coding. Selective coding is completed after the core concepts that emerged from the

157 coded data categories and subcategories were identified through open and/or axial coding (Mills,

Durepos & Wiebe, 2010). At this point, dense, saturated core categories were established.

These core categories were then sorted, written, theorized, and cross-referenced with the literature by me, as emphasized in the grounded theory methodology (Strauss, 1987). The results of this last stage of coding allowed me to formalize the themes and relationships into a theoretical framework. Although the development of different categories was a linear process, it was also iterative. I moved between concept indicators and concepts, and among the aforementioned coding strategies.

During the data analysis process, concepts were also compared with more empirical indicators and with each other to sharpen the definition of the concept, as well as to define its properties.

Theories are formed from proposing plausible relationships among concepts and sets of concepts

(Strauss, 1987). Tentative theories or theoretical propositions were further explored through additional instances of data. According to Charmaz (1990), the testing of an emergent theory is guided by theoretical sampling. Comparisons were made between the explanatory adequacy of the theoretical constructs and additional empirical indicators until theoretical saturation was reached (Glaser, 1992). The resulting theory was considered conceptually dense and grounded in the data, as a result.

Grounded Theory: Theoretical Sampling Theoretical sampling is an important component in the development of grounded theories.

Glaser and Strauss (1967) have described an iterative sampling process that is based on emerging theoretical concepts. This sampling approach has the goal of developing a rich understanding of the dimensions of a concept across a range of settings and conditions and refining categories, as

158 the researcher goes through the research process (Glaser, 1992). For my project, theoretical sampling enabled me to conduct my data collection and analysis simultaneously. My data collection was managed and controlled by the emerging theory (Charmaz, 1990). Theoretical sampling involves,

…sampling to develop, refine, or fill out the properties of tentative theoretical categories. It makes these categories more robust and precise. Researchers often discover the need for it through memo writing. Theoretical sampling simultaneously builds analytic complexity into the researcher’s developing theory and keeps it grounded in data. (Charmaz, 2001, p. 6398)

With theoretical sampling, it is important to gather data to provide context and to answer particular questions regarding the properties of the theoretical categories (Charmaz, 2001). This supports the researcher to gain a better understanding of the categories in theory development. It helps strengthen the conceptual level of the analysis, its theoretical scope and extends its usefulness (Charmaz, 2001). This cultivates the fulsome development of the properties of the category.

Theoretical sampling is best used when the research focuses on theory and concept development, and the goal of the research is to develop theory and concepts that are connected to, grounded in, or emergent from, real life events and circumstances (Charmaz, 1990). I utilized two main steps involved with theoretical sampling, as outlined in the work of Glaser (1978). Firstly, I targeted participants who shared minimal differences regarding the subject under examination (see inclusion criteria). After recruiting participants, analyzing this data and engaging in constant comparison, the sampling then moved on to the second step. Here, the enlargement of the sample began until differences between participants were maximized. By initially minimizing differences, it let me quickly develop categories and determine their properties. As data was

159 coded, compared, and accumulated to form categories and core categories, the ongoing process of sampling took place. In theoretical sampling, new targets for data collection are directed by the results collected from the preceding sample. The aim is to systematically select new participants or data that will guide the researcher to select data samples that are most salient for the research being undertaken (Charmaz, 1990). I then selected subsequent participants based on the information that emerged from the data already coded (Sarantakos, 2005). Also, by maximizing differences, I could ensure that the categories were fully developed.

This process provided a way of ensuring that new data contributed to theory development and that it worked with the concepts already compiled through a measure of fit and relevance

(Glaser, 1978). New data was confirmed and disconfirmed to ensure that the emerging theory developed rigor and parsimony. I followed this process to develop the theory from the data to see where there were parallels and divergences, but also to see where new data emerged.

According to Glaser (1978), there are two main steps involved with theoretical sampling. These are the steps that I followed for this research project. Firstly, I targeted participants who shared minimal differences regarding the subject under examination. I started by seeking the selected sample with the aforementioned inclusion criteria. After recruiting participants, I analyzed this data and engaged in the constant comparison method. Sampling then moved to the second step.

In this step, an enlargement of the sample began until differences between participants were maximized. Participants with different skin complexions and those who were from more rural areas of New Delhi were sought. By maximizing differences, I could ensure that the categories were fully developed and that data saturation was actually occurring (Glaser, 1978). Because

160 this project aimed to examine the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem, moving from selective sampling with the incorporation of snowball and theoretical sampling aided in the process of selecting participants on “...the basis of their potential manifestation or representation of important theoretical constructs" (Patton, 2001, p. 238). I was able to generate more significant theoretical insights with the comparisons among the samples of data.

Grounded Theory: Memo Writing As described in the data coding process, I engaged in memo writing during this research project.

Glaser (1978) refers to memoing as, “the core stage in the process of generating theory, the bedrock of theory generation” (p. 83). Memos have four basic goals: they should develop ideas and codes, the ideas should develop freely, should be stored centrally, and should be sortable

(Glaser, 1978, p. 83). Memo writing is the intermediate step between coding and the first draft of the completed study (Glaser, 1978). When recording memos, it provided me the opportunity to reflect on the data. Glaser (1978) advises that it is key to write everything down, even if it may seem strange or not connected to the research. This helped to enrich certain ideas and concepts in my later analysis. It also helped me to answer questions that emerged about certain phenomenon or things that (at that time) seemed to be a one-off or a rare case to me, which I was able to later include in the development of the theory. I ensured that all my thoughts and ideas were consistently documented throughout the research process in my notebook. Martin and

Turner (1986), describe this style of writing as a free-flowing style that is free from any self- editing (p.151).

As data began to accumulate into categories, it was essential to reflect on what was developing.

I recognized that this process of reflection was greatly enhanced through memos. Memos are an

161 important part of the grounded theory process, as they provide the opportunity to document any hypotheses and ideas, which are recorded during analysis (Glaser, 1978). Memos are not fixed ideas, but rather initial analytical thoughts of the researcher, which can change at any point during data analysis (Glaser, 1978). I initially had some ideas that I was grappling with and through further memos, found that I could connect these concepts. For example, some participants shared that they knew that judging another person based on skin tone was wrong.

However, they still used skin lightening products and encouraged their daughters to use them as well. I could not understand how some of the women would say that they knew that skin tone bias was wrong, yet still perpetuate the behaviour by pressuring their daughters to use these types of products. I created a memo posing this question. It was only after a few more memos, when I was about half-way through the research project, I had completed another interview where a mother shared that she had a niece who had a darker complexion. Her niece was having a difficult time finding a potential match to get married. This mother explained that she did not want her daughter to go through a similar experience, even though she said that her daughter was fair. She shared that she wanted her daughter to find the “right match” and emphasized that society put a huge significance on the skin tone of women. After hearing her story, it made me realize that even though the woman acknowledged that skin tone bias was wrong, as a mother, she wanted her daughter to fit in to society.

Most parents may want to protect their children from negative experiences such as, discrimination. Thus, socializing their children to conform to societal standards around skin tone may be what parents decide is best for their children, so that they fit in. Parents may prepare their children for bias and/or possible experiences with discrimination, so that their children

162 know how to deal with it. I looked at these instances as examples of a protective factor, where mothers or other family members wanted to minimize or eliminate the impact of potential discrimination based on skin tone that their daughters could have faced. This provided me with more context and an understanding of the women’s responses regarding this phenomenon, as I recorded my memos. The memos provided me an opportunity to share my thoughts, reflections and questions throughout the research process.

Memos also assisted me in documenting the development of the theory (audit trail). They supported me to made note of any consistencies and/or commonalities in what participants were saying. For example, I found that the older generations consistently mentioned that beauty parlours were not common when they were growing up, but they felt that beauty parlours were more common and prominent amongst the younger generations. Also, I found that the younger generations frequently mentioned going to beauty parlours. This commonality (discussing the relevance of beauty parlours) among these age ranges, highlighted its significance for each, yet contrasted their different experiences. Information such as this, recorded in memos, enriched the findings because I could make note of such commonalities in the experiences of participants, as well as any disconfirming evidence that required further analysis. This helped refine my concepts to delve further into the issues, identify patterns or discover associations in the data

(Hennink, Hutter, & Bailey, 2011). Memo writing is essential and foundational to the researcher’s engagement with the data that results in the final theory.

Limitations It is necessary to consider some possible limitations in the methodology of this research project.

The first limitation is in regard to the generalizability of these results to a larger population. The

163 sample size was relatively small and addressed a specific cohort of South Asian women. The findings do not apply to the entire population in India, the Indian disapora or to all racialized women. In addition, the results are not generalizable because of the nature of the research project as mixed method with a qualitative analysis. Therefore, the generalizability of these results are limited. However, in qualitative research, samples are generally smaller to support a deeper examination into case-oriented analysis that is essential to this approach of inquiry

(Sandelowski, 1996). Moreover, a purposive sample such as the sample used in this project, were selected because of their ability to offer rich information relevant to the phenomenon under investigation. The information rich cases and the data that they provided were invaluable in examining this topic because it has not yet been examined with South Asian women, nor from a multigenerational perspective. Sandelowski (1995) advises that a qualitative sample size should be large enough to let the disclosure of a “new and richly textured understanding” of the phenomenon under investigation to happen, yet, small enough that a “deep, case-oriented analysis” (p. 183) of the qualitative data is not impeded. The goal of this project was to address a gap in the literature. The results are specific to this population sample, but hint at broader issues related to colourism in India. These findings are an attempt to provide a deeper understanding regarding some of the trends and influences that may affect the experiences of

South Asian women in India. Future research could replicate this research and evaluate the relations between skin tone and self-esteem to build on these results, looking at other samples of

Indian women (including more research in an Indian context), as well as with other racialized women.

The second limitation concerns the lack of previous research studies on the topic with this target population, with other women across different life stages or from a familial comparison

164 perspective. As outlined in the introduction and literature review chapters, there are other research studies that have provided the theoretical foundation for the research question that I have investigated such as, the work of Swami et al. (2013), Ayyar & Khandare (2012), Jha &

Adelman (2009), Parameswaran & Cardoza (2009), Li et al. (2008), Farver et al. (2007), Coard,

Breland, & Raskin (2001), Sahay & Piran (1997), Puar (1995), Bond & Cash (1992); Keith &

Herring (1991) and Hughes & Hertel (1990). However, because of the specific scope of my research topic, prior research studies that are relevant to my dissertation are somewhat limited.

The topic investigated is original in the target sample being looked at, the site location, as well as the multigenerational comparison made among women from each age range in their family unit.

As such, my research question is unique and provides a foundation for future studies to build on.

Because of this limitation, I looked at this as an important opportunity to contribute to the literature with my findings, identify new gaps in the prior literature, and to present the need for further development in this area of study.

The final limitation concerned confidentiality. This limitation in confidentiality was related to possible dynamics in a family unit itself. As different women in a family agreed to partake in the research project, my concern was that if one family member shared an experience or story that described another person from their family in a negative light, and/or this individual shared something confidential that their family member did not want anyone to know, then this may have posed an issue. It could have been an issue if the participants in that family requested a summary of the results from this research project.

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Although the semi-structured interviews were conducted in a private place individually, there were limits to confidentiality where participants could have been concerned about sharing certain information due to their family members. Because some women were from the same family unit, they would likely know who in their family was participating. As a result, if a participant and/or one of their family members who also participated in the project requested a results summary, the summary could include some direct quotes from these participants. Pseudonyms were used to protect the identity of each participant. Still, participants from the same family unit may potentially recognize a quote that was shared by their family member based on the context or story that was shared with me during an interview. I removed all personal identifying information from the quotes and aimed to ensure as much as possible that the quote(s) would not be linked to any individual. Nonetheless, absolute confidentiality could not be guaranteed in these particular circumstances. This was outlined in detail on the research project information letter and I also made sure to inform each participant of this verbally, so that they were aware of the limits of confidentiality for this research project. My goal throughout the entire research process strived to create a comfortable environment where participants felt at ease to be able to open up without fear of judgement or disturbance from other family members during the process.

Overall, I noticed that participants seemed comfortable and shared their personal stories without hesitation.

Conclusion This chapter outlined the methodology that informed my data collection and analysis. Using a mixed methods approach, my project was rooted in grounded theory describing the participant narrative. The data collection process utilized a qualitative approach, which were semi- structured face-to-face interviews, as well as a mixed qualitative and quantitative approach with

166 the use of the two questionnaires, which were the Skin Color Questionnaire (SCQ) developed by

Bond & Cash (1992) and the Skin Color Assessment Procedure (SCAP) also developed by Bond

& Cash (1992). The following chapter will provide information on the findings, including a demographic analysis and will discuss how I engaged with the data.

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Chapter 6

Findings

Introduction This chapter presents a demographic analysis of the sample, and the findings and themes of the research project designed to investigate the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem among women in South Asian families in India through a multigenerational comparison. These findings were contextualized in relation to the following themes: (1) the importance of fair skin as social and cultural capital for South Asian women; (2) the role family socialization and standards played in identity development and colour consciousness; (3) participant skin tone preferences and behaviours (cognitive dissonance); and (4) how the yearning for fair skin was reflected and perpetuated by the mass media, while shaping participant self-perceptions. In addition, this chapter summarizes the results from the two questionnaires completed by participants, the Skin Color Questionnaire (SCQ) developed by Bond & Cash (1992) and the

Skin Color Assessment Procedure (SCAP) also developed by Bond & Cash (1992). A deeper look into these themes and data analysis will follow in Chapter 7.

From the interviews conducted, women were identified by the age group that they belonged to, each family had generational representation across the sample. For example, a family could have consisted of the following members: grandmother – mature age group, mother – middle age group and daughter – young age group.

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Demographic Analysis The demographic questionnaire (See Appendix 5 Demographic Questionnaire) asked participants for personal information, including: age range, gender, religion, highest level of education completed, household composition, employment/professional status, annual household income, geographic location in New Delhi and the number of people in the household. The sample was diverse with women representing different age ranges, creeds, cultural/linguistic, educational and socio-economic backgrounds. With twenty-seven interviewees, the following provides a demographic analysis of the sample from this project:

Age Ranges: The mature age group (65 years and older) comprised of seven women, the middle age group (40-64 years old) comprised of nine women and the young age group (18-39 years old) comprised of eleven women.

Religion: 70% of the participants were Hindu, 19% were Islamic and 11% were Sikh.

Therefore, most participants in the sample were of the Hindu faith.

Education Level: In the mature age group: 28.6% did not complete any schooling, 28.6 % completed some high school, but did not earn a diploma, 14.3% completed nursery school to 8th grade, 14.3% graduated from high school and 14.3% earned a Master’s degree. In the middle age group, 22.2% did not complete any schooling, 22.2% completed nursery school to 8th grade,

11.1% completed high school, 33.3% earned a Bachelor’s degree and 11.1% earned a Master’s degree. In the young age group, 28.6% did not complete any schooling, 14.3% completed nursery school to 8th grade, 28.6% completed high school, but did not earn a diploma, 14.3% completed high school and 14.3% earned a Master’s degree. The young age group attained the highest level of post-secondary education followed by the middle age group. The mature age group attained the lowest level of education, with most women reported not having completed any schooling.

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Marital Status: Of the twenty seven women, 19% were single and never married, 59% were married, 15% were widowed and 7% were divorced. The majority of the women in this sample were married.

Employment Status: Of the twenty seven women, 7% did not have a job, but stated that they were looking for work, 33% were employed, 11% were self-employed, 37% were homemakers,

4% were not able to work (for reasons unknown) and one participant did not provide a response to this question. Most women in the sample were homemakers with a very small difference between the number of women who were homemakers and those who were employed.

Household Income: Of the twenty seven women, five did not report their annual household income. The five participants that did not provide responses were not included in the calculations. The remaining participants fell into various income brackets and class groups as follows: 64% were in the lower middle class group (

3 lakh - 10 lakh), and none of the participants were in the upper middle class-upper class group

(> Rs. 10 lakh). The majority of participants were in the lower middle class group (Rs. 0.75 lakh

- 1.5 lakh). In addition, the mean annual income bracket for the sample was Rs. 150,001 -

300,000 (Rs. 1.5 lakh - 3 lakh), which was the lower middle class – middle class group. See

Table 1: Participant Annual Household Incomes by Class Group and Table 2: Percentage of

Participants in Each Class Group for a more detailed breakdown of the annual household incomes with class groups.

Geographic Location in Delhi: Of the twenty seven women, 66% resided on the West side of

New Delhi, 30% resided on the South side of New Delhi, 4% resided on the North side of New

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Delhi and none of the participants were from the East side or Central New Delhi. Most participants resided on the West side of New Delhi.

Household Composition: Of the twenty seven women, most women lived with their families in the same place of residence. 44% of participants lived with 5 or more family members, 30% lived with 5 family members, 15% lived with 4 family members, 7% lived with three family members and 4% lived with two family members. The majority of participants lived in a multigenerational family with five or more family members in the same family home. There was an exception of one woman from the middle generation who only lived with her partner and children.

The demographic information provided more information and insight into the participants’ lived experiences.

Narratives From the Participants Participant narratives provided further understanding from the use of reports drawn entirely from the women’s experiences in narrative form, to anchor the remaining sections of the findings of this research project. These narratives shared the epistemic realities of South Asian women in

India by learning more about their experiences with body image (skin tone) and self-esteem, and how these were shaped by various factors. This approach deepened the context and perspective of this work, as participant voices were at the forefront of this and the subsequent chapter. It served to validate the data collected through the narratives. The data collected, shared the perceptions, preferences, realities and behaviours of these women in relation to the research topic.

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Importance of Fair Skin as Social and Cultural Capital for South Asian Women The findings of this research suggested that fair skin works as a form of social and cultural capital for South Asian women. Social and cultural capital explain how beauty, as defined through fair skin, serves as capital and a source of stratification for women. Fair skin is considered to be an asset that enhances the lives and upward social mobility of women in stratified societies based on race and colour (Hunter, 2002; Bourdieu, 1986). It has long been an indicator of beauty and social status in India. In this sample, the focus put on social capital related to fair skin and its significance in influencing one’s social mobility appeared to diminish with age, as participants reported that they felt more confident the older that they got. The mature age group reported that beauty and their appearance mattered less for them as they aged.

Five participants from this age group (generation) articulated a similar sentiment as well. For example, Padma, one of the participants revealed that she did not pay attention to her appearance at her age:

I’m so old now. I’m not focused on this now. My children see me and are happy with how they see me.

Another participant, Harleen, expressed this too. She felt that her appearance was not an important factor at this stage of her life:

Now I am an old lady. I won’t look beautiful now. I don’t want to change.

When asked if there was anything that these women would change about themselves that they thought would make them more attractive, all of the participants in the mature age group indicated that there was nothing they would change about themselves. Most expressed that they were happy with their appearance, including their skin tone. This generation discussed feeling comfortable in their own skin, which was shared by Fatima:

No, not all. I am comfortable the way I am. I don’t use any products that they use in the beauty parlours these days.

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Kusum also shared her thoughts:

I think that I am as beautiful at 70 years of age as I was when I was young. When I think so positively and think I am beautiful, then I am beautiful.

The majority of the women in this age group (generation) reported that they were satisfied with their appearance and had no motivation to change how they looked in terms of using face packs

(facials) or other natural methods, makeup or skin lightening products to alter their appearance and/or lighten their complexions.

The results looked different amongst the middle age group. There seemed to be more of a focus on social capital related to fair skin, and its significance in influencing a woman’s social mobility. Participants from the middle generation reported higher levels of self-esteem compared to the young age group, but still lower than the mature age group. In addition, for participants in the middle age group, they felt that beauty and their appearances mattered, but less than the young age group did, and more than the mature age group did. Participants in this age group had some mixed responses though, as women with darker skin tones conveyed the judgement and discrimination that they faced due to their skin tone and how this influenced their self-esteem. Participants in this age group with fairer skin tones reported higher levels of self- esteem than those women with darker skin tones. However, overall, this age group still reported feeling self-conscious about their appearance and not as confident in themselves. Sonia, a woman with a darker complexion shared her experiences facing judgement due to her skin tone and the impact that it had on her:

It obviously hurt. I used to wish that I was better looking and more fair, so that people would like me and say that I was beautiful. I cried even up until the time I got married, but then I got a good husband and family, so it’s okay now.

A similar experience was felt by Nikita as well:

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I don't feel good. I don't know why people think being dark is bad. Is being dark a curse? Because I am dark does not mean I am ugly.

When asked if there was anything that the women would change about themselves that they thought would make them more attractive, six participants with fairer skin tones reported satisfaction with their skin tones, but still shared that they were not as content with their appearance. This was shared by Seema:

I`ve been fair since I was a kid, so I never heard or faced any problems because of it, but I want to lose weight.

Hana shared as well:

Actually my colour was fair anyways, but in fact it has become a bit darker now. I would like to lose some weight, so I look better.

When women with darker complexions were asked this very question, four people stated that they would not change anything about themselves that they thought would make them more attractive. Although women with fairer complexions reported higher levels of self-esteem overall, they still reported aspects of their appearance that they wanted to change (e.g., lose weight). Women with darker complexions shared how the judgement and discrimination that they faced due to their skin tones affected them in a negative way. More than half of the women in this age group (generation), reported that they wanted to improve their appearance in regard to their skin tone. They used a variety of homemade face packs (facials) or other natural methods, makeup or skin lightening products to alter their appearance and/or lighten their complexion.

The results in this area also looked different amongst the young age group (generation). In this sample, it appeared that fair skin as a form of social capital was heavily emphasized the younger in age a woman was. Compared to the mature and middle age groups, the young age group focused the most on their skin tone and appearance. Participants shared that they had lower

174 levels of self-esteem related to their appearance, especially regarding skin tone, as stated by

Jhanvi:

Yeah actually my brother and sister are more fairer than me. They never showed anything like that, but I personally felt it. I felt that they were both fair and the surroundings that I used to see the fair ones get the benefits. I should have been a fair one. In childhood, I never really felt anything, but now as a woman, I am feeling this.

Mila also stated:

During childhood, I never used to think about all of this, but now growing up, I and my friends are also experiencing being rejected by some of the guys. Now it is affecting me in some way.

Kamal explained that:

Very low because everyone is not born confident, but if society doesn’t allow you to be confident it’s like when people motivate you, you feel more confident about yourself. When they demotivate you, you stand nowhere in your own eyes. You get isolated quick.

Furthermore, participants in the young age group had some mixed responses, as women with darker skin tones in this group shared their experiences with the judgement and discrimination that they faced due to their darker skin tones (similar to those in the middle age group), and how this influenced their self-esteem. Miriam, a young woman with darker skin talked about her experience with being judged and how it affected her self-esteem:

...dark skin girls like me lack in confidence. This is again because of the atmosphere we live in because some people make us feel that way. Like in my school also, they used to judge according to the overall personality and according to the skin colour. The girls who were unattractive like me were rejected because of those things. The schools don’t say it openly, but the majority in my school is like that only, so those who are dark and unattractive, we don’t get hired either.

Kamal and Ruhi shared experiences with being judged based on their skin tone. Kamal stated that:

I heard a lot of comments being made. I wasn’t that well educated because we were poor, so I couldn’t study anymore. People used to make comments that I was dark and not

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really educated too, so it will be difficult to get her married. People will say what they want to.

Ruhi expressed this as well:

I remember when I was in class and a lot of people would just you know would make fun, tease and would not talk to me. I cried the whole time and they would still not talk to me. They would rather make fun you know instead of trying to be friends. They would give me different names like, “you’ve come out of a coal mine” or things like that. That would actually make me even more upset. These are small little things that I have seen since my school days and stayed with me.

Women with fairer skin tones reported higher levels of self-esteem than those women with darker skin tones in this age group. Overall, the young age group appeared to have the lowest levels of self-esteem compared to the other generations, and were the most conscious about their appearance.

When the young age group was asked if there was anything that they would change about themselves that they thought would make them more attractive, five participants reported that they would lighten their skin tone. This was stated by participants with both fair and dark skin tones. Similar to the middle age group, young women with darker complexions shared how the judgement and discrimination that they faced affected them in a negative way. Six women also reported that they wanted to improve their appearance in regard to their skin tone and regularly used a variety of homemade face packs (facials) and other natural remedies, makeup or skin lightening products to alter their appearance and/or lighten their complexion.

As there is a huge focus on beauty and having a fair skin tone in India, the findings also indicated that the consumption of beauty services in the form of going to the beauty parlour to lighten one’s skin, was on the rise. Attending beauty parlours appeared to be most prominent

176 with the young age group, and non-existent for women in the middle and mature age groups.

The mature age group discussed this further and there appeared to be a generational difference.

This age group did not have beauty parlours around when they were younger. This was articulated by Padma:

I’ve never gone to the beauty parlour for lightening skin or anything. Just like the people did in the olden days and used oil and all, we only do those things even till today. I am happy like that. I don’t need anything.

Kusum stated that:

As time has changed and my family has moved around, we worked hard to give them a good life and we live in Delhi now….the children of our village are visiting the beauty parlours now! So, you see how things have really changed with time. Big changes.

Leela shared that:

The generation of today frequents the beauty parlour a lot.

Kamla Devi did as well:

Yes, nowadays there are so many beauty parlors out there. People go crazy for them and will go and spend 2 to 3000 rupees on a facial to be fair. Money grows on a tree, so you just grab the dollars from the branch and be on your way.

The mature age group also indicated that they had no interest in going to beauty parlours. Many women criticized the young age group for being too focused on their appearance and attending beauty parlours to lighten their skin tone. This was shared by Padma:

For me, it’s simple things. We only do things like put oil in our hair, put on vermillion and a bindi. From that time to today, I never even learned how to put on lipstick! (laughs) My daughters are wearing it though….Women look more beautiful when they wear these things and are simple. The girls of today think that they have to go to the beauty parlours…they have to fair, style their hair, wear nice clothes, do their makeup, so it’s different thinking. I say that I have never done it, never focused on it and I will never do it. I’ve never thought about going to a beauty parlour ever. I am good as I am.

Harleen explained that:

To look beautiful, these girls will go to the beauty parlour, do the facials and they will put on cream and powder (makeup) and show their beauty. We used to go like this and carry

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three clay pots of water on our heads and we used to cover our faces… now when I see the world I feel bad.

Leela said:

They will say that if they go to the beauty parlour then they will look beautiful and they get things like facials done. They focus on beauty too much.

Kamla Devi also shared her perspective:

They go to make them fairer and beautiful. Nowadays, for any occasion, the first thing that people want to do is go to the parlour. These things were not there before and no one used to go, but now a lot of people go….now for any occasion, big or small, they will run to the parlour to get ready. There is a parlour on every corner now. I don’t like this.

Frequenting beauty parlours was not heavily discussed by the middle age group either. Only three women mentioned beauty parlours and shared how common it was for younger women to visit beauty parlours. Some of the women in the middle age group talked about their daughters going to the beauty parlours as well. Yet, none of these women discussed having gone to a beauty parlour themselves. The responses of these women highlighted that young women regularly go to beauty parlours for skin lightening facials. This was expressed by Madhu:

… because nowadays light skin is considered the most beautiful…Even those people that have dark skin nowadays will put on makeup and go to the parlour to try to become fairer. It wasn’t like that before, but it is now.

Lara also said this:

Having fair skin is a big deal and now many girls go to the parlours to get facials done and then they look fair. So, in this dilemma, having fair skin is very important in this time.

Rama stated:

That’s why girls with darker skin tones visit the beauty parlours and get facials done. They bleach their skin and they want to look fair and beautiful. They do it now and it’s more prevalent today.

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The young age group were regular consumers in the beauty parlours. Seven participants discussed going to beauty parlours to get skin lightening facials and other procedures done. This appeared to be common practice for these women. However, interestingly, four participants articulated their displeasure about going to beauty parlours and stated that they felt that women from their generation put too much emphasis on fair skin. This sentiment was shared by Mila:

They go to the beauty parlors (laughs). Those who are well off and go out more, working women, they focus more on makeup and visit beauty parlors more.

Miriam expressed this too:

The working women do face issues at times due to complexion. If they do not have any confidence, they will face such issues when they see other women in the office that they think are more beautiful. A girl with a dark complexion girl would compare herself to a fairer skin girl and think about how others see her. She will think about how she can lighten her skin and then she will start running to the beauty parlour and keep on spending her money.

Overall, it seemed that frequenting the beauty parlour to lighten one’s skin colour was most common amongst the young age group. The mature age group was on the opposite end of the spectrum, and the differences between these two generations in particular was evident.

Further findings indicated mixed responses when women were asked what they thought was the most important trait for feminine beauty. It is important to note that some participants provided multiple responses and these responses were included for each answer. Overall, ten participants indicated that having fair skin was the most important trait for feminine beauty. These ten women comprised of two participants from the mature age group, four participants from the middle age group and four participants from the young age group. It appeared that the middle and young generations found fair skin to be an important trait representing feminine beauty than did the mature age group. This was stressed by Tara:

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Look, the most important thing is skin tone…white skin. In the normal generation, if we go with their mentality then one should have fair skin. A girl should have good height at least like mine, five feet and up. They also don’t take short girls and she should have fair skin, good features and she shouldn’t be fat. The number one thing though is skin colour.

Rama shared as well:

Light skin because the world looks at face colour first, so that’s why light skin is better.

Other responses included, having a good figure, wearing makeup, long hair, being natural and having a good personality and manners. According to participants, after skin tone, being natural and having a good personality were the most commonly stated responses. These figures can be found in Table 3: Most Important Trait of Feminine Beauty – Breakdown by Age Group.

When looking into additional findings related to fair skin as a form of social capital for South

Asian women, participants provided varied responses when asked if they ever felt that their skin tone helped or got in the way of their success or life opportunities, or in gaining access to certain things. Fifteen replied no, that they did not feel it did, six replied yes, that it did, and five participants stated that it did not happen to them personally in their life, but to someone that they knew. One person did not answer this question. More specifically, when breaking down these findings according to age group, participants who answered no were: five people from the mature age, four people from the middle age group and seven people from the young age group.

For those who answered yes: no one from the mature age group, two people from the middle age group and four people from the young age group. Finally, for those who stated that it did not happen to them, but rather to someone that they knew, the results by age group were: three people from the mature age group, one person from the middle age group and one person from the young age group. These findings were also further broken down by participant skin tones.

Overall, participants with fairer skin tones from the young age group and participants with darker

180 skin tones from the mature age group mostly answered no to this question. Participants with darker skin tones from the young age group mostly answered yes to this question. These figures can be found in Table 4: Have you ever felt that your skin tone has helped or gotten in the way of your success/ life opportunities/access to certain things? Breakdown by Age Group and Skin

Tone.

Participants also described that they felt that men gave a woman’s skin tone high prominence when considering them as potential marital prospects. Most participants discussed that regardless of whether marriages were arranged by families, or if they were marriages based on love, a woman’s fair skin was a determining factor in whether or not she would be selected as a partner. Overall, sixteen participants stated that a woman’s skin tone would be looked at when being considered as a potential partner for marriage by a male and/or his family. Nine participants stated that people did not look at a woman’s skin tone when selecting her as a marriage partner. Two participants stated that maybe a woman’s skin tone would be looked at in this case, but in conjunction with other characteristics such as, her education, family background and other similar factors. More specifically, by age group, four women from the mature age group stated that people would look at the skin tone of a woman in this case, five women from the middle age group and seven women from young age group articulated a similar sentiment. In comparison, three women from the mature age group stated that people would not look at the skin tone of a woman in this case, three women from the middle age group and three women from the young age group articulated this as well. The two individuals that answered maybe to this question were from the young age group. Some of the participants from the young age

181 group experienced this personally during the time that the interviews were being conducted for this project. Jhanvi shared the impact that it had on her:

My mother used to tell me that skin tone mattered and then even now, I see that skin tone matters a lot because when people are coming to see me for marriage proposals, they would mention that they want a fair girl.

Mila did as well:

Now that I am of marriageable age, my parents are looking for a groom for me, so this time I am experiencing this all. Everybody wants a beautiful girl you know, so when I meet boys, all those things happen. It affects me. They say ki the girl should be beautiful and fair.

Other participants discussed abundant examples of the importance of skin tone for women in this context based on the experiences of their family members or friends. Some stories were shared by participants. Madhu stated that:

Not in my immediate family, but yes, I have seen in my extended family. I have seen one or two girls rejected because they were dark skinned. The boy’s side said openly that they wanted a fair girl and that the girl was dark and that was the reason they did not want that match. They want beautiful girls.

Janki shared her experience:

Some of my friends have. They were rejected by the boys’ side because of the skin colour and they don’t look at the overall personality. They don’t say it openly and they don’t show it openly, but it’s very obvious. If the guy is smart and better than the girl, then it’s obvious.

Anika also shared her experience:

Yeah, that would happen a lot. In my family, we had some girls who were very dark, so they used to face problems when trying to get married. People would come to look at them and they would be rejected because their skin was so dark. In India, you have to face this. Skin tone matters and the preference is always given to those with fair skin.

The nine participants that expressed that skin tone was not a form of social or cultural capital for women when being considered as a martial prospect, felt that societal values and the mentality in

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India around this had changed, and that it was no longer an issue. Three women from the mature age group, three women from the middle age group and three women from the young age group discussed this. More specifically, this was shared by Leela:

Whatever happened before is not an issue now. The future generations won’t have this issue and the time has changed now, and will continue to change for the better regarding this with women.

Also by Seema:

I don’t think it happens now either. They would never say anything like that. The boys nowadays come to see the girls, so they come to see how the girl is. If she is dark, what does that matter? They just see if she looks nice or not and what qualities she has. They look at how she will fit into the family, how educated she is, how she can handle her responsibilities at home.

Dina as well:

Society doesn’t look at skin tone, they look at people’s hearts. They look at everything…it’s not like they only look at one thing. They don’t look at colour. What will they do by looking at one’s colour? They look at the qualities of a person, in a daughter-in-law.

From the findings, it appeared that skin tone held some form of social and cultural capital for women in India, and influenced their self-esteem to some extent. This was more apparent in the young age group from the participant accounts. Examining these findings in relation to the role of the family in identity development and self-esteem will provide a more comprehensive picture.

Family Socialization and Standards in Identity Development and Colour Consciousness Indian society is collectivistic and this is a cultural value in India that encourages social cohesion and interdependence. Families in India follow the same principles of collectivism and joint families have traditionally been the custom (Chadda & Deb, 2013). Family socialization, dynamics and standards shape and influence the beliefs, perceptions and behaviours of its members. The family plays a key role in identity development among its members as well. The

183 findings of this research indicated that family units shaped the identity formation and associated self-esteem and body image (conceptions of beauty and skin tone) of its members in different ways, particularly for those in their formative years, such as the young women in this research project.

When participants were asked, did their family ever talk about their skin tone while they were growing up, women from the mature age group all stated that their families did not. The skin tone make up of the mature age group was: two women were fair skinned, two women were wheatish and three women were darker skinned. In the middle age group, eight women stated that their families did not and one woman stated that her family did (she was darker skinned).

The skin tone make up of the remaining women in the middle age group were: one woman was fair skinned, three women were wheatish and four women were darker skinned. In the younger age group, eight women stated that their families did not and three women stated that their families did. In the former group, one woman was fair skinned and two women were darker skinned. In the latter group, four women were fair skinned, two woman were wheatish and two women were darker skinned. Altogether, out of the twenty seven women in the sample, twenty three stated that their families did not talk about their skin tone while they were growing up, and four stated that theirs did. The individuals that answered yes to this question mainly had darker skin tones, which may show that the topic of skin tone may have been more common in participant families with darker skin. Participants with fairer and wheatish skin tones expressed that their families did not really speak about their skin tones, or about the topic in general, while they were growing up. Presumably because they were lighter skinned and therefore, did not have any issues. Padma shared that:

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My skin tone is fair anyway, so nobody really said anything to me. I`ve been fair since I was a kid, so I never heard or faced any problems because of it.

Hana stated that:

No, never, I had a fair complexion, so nobody said anything about my complexion. I was fair complexioned. My family always told me to maintain that. Complexion should not turn dark. We used to mix gram-flour with curd or milk cream prepared at home itself.

Sonia talked about her experience as well:

No, no one said anything about my skin tone. Well, everyone used to say that I look like I was South Indian because of my curly, long hair. I had a South Indian touch.

Perhaps skin tone was not discussed so overtly in the families with fairer and wheatish skin tones because of the social capital attached to fair skin. Because of their skin tones, they conceivably did not face colourism.

When participants were asked did they ever feel pressure to have light skin, in the mature age group, six women stated that they did not feel pressure to have light skin and one woman stated that she did. The skin tone make up of this age group was: for those that answered no, one woman was fair skinned, two women were wheatish and three women were darker skinned. The one individual that answered yes to this question was fair skinned. In the middle age group, eight women stated that they did not feel pressure to have light skin and one woman also stated that she did. The skin tone make up of this age group was: for those that answered no, one woman was fair skinned, three women were wheatish and four women were darker skinned. The participant that answered yes to this question was darker skinned. Finally, in the young age group, eight women stated that they did not feel pressure to have light skin and three women stated that they did. The skin tone make up of this age group was: for those that answered no: four women were fair skinned, two women were wheatish and two women were darker skinned.

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For those that answered yes to this question, one woman was fair skinned and two women were darker skinned. Overall, twenty two participants responded that they did not feel pressure to have light skin, while five answered that they did feel the pressure. Of those participants that answered yes, they were both fair and dark skinned. This may indicate that they felt the pressure to have fair skin for different reasons, felt pressure to maintain their already fair skin, or maybe that skin tone was not a prominent topic of conversation.

Other findings indicated that family members would pass on information or “tips” to other family members or their friends about skin lightening products or methods. Of the participants that engaged in skin lightening, they were also asked if they would recommend the product or method to their family and friends. In the mature age group, three women provided a response to this question. They all expressed that they shared this type of information with their friends and family. In the middle age group, six women provided a response. Five women also stated that they shared this type of information with family and friends and one woman did not. Finally, in the young age group, seven women provided a response. Six women expressed that they shared this type of information with family and friends and one woman did not. Fourteen women in total from the sample passed on this type of information to their family and friends. Of the responses provided, there appeared to be a mix of skin lightening products and methods that were shared by these women with others. They ranged from using store bought skin lightening products such as, “Fair and Lovely” and “Vicco” creams, to homemade face packs (facials) made of ingredients such as, cream with gram flour, milk cream, yogurt mixed with chickpea flour and sandalwood mixed with rose water.

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In thinking about the pressure that some women may have felt to be fair skinned, another finding that emerged from the data was the preference in some families to have a fair skinned daughter- in-law. This was not indicated or brought up in every family interviewed because some participants had daughters, and the discussions around selecting marriage partners looked somewhat different in that context. This is examined in the next paragraph (homogamy). This experience looked different across the generations.

Some participants in the mature age group discussed that when they looked for potential matches for their sons, they wanted a woman who was beautiful, fair and from a good family. Five women from this age group indicated their preference: four participants stated that they looked for a fair skinned daughter-in-law when getting their sons married and one participant stated that she did not do this. Some participants in this generation also expressed that they wanted their grandchildren to find matches who were also fairer skinned because it was deemed a suitable match. These women said it was to complement the family better. Participants in the middle age group, also indicated that they looked for potential partners for their children who were fair skinned. At the time of this research project, one woman was looking for matches for her children, and stated that she was looking for fair skinned matches for them as well. All of the women in this age group wanted fair skinned daughter-in-laws for the same reasons articulated by the mature age group. Seven women indicated their preference: two participants stated that they looked for a fair skinned daughter-in-law and one woman was looking for the same at the time of the interview, and two participants stated that they did not do this. In one case, one woman with a darker skin tone stated that she specifically looked for a darker skinned daughter- in-law to marry her son because their family was darker. She expressed that she did not want

187 any family problems to arise down the road had she brought home a fair skinned daughter-in- law. This phenomenon looked slightly different in the young age group, as most of the women stated that they had actually been on the receiving end of this issue when their marriages were being arranged by their families. A few women also experienced this issue at the time of the research project, as their families looked for potential suitors to introduce them to. Some of the women in this age group shared their experiences. More specifically, Tara and Mila shared their experiences.

Tara stated that:

When my marriage was being fixed, it was brought up quite a bit that my skin tone is dark. For any potential in laws, we had to tell them that I had darker skin.

Mila expressed this as well:

Now that I am of marriageable age, my parents are looking for a groom for me, so this time I am experiencing it. Everybody wants a beautiful girl you know, so when I meet boys, all those things happen. Somewhere it affects that the girl should be beautiful and fair. By watching the pics only, they think the girl is not so good looking and all.

In this age group, seven women shared their experiences: four women experienced this when their marriages were being arranged, and two woman indicated that they were in the middle of experiencing it when I interviewed them. They were meeting men that their families were introducing them to as potential partners. One woman indicated that she did not experience this when her marriage was being arranged by her family. Through this finding, it appeared that there was more to this phenomena, as participants began sharing more information with me about their skin tone preferences regarding their grandchildren and children, especially in the case of selecting marital partners. It seemed that even though it was not overtly indicated, participant responses gave the impression that there was a rather significant emphasis placed on skin tone. It was another finding that provided a deeper understanding regarding some of the

188 participants’ preferences for a fair skinned daughter-in-law, which is highlighted in the paragraph discussing the finding for the preference for fair skinned daughter-in-laws.

During the discussions around marriage, it appeared that the emphasis on skin tone changed over the generations. When families looked for potential matches for their daughters and sons, it seemed that the least amount of emphasis put on fair skin was in the mature age group.

However, over time, the importance attached to it, appeared to increase with each coming generation, as shared by these women. Also, it looked like the young age group faced the most pressure in this area and the focus on having fair skin was highest for this generation. Many of the women from the mature age group indicated that there was not much weight put on skin tone when they grew up. These participants maintained that during that time, marriages were strictly arranged by the family. The bride and groom would never see or meet each other until their wedding day. These participants also shared that during this time, the focus was more on if the potential bride came from a good family and could effectively carry out the domestic responsibilities in the family home. Padma shared her experience:

In our time, there wasn’t much focus on skin tone - fair and dark. The brides and grooms never met before their marriage. It was always an arranged marriage by the parents and wherever the parents fixed the relationship, we would always accept it.

Harleen stated this:

They looked for culture and talent. My husband did not even see me before marriage, but after marriage, he also looked at my qualities, my culture, how I carried myself in society and how I behaved with others in the family. I was very good at sewing, embroidery and other chores, and he noticed all of these things. Everybody looked at and focused on these things. They looked at the qualities that I had. No one cared about my skin tone and never talked to be about this topic either.

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Leela said that:

No, in that time they didn’t look at things like colour. In that time, the in-laws would look at if the girl was able to do housework and all. They used to see if she could handle the domestic responsibilities.

In the middle age group, it seemed that in this generation, there began to be some emphasis placed on skin tone. Participants shared that some marriages were still arranged by their parents and family members. Yet, some women from this age group talked about selecting their own partners and these were referred to as love marriages. Women also had an opportunity to meet potential partners with their families during this time, which was unheard of during the generation of the mature age group. Some women shared that the use of matrimonial advertisements were becoming more common during this time as well. Many families and the advertisements explicitly stated that they were seeking women who had fair or wheatish skin.

Participants from this age group expressed that there was a focus on a woman’s attractiveness, beauty, and if she came from a good family and socioeconomic background. Sonia shared more about her experience:

I don't know how all this started. This was not the way previously. I don't know how this developed when it was our time and now it’s become so prevalent. Maybe because previously getting married happened at an early age or the relationships was fixed by other people, so it was not so prevalent. The only thing that counted at that time was the family name, how they fared in the society and such. People got married based on family name. People do not give importance to the family name now. When I got married, people looked at things in totality, the full package. There were the matrimonial ads in the newspapers and all, you will find people looking for fair complexioned, tall, etc. partners and beautiful girls. These three words are still most sought after when looking for a match today even. I don't know how long this will go on and when this will change. Only God knows.

Tara said that:

My mother–in-law felt that since her son was very handsome and I was very dark, she questioned him by asking, “What have you done?” because we had a love marriage.

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Rama stated:

It was definitely more in our time. At our time, for marriage and all people used to put emphasis on fair toned girls so that the next generation turns out fairer. Even dark toned men demanded fair toned and beautiful girls. It was one of the main criteria for marriage in our time. A job was not that important that time. Girls’ complexions were so important that time. In our caste, Kayastha, fair complexion was not that prevalent, so any girl in our caste who was fair would be chosen right away.

In the young age group, appeared to be the most emphasis placed on skin tone for women when it came to marriage proposals. Of all of the age groups, this generation was the most educated, financially independent and self-reliant most likely due to the changes in modern day India. This age group was also the largest user of skin lightening products and methods. This age group also appeared to face the most pressure to conform to the fair skin beauty ideal, particularly when finding a suitor to get married. Perhaps this could explain the use of the skin lightening products and such.

For the young age group, the family still somewhat played a role in arranging marriages for their children, as some women had or were going to have an arranged marriage, while some were in love marriages. The difference in this generation compared to the mature and middle age groups, was that now when families introduced these women to potential partners, they were able to meet and get to know potential suitors. This was not the norm in the time of the mature age group, and began more as a practice with women in the middle age group. The women in the young age group had more independence and support to choose a partner that they liked.

However, these women shared that the desire for fair skinned brides was rampant. Matrimonial advertisements and websites overwhelmingly stated that a woman would have to be fair. Some women shared that potential matches and their respective families were very insistent and outspoken in their desire for this characteristic when looking for a bride. The expectations about

191 the types of characteristics that a woman “needed” to possess, increased in this generation.

These participants stated that men and their families wanted women to be beautiful, fair, slim, educated, from a good socioeconomic background and able to engage in domestic responsibilities. Ruhi, Anika and Miriam expressed more about this phenomenon. Ruhi said:

Yes, even in the villages parents say that if their daughter were fair then there wouldn’t be any problem in getting her married. After marriage, even the husband might make negative comments and in-laws too. This is the reality for darker skinned girls who are a bit darker than me. I have seen this when I went to the village and how it happens and she will also have to give dowry if she is dark.

Anika stated:

The parents of dark complexioned girls literally have to "buy" grooms with money because marrying off a dark complexioned girl was not easy. Nobody wanted to marry a dark toned girl. Nowadays, there is some change in society, but still there is a lot of difference. If it is love marriage, some people do accept, but in arranged marriage we still have problems. The groom’s side will inquire about the height, complexion and weight and all of the girl. They are shameless. They do not care how the groom is, but the bride should be perfect, fair, and beautiful. For them, boys are still only a means to earn a living, but girls need to be perfect in every aspect.

Miriam stated:

…when I’m going for meetings with boys, that time my mother is like ki put on a little more of makeup you know. You should look good that time. These things irritate me. Why is it about the looks only? Why not the way we talk and all? Our nature also matters, but in an arranged marriage I guess the first look is only the basis.

Many participants from this age group articulated that they were against this traditional type of thinking. This age group appeared to be the only generation that overwhelmingly wanted to challenge the established fair skin beauty ideal in India, along with other unrealistic cultural expectations of beauty that they faced from family and society at large.

The reason for the preference in some families to have a fair skinned daughter-in-law appeared to be homogamy. Many women from the mature and middle age groups stressed the importance of their grandchildren and children marrying someone who was similar to them. This was

192 heavily emphasized regarding skin tone. Some participants articulated that a good match would only exist between either two fair skinned people or two darker skinned people. They explained that marrying “out of their kind” (a fair skinned person and a dark skinned person) was wrong, against the family values, and would cause a great deal of shame and social embarrassment for the family amongst their inner circle. This was articulated by many participants from the mature age group. More specifically, Padma shared her preference:

None of them were dark tone. In our times, dark tones were not considered good, we always thought fair people were good. We would never form any kind of relationship with any dark toned people. We would never prefer dark toned girls as our daughter-in- laws because dark skin will get even darker later.

Harleen expressed her preferences and practices in her family:

In my family, when we searched for daughter-in-laws we have always looked for beautiful and fair girls, like the rest of our family members, so that the offspring will also be beautiful. The girls should be fair and beautiful like us. If the mother is not beautiful then children will also not be beautiful, if they are dark toned then people will think they are not good.

Fatima also expressed hers:

I wanted beautiful girls for my sons and both of my daughter-in-laws are beautiful. None of my daughter-in-laws are dark skinned.

This was also articulated by women in the middle age group. Madhu expressed that:

It is not that dark skin is bad, everyone is God's creatures, but if they are not a perfect match for the family then we have to look at it in that sense. If everyone in my family are fair and she is dark, then everyone will say our choice was bad, be it daughter-in-law or daughter. People will say it’s not a good match. We don't hate them, but if she does not match with our family then what can we do?

Lara shared her preference and family practices around this:

She is dark and you can’t say that to someone because they will feel bad, so that’s why we say she is different. So, if I meet a dark toned girl I will not call her dark as she will feel very bad, so we can't say anything to her about her complexion. We will just say that she does not match our family, not a perfect match.

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Rama also expressed a similar sentiment as Lara:

Since growing up, I have only seen this. We always saw that one should always bring a culturally similar woman to one's home. Even the colour of the daughter-in-law’s skin matters, so nobody thinks of her as different and nobody points out that she is different. So, we have to pick the one who matches and is a perfect fit for the family.

This highlights the enduring significance of skin tone in this context. Further findings showed that because of some participants preferences for fair skin, there appeared to be a desire for some women to want their existing or future children’s skin tones to also be fair. This was more so in the young age group, as only some had children. In addition, in the mature and middle age groups, there was a desire for future generations to be fair as well (great grandchildren and grandchildren). This seemed to draw attention to the significant role that skin tone played in the lives of Indian women, particularly in this research project.

Skin Tone Preferences and Behaviours: Cognitive Dissonance The findings showed that there were inconsistencies in participants’ skin tone preferences and behaviours (cognitive dissonance). Cognitive dissonance “…refers to a situation involving conflicting attitudes, beliefs or behaviors. This produces a feeling of mental discomfort leading to an alteration in one of the attitudes, beliefs or behaviors to reduce the discomfort and restore balance” (McLeod, 2018). Most participants acknowledged that skin tone bias towards fair skin was oppressive and exclusionary to others. Some participants articulated that they did not possess a skin tone bias, and that they had never judged others based on this. Other participants articulated the same, but openly stated that they knew it was hurtful and wrong to judge others based on skin tone. These participants were mainly from the young age group. Tara, Dina and

Anika expressed their views.

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Tara said that:

This shouldn’t happen and we do know that this is wrong. The kids of today are changing and creating change. At this age, we still feel the same. Newer generations are changing.

Dina expressed that:

This is wrong because defining someone by their skin tone is not right. This would really make a girl feel bad. We don’t know what she would feel in her heart. If we were to say to her, “Oh, you’re so dark and we don’t prefer you” then she would feel hurt

Anika stated that:

It’s wrong actually rejecting a girl just by looking at the picture. It’s really bad you know. You should know the person and should see the other things also. I always like to know the person. They are just rejecting them by their skin colour or by the overall personality, it’s not right. It is sad.

Individuals from the middle and mature age groups expressed similar sentiments. However, these age groups in particular, emphasized that skin tone bias existed because it was too common in Indian society. They expressed that it was a norm that would not change. These views were shared by Seema, Leela, and Madhu. Seema stated that:

Dark girls have to fight society as well as oneself. Once you can build up that confidence, by fighting with one's self you bring yourself up to that level, you are not bothered about the society. Society then too starts accepting you. This is survival of the fittest at that time, how much you can fight to make your place in this society. The fair skinned girls do not have to fight much to get their place. If they make a little effort, it takes them a long way, but for dark skinned girls there is struggle in life. It’s not right, but this is how it is in India…parents comment about skin colour, saying like you are dark, put on some make up, do this or that because it will make you look beautiful and people will like you.

Leela mentioned that:

This is how we’ve been brought up since the old times. If you are fair, you have a good complexion and you’re good looking, you would be given more importance. You would be preferred over even your sibling if your sibling is dark skinned and you’re light skinned. You’d be given more preference. I guess because that’s how it’s been going on since the olden times. I think that’s the reason why girls want to be more fairer than other girls who are not so fair.

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Madhu said that:

Some people do get things because of their skin tone. If there are two sisters, the older one is darker and the younger one is fairer and they have a suitor there to look at them, he will pick the fairer sister. He really should be picking the darker sister because she is older, but he will pick the younger one. People shouldn’t go on skin tone. This won’t change. If you have fair skin, you will get a good career, proposal and other opportunities in life.

Having expressed these views, participants were then asked which skin tone they thought was more beautiful: light skin or dark skin. The majority of participants stated that they thought that light skin was more beautiful. Out of twenty seven participants, fifteen stated that they thought light skin was more beautiful, four stated that wheatish skin was more beautiful, three stated that dark skin was more beautiful, and five stated that both (light and dark skin) were more beautiful.

Conversely, some participants articulated that they did not possess a skin tone bias towards fair skin and/or never judged others upon this. Participants also acknowledged that having a fair skin tone bias was oppressive and hurtful to others. Despite these comments, most participants still preferred fair skin tones over darker ones. See Table 5: Which is the most beautiful: light skin or dark skin? Breakdown by Age Group and Skin Tone for the breakdown.

Participants were also asked if they had engaged in any form of skin lightening through the use of different products or methods. The findings were almost equal, fourteen women answered no and thirteen women answered yes. By age group, in the mature age group, one participant engaged in skin lightening and six did not. In the middle age group, four participants engaged in skin lightening and five did not. In the young age group, eight participants engaged in skin lightening and three did not. Thus, skin lightening products or methods were most used by the young age group, followed by the middle age group, and rarely used in the mature age group.

Participants of all skin tones engaged in skin lightening, and of the various means described, skin

196 lightening creams, homemade face packs (facials) and chemical peels were the most commonly described methods used. See Table 6: Use of Skin Lightening Products or Practices -

Breakdown by Age Group and Skin Tone for the breakdown.

With regard to the use of skin lightening products or methods, some participants were asked what made them want to use it or engage in skin lightening. Not all women were asked this particular question though. Some women did not use any form of skin lightening products or methods, so they were not further questioned in this area. A total of twelve women provided responses on skin lightening products and fifteen women did not (this question did not pertain to them). Two women from the mature age group provided a response, four women from the middle age group and six women from the young age group. Across the board, the responses were similar. These women expressed that they wanted to use skin lightening products or engage in certain skin lightening methods to look fairer, have clearer complexions and to improve their skin tones. This was shared by Dina:

I have a ray of hope that it will lighten my skin. I’ve spent more than 2000 or 3000 bucks on products and treatments (laughs). I use them to lighten my skin…that’s all. I’ve tried creams, bleaches, treatment, chemical peels

And Jhanvi as well:

My friends used to use it and they told me that it was good and doesn’t have a lot of chemicals in it. They told me that it makes your skin soft and fair and that you get good results, so from that time I started using it. It does not damage skin and it makes the skin soft and fair, so I started using it.

Additionally, participants were asked how they felt after using a skin lightening product or engaging in a skin lightening practice. Almost all of the women who engaged in skin lightening in the sample expressed some form of personal satisfaction and happiness, with the exception of

197 two women who stated that they did not see a difference in their skin tones after having used skin lightening creams. However, these two women continued to use the skin lightening creams regardless. The comments articulated by participants showed their personal gratification after having used some form of a skin lightening product or method. This was expressed by Kamla

Devi:

My skin has improved, so that’s why I use it. I haven’t missed one day. I may forget to eat, but I never forget to put on my ‘Fair and Lovely.’ I’ve been using it for 40 years and now I’m an old lady. I’m 70 years old and still use it.

Madhu said that:

I felt happy. After using it, it clears my complexion and makes me look fairer. It helped with my pigmentation. I used to feel good after that.

Ruhi explained:

Yeah, at a certain point of time when I go to the beauty parlour or spa, I try to do skin whitening treatments or facials only with the intention that maybe one day I’ll look white and maybe people will accept me. Like you can’t change your colour overnight, you need to have patience or you can change yourself completely like Michael Jackson. I’m not so rich like that where I can take drugs (laughs). So, I need to be patient if I want to be white.

It appeared that participants believed that these products would make them fairer and they kept using them in the hopes of improving and/or maintaining their skin tones (if they were already fair skinned).

From the findings, it seemed as if there was some contradiction (cognitive dissonance) in participant responses regarding their preferences and behaviours related to skin tone and bias.

As mentioned, participants predominately stated that skin tone bias towards fair skin was wrong and had a negative impact on women (cognition). Regardless, most participants in the sample expressed that they felt that fair skin was more beautiful than dark skin (attitude). Also,

198 numerous women in the sample of different skin tones engaged in skin lightening practices through the use of different products and methods (behaviour). The cognition, attitudes and behaviours conflicted in these cases. For those who did not engage in skin lightening, the aforementioned findings still highlighted somewhat of an inconsistency in participant beliefs, attitudes and behaviours related to skin tone and their inclinations towards fair skin. These findings, in addition to examining how the mass media influences skin tone preferences through advancing images of fair skin, provided a richer understanding of this phenomenon.

“Snow White Syndrome” is Reinforced and Perpetuated Through the Mass Media Further findings implied that South Asian women are increasingly facing “Snow White

Syndrome,” which is the yearning for fair skin through the current trend of rampant marketing and advertising images of fair skin and skin lightening products (Pande, 2018; Ashfaque et al.,

2014; Venkataswamy, 2013), via various mass media sources. The findings suggested that advertising and media images around skin tone were heavily gendered, focused primarily on women. Participant responses highlighted the effects of mediated white beauty through such images, messages and advertisements. The findings presented further information regarding how media sources such as, television advertisements and the Bollywood film industry have shaped, and continue to have an impression on Indian women’s preferences around skin tone. As a result, this influences their self-perceptions.

Participant responses gave the impression that the media reinforced and perpetuated the desire for fairness in Indian women. The preference for fair skin appeared to be the smallest in the mature age group, followed by the young age group, and the highest in the middle age group.

When participants were asked to describe the women that they saw who most often starred in

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Bollywood films, the mature age group mainly named popular actresses from the era that they grew up in such as, Meena Kumari, Madhubala, Vyjayanthimala and Hema Malini. In general, the mature age group, mainly named these and other wheatish toned actresses, as the ones that they most often saw starring in Bollywood films. Participants were also asked who their favourite actresses were. The mature age group predominantly named wheatish toned actresses such as, Asha Parekh and Hema Malini as well. Participants in the middle age group were asked to describe the women that they saw who most often starred in Bollywood films. They named some actresses from the past who were popular when they were growing up, and some current actresses. In this age group, they named actresses such as, Madhuri Dixit, Aishwarya Rai and

Priyanka Chopra. Women typically named these and other fair to wheatish toned actresses, as the ones that they most often saw starring in Bollywood films.

Participants from the middle age group were also asked who their favourite actresses were. They predominantly named fair skin actresses such as, Aishwarya Rai. Furthermore, participants in the young age group were too asked to describe the women that they saw who most often starred in Bollywood films. Without exception, participants named modern day actresses such as,

Deepika Padukone, Priyanka Chopra and Aishwarya Rai. This age group mainly named these and other fair skin toned actresses, as the ones that they most often saw starring in Bollywood films. These participants were then asked who their favourite actresses were. The women in this age group named predominately wheatish toned actresses such as, Deepika Padukone and

Priyanka Chopra as well. Overall, across all age groups, fair and wheatish toned actresses were described, as the women that these participants thought were the ones who most often starred in

Bollywood films. In terms of favourite actresses, a total of eighteen actresses were named across

200 all age groups. The top three favourite actresses named across all age groups were: Priyanka

Chopra, Deepika Padukone and Aishwarya Rai. Eight of the eighteen actresses named had fair skin tones, five of these actresses had wheatish skin tones and five had darker skin tones. Many of the wheatish toned actresses that were named by participants have also engaged in skin lightening procedures, which will be discussed in more depth in Chapter 7.

In looking at how fair skinned beauty has been ingrained in the Indian culture, participants were asked where they thought this thinking and mentality came from, as well as this type of influence in their lives. Discussions around why women wanted to attain fair skin beauty was raised by each generation in the sample. These additional findings highlighted that participants felt that fair skin beauty ideals were promoted and normalized through the mass media. Various forms of media such as, television, film and advertisements, endorse Western beauty ideals in the form of fair skin and emphasize the associated privileges that come along with meeting this beauty standard. The marketing campaigns and depictions of white skin beauty set an ideal that many

Indian women wish to emulate. Participants across all age ranges articulated this and expressed how television, advertisements for skin lightening products and the Bollywood film industry pushed this beauty ideal on society. Comments from participants in the mature age group pointed this out. This was expressed by Kusum:

They learn this from watching the heroines and watching TV and films. They all look so beautiful, so they think that I should too. They say to themselves if they are wearing those clothes then why I am not wearing that too? They want to copy the same fashion and everything. We just want to copy what they do. If we copy others, we will never be smart.

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Leela said that:

The kids now they go abroad to study and they are away from home, so they get an opportunity to see many things. Then they come back and do that stuff here. To some extent, television programs have also molded their mentality.

Kamla Devi explained her perspective:

I think some of it comes from one’s parents and some from the advertisements. Parents also think may be these fairness products would help my child.

Similar comments from the middle age group also called attention to this. Madhu elaborated on this further:

Though there is a little difference, previously, people used to look only at the faces of the actresses. If they were fair, with good features they could become heroines. There is a focus on their figures as well and make up has changed everything now. They can change the skin tone from dark to fair. There are some actresses who have dark tone at this time, but they are so heavily made up that it would be hard to know if they are dark, like Konkona Sen, she is very dark. Madhuri Dixit, such a famous actress, she is also not fair, but make up makes the difference. She does not look dark. Even Hema Malini, was dark, but with makeup they look different. If you present a dark toned heroine she will not be acceptable to society, so through layers of makeup they are made to look fair. Their features look good undoubtedly, but people were not able to realize that they are actually dark. Mostly though, they have fair complexions and they look beautiful. Although complexion's importance is evident from them, people are more inclined towards foreign heroines, as they have very fair skin. People have this craze. People run after them because of their fair skin. They think that is what is beautiful even today. We want to be beautiful like them.

Seema stated that:

The products were not really there when we were younger. Now there are so many products in the market that women want to try. So many fairness creams of a different variety. There are BB creams and foundation creams. By using them, your complexion would look fairer. One’s skin tone changes.

Janki expressed that:

I think this is more to do with the kind of environment that we live in from watching movies and TV. It is more like a trend. From our childhood, we talked about foreign women and referred to them as gori mem [white woman] so, beauty has become equivalent to this term. When you want to say that someone is very beautiful you would refer to them as gori mem.

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The young age group also indicated this sentiment. Comments from Dina, Mila and Kamal expressed this. Dina said that:

These actresses usually have nice features. They select them for movies and ads and all. They do not select dark toned girls. When we see them, we wish that we could look like that also. The biggest reasons for this are the TV and Internet.

Mila stated: They’re obsessed because like what we see in reality and in the movies and advertisements is people with white skin and they are in more demand, so if you’re white you can easily get married and settled. Being white skinned in our country is taboo and people don’t speak it, but you want that. It’s very bad to speak about it, but you need that. It’s just like that, an unspoken truth.

Kamal said that:

They use these because now there are so many ads on TV, so people have no choice but to believe what they see. Some people use these products, but it’s just a myth that one can become fairer by using these products.

Furthermore, the young age group was the generation that was most candid and vocal about their dislike for this type of messaging and marketing that promoted the fair skin beauty “norm.” This age range appeared to have strong views about wanting to challenge the mainstream beauty ideals around fair skin in Indian society. Jayna expressed that:

I wish it changes, but I don’t think it will because some of the Indians will never change you know. In television also, some of the programs portray all of this, so it’s so sad to see that and the advertisements and all for the fairness creams. I don’t think this thing will change.

Deepali said that:

They are influenced by the ads on TV, so they use them. People should be happy with the skin colour they are born in. They shouldn’t use these products.

Mila expressed that:

It’s all from Bollywood, movies and celebrities. Like why do you see people spend money? They spend thousands of dollars or millions of dollars only for getting white skin like Bollywood. Why not be happy with their skin? It’s only because they want

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white skin because they are attracted to people in Hollywood, so there are many examples. Think about Priyanka Chopra…like you’re a celebrity and why do you change yourself overnight? People will come to know that you have made some changes in yourself. If you are not a celebrity and you make some changes on yourself then it’s called a miracle (laughs), but when you’re a celebrity and you do that, people will say that the went to LA and has done something great. It’s backwards.

Miriam stated:

These actresses all look beautiful, but their skin tone is definitely different. They are born fair and then they do endorsements for beauty products like fairness creams and tell people that it has made them fair and people fall for it. There are so many ads for ‘Fair and Lovely’ and people use it so much, but no one really has become fairer by using this. They still look the same, so, we should not trust these products!

Dina said that:

We should bring more dark skinned girls into the limelight. For example, into sports, into Bollywood and things like that. We should help them come out and they should stop shying away or feeling embarrassed or bad about their skin tone. They should be motivated to take part in different activities that can actually help people to see that even dark skinned girls can do the same or even better than the fair skinned ones.

From the findings, it appeared that widespread marketing and advertising images of fair skin and skin lightening products in the media heavily influenced and swayed Indian women’s preferences and desire for fair skin. These messages have been transmitted via various media sources.

Skin Color Questionnaire Results (Bond & Cash, 1992) At the end of each interview, each participant was asked to describe their perceived skin tone using the Skin Color Questionnaire (SCQ) developed by Bond & Cash (1992). The SCQ assessed one’s skin colour satisfaction, self-perceived skin colour (light-dark) and ideal skin colour through three questions: 1) How satisfied are you with the colour of your skin (lightness or darkness)?, 2)

Compared to most Indian women, I believe my skin colour is? and 3) If I could change my skin colour, I would make it? Each question provided participants with a nine point Likert scale to respond to the question. The Likert scale for each question read: 1) 1 means you are not satisfied at

204 all, 5 means you are neutral, 9 means you are very satisfied, 2) 1 means very light, 5 means medium, 9 means very dark, and 3) 1 means lighter, 5 means keep the same, 9 means darker. The mean average for each response by age group and then for the entire sample was calculated. See

Table 7: Skin Color Questionnaire Results (Bond & Cash, 1992) - Average (Mean) by Age Group for Each Question for more information.

The SCQ results indicated that for question 1), the youngest group was the least satisfied with the colour of their skin. It appeared that skin colour satisfaction increased with age, as the mature age group seemed to be the most satisfied group. However, it is important to bear in mind that the young age group was also the largest in the research project. For question 2), with each age group, across the board, women believed that compared to most Indian women, their skin colour was medium (not very light or very dark). The term used in India for this skin tone is wheatish. For question 3), every age group responded that they wanted to make their skin colour somewhat lighter (a bit lighter) than their existing skin colour. The same level of desire to lighten their skin existed for women in both the young and middle age groups, while there was slightly less of a desire in the mature age group to lighten their skin. These findings for the most part, appeared to have corresponded with the participant narratives from the interviews. Additionally, with the responses for questions one and three, there appeared to be a logical correlation between these particular questions. As participant responses to question 1) were closer to 9 on the Likert scale (I am very satisfied with the colour of my skin), the closer the responses to question 3) were to 5 on the Likert scale (If I could change my skin colour, I would keep it the same). This meant that the more satisfied participants were with the colour of their skin, the least likely they were to change it.

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Thus, they would keep it the same. The Skin Color Assessment Procedure (SCAP) produced similar results as well.

Skin Color Assessment Procedures Results (Bond & Cash, 1992) Following the SCQ, participants were asked to complete the Skin Color Assessment Procedure

(SCAP) developed by Bond & Cash (1992). This consisted of four inch by four inch coloured squares (nine in total), representing different skin colours that were presented to participants on an off-white poster board (coloured squares were positioned randomly and numbered).

Participants were asked four questions in total and to select a colour tone for each question from a standardized colour system, known as the Pantone Matching System (PMS) (Gitter et al.,

1972), which helps with colour identification and matching. The PMS is a colour matching system in the printing industry that uses a numbering system to identify colours (Gitter et al.,

1972). When participants were asked a question, they had to choose one coloured square for each question: 1) What is the colour that most resembles your actual facial skin colour?, 2) What is the colour that you would most prefer?, 3) What is the colour that you believe is the most admired by others?, and 4) What is the colour that you believe is most admired within your family? See Table 8: Skin Color Assessment Procedures Results (Bond & Cash, 1992) –

Percentage of Participants that Selected Each Skin Colour: Breakdown by Question and Age

Group for more information.

The SCAP results revealed that for question 1), most participants (across all age groups), picked the lighter skin colours, as these were the colours that they felt most resembled their actual facial skin colours (out of the nine). See Table 9: Skin Color Assessment Procedures (Bond & Cash,

1992) – Total Number of Participants That Selected Each Skin Tone by Question for more

206 information. Moreover, for question 2), most participants picked the lightest skin colour (of the

9), as the skin colour that they most preferred. For question 3), most participants selected one of the ligher skin colours, as the skin colour that they believed was the most admired by others.

The two remaining lighter skin colours were the next most selected skin colours for this question as well. Finally, for question 4), most participants picked two of the lightest skin colours, as the colours that they believed were the most admired within their family.

It appeared that overall, many participants selected the lighter skin tones to repsond to these questions (skin colours 1, 6 and 8 were the most selected).3 These questionnaires served as additional measures to better comprehend skin colour perceptions and satisfaction related to self- esteem in the target population, and to determine what (if any) connections or relationships existed between skin tone and self-esteem.

Conclusion The findings of the semi-structured interviews and the skin colour questionnaires denoted several thematic patterns among the different age groups (generations) of women in South Asian families, including the following: fair skin works as a form of social and cultural capital for these women. The focus put on social capital related to fair skin and its significance in influencing a

3 From the SCAP results – These are what the skin tones look like: skin colour 1 ; skin colour 6 ; and skin colour 8 . See Table 8: Skin Color Assessment Procedures Results (Bond & Cash, 1992) – Percentage of Participants that Selected Each Skin Colour: Breakdown by Question and Age Group for remaining skin colour visuals.

207 woman’s social mobility appeared to diminish with age, but participants reported that they felt more confident the older that they were. From participant responses, it seemed that women in the young age group had the lowest levels of self-esteem related to skin tone. Some participants with darker skin tones shared their experiences with negative judgement and discrimination. The middle and young generations found fair skin to be more of an important trait representing feminine beauty than did the mature age group.

The family unit played a significant role in moulding the identity formation and associated self- esteem and body image (self-perceptions and conceptions of beauty and skin tone) of its family members in different ways. This was particularly the case for those in their formative years, such as the young women in this sample. Skin tone played a dominant role in women finding marital prospects. This was more of a factor for the young generation due to their ages. Skin tone salience increased over the generations, as the focus on fair skin and the selection of a marital partner for children and grandchildren was discussed, but looked somewhat different for each generation. Young women were subjected to, and felt more pressure to conform to white skin beauty ideals, despite being the most educated, financially independent and self-sufficient generation in the sample. This generation was also the most candid in terms of challenging traditional fair skin beauty norms and ideals perpetuated in Indian society.

The findings also showed inconsistencies between participants’ skin tone preferences and their behaviours (cognitive dissonance). Most participants expressed that having a skin tone bias towards fair skin was oppressive and had a negative impact on women. Nevertheless, many women stated that they felt that fair skin was more beautiful than dark skin when asked. In

208 addition, numerous young women of different skin tones engaged in skin lightening through the use of different products and methods. The cognition, attitudes and behaviours of participants conflicted in these cases.

Finally, the findings suggested that the women in this research project increasingly faced

“Snow White Syndrome.” This was due to rampant marketing and advertising images of fair skin and skin lightening products. There was more of an inclination towards recognizing and appreciating fairer skinned Bollywood actresses. From the women’s responses, it gave the impression that extensive marketing, advertising and depictions of fair skin, as well as skin lightening products in the mass media, heavily influenced and swayed Indian women’s preferences and desire for fair skin. Some of the women discussed this in their own lives.

Moreover, the two skin colour questionnaires also highlighted tendencies towards fair skin.

Chapter 7 will delve into these themes through analysis and interpretation of the findings to provide a deeper understanding of participant propensities and realities. This is followed by

Chapter 8, which will discuss recommendations and future research in this area.

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Chapter 7

Data Analysis and Discussion

Introduction The purpose of this chapter is to analyze and discuss the findings and themes of the data collection. The analysis and discussion of the findings are contextualized in relation to the following themes that emerged from the data, including: (1) the importance of fair skin as social and cultural capital for South Asian women, (2) family socialization and standards in identity development and colour consciousness, (3) skin tone preferences and behaviours (cognitive dissonance) and (4) “Snow White Syndrome” is reinforced and perpetuated through the mass media. The chapter will examine how Western hegemonic beauty ideals pertaining to skin tone are ingrained in the mindset across India and impact the self-esteem of women in South Asian families across various life stages (age groups) differently. Several sources such as, colonialism, family socialization, culture, globalization and the mass media perpetuate and normalize hegemonic beauty ideals promoting fair skin as the standard, which in turn affects women’s self- perceptions and esteem.

Importance of Fair Skin as Social and Cultural Capital for South Asian Women Fair skin as a form of social and cultural capital, paints a positive image and perception globally.

As defined in Chapter 6, social and cultural capital explain how beauty, as defined through fair skin, serves as capital and a source of stratification for women. Fair skin has long been an indicator of beauty, social status and upward mobility for people in India, particularly women

(Nagar, 2018; Hunter, 2002). Societal structures continue to stratify people based on race and colour. Skin color and related stratification impacts generations of South Asian women in different ways, as established through this research project. The focus put on social and cultural

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210 capital related to fair skin and its significance in influencing one’s social mobility, appeared to diminish with increased age in the sample, but participants reported that they felt more confident the older that they got. Participant responses also showed that self-esteem related to skin tone appeared to increase with age, as women from the mature generation were the most comfortable with their appearances. Women from the middle age group were more focused on aspects of their appearances. For example, some of these women wanted to change various aspects of their looks such as, losing weight and lightening their skin. The young age group, however, were the least comfortable with their appearances, and most wanted to alter aspects of their looks. Almost half of the women in the sample wanted to lighten their skin. Women from both the middle and young age groups who had darker complexions shared their experiences with the judgement and discrimination that they confronted as well.

Women in the young age group were the biggest consumers of beauty services at beauty parlours, engaging in skin lightening more than any other age group in the sample. This particular age group also expressed a desire to improve their appearances with regard to skin tone, via various means such as, by regularly using a variety of homemade face packs (facials) and other natural methods, and with makeup or skin lightening products to alter their appearances and/or lighten their complexions. Based on participant responses, this phenomenon seemed to increase the younger a women was. This behaviour was very rare in the mature age group and not as common amongst women in the middle age group. Furthermore, the prominence of skin tone for women was especially evident when they were being considered for matrimonial purposes. A woman’s skin tone was an important factor in determining whether she was chosen as a partner, which in turn, seemed to affect her sense of self-worth and esteem.

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Regardless of whether a woman’s marriage was arranged or a love marriage, most participants stated that the groom and/or his family would stress the significance of a woman’s skin tone.

The focus on skin tone when selecting a bride, seemed to be most emphasized in more current times. The mature age group did not really face this issue in their generation, and only some women from the middle age group did. The young age group predominantly experienced this

(more information on skin tone and selecting a marital partner in the next section – Family

Socialization and Standards in Identity Development and Colour Consciousness). Nonetheless, women from all age groups did disclose that there was a huge emphasis put on skin tone in the current climate, especially in the context of marriage. Some women reported that they either personally experienced this or had a family member or friend that did. Thus, it appeared that skin tone held some form of social and cultural capital for women, particularly for the young women in the sample.

The findings under this theme and across the age groups, showed signs that skin tone and appearance affected the young age group’s self-esteem levels the most when women perceived that they did not meet the fair skin beauty ideal. Self-esteem did increase in women the older that they got, perhaps because the focus on, and importance of, their appearances was less of a factor at this point in their lives. It could be that due to the ages of these women, their lives were already established, so they were likely much more secure and self-assured at this stage in their lives. This makes sense, given that the attention that society places on a woman’s appearance changes as they age, due in part to the life stage that a woman is in. Women’s appearances are focused on at any age, but younger women seem to face increased pressure, perhaps because of the weight attached to their looks because of the life stage that they are in.

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From a young age, women are conditioned to believe that their attractiveness defines who they are and what they will achieve in life. There is an increased social emphasis on beauty for women and subsequent differential reinforcement of these values for women as compared to men

(Jha & Adelman, 2009; Thompson & Keith, 2001). As a component of beauty, skin tone is considered a highly visible form of social capital for Indian women. Because skin tone has taken on such an orientation, it has also become an important psychological influence on the behavior and development of Indian women.

Skin tone bias unduly impinges on South Asian women’s experiences in various facets of their lives (Balaji, 2013). This has the power to not only affect one’s self-esteem, but to shape one’s identity in a negative way. The young age group had the lowest levels of self-esteem related to their appearances and more specifically, skin tone. This was most likely due to the value attached to fair skin. To Indian people, fair skin represents superiority, status (class level), intelligence and beauty (Parameswaran & Cardoza, 2009; Fisher, 2007; Hunter, 2005). It explains why most grooms and their families want fair skinned brides, and many women wish to be fair as well, because of the social optics it portrays and the privileges that it bestows. As most women in the young age group fell into the traditional “marriageable” age bracket in India, there was added importance placed on skin tone for them being in this life stage. The value attached to one’s skin tone appeared to affect the likelihood that they would achieve certain milestones

(i.e., be selected by a higher status man to get married to). Since most women from the young age group were already married and a few participants were in the process of finding a match with the support of their families, it seemed to explain why this generation focused the most on appearances and their skin tone. Because some of the women in this age group were still in their

213 formative years (e.g., getting an education, seeking out jobs in their field, looking to get married, etcetera), it elucidated why they may have put more attention on how they looked..

Many participants discussed the importance of a woman’s appearance. They discussed how a woman’s features were substantial in “getting through life.” The literature highlights that for many brides and grooms, there is a strong preference for a fair or wheatish toned partner (Jha &

Adelman, 2009; Vaid, 2009; Shankar & Subish, 2007; Johnson, 2002; Béteille, 1967). The weight put on fair skin due to the status, prestige and beauty that it represents, shows that the inclination is towards seeking out a fair partner for marriage. This bias or desire for fairness has increased due to exposure to Western and Indian media that sets the standards of skin tone through their advertisements and other media images. This seems to be a part of a colonial mentality. It is rooted in the mistreatment of the Indian population during British colonization; a form of modern day colonialism with images of white beauty in the global media that make this concept of beauty prevalent. This colonial mentality has led to an internalized oppression and an ingrained preference for white skin. Pressure from various sources such as, family, culture and the media (which will all be discussed in this chapter) sustain the glorification of a white beauty ideal.

Even amongst the participant responses, they appeared to describe some kind of a beauty hierarchy based on skin tone and one’s facial features. Some women stated that those with fair skin and beautiful features such as, a clear complexion, big eyes and other facial features, were on top in society and would reap many benefits in life (e.g., finding a higher status partner, landing a good job, etcetera). Thus, a woman who had fair skin and beautiful facial features was

214 considered to be the most attractive. Participants then stated that women with fair skin, but unattractive facial features would be considered to be the next most attractive in society.

Participants felt that women with fair skin, but unattractive features would acquire some privileges due to their skin tone, but not as much as women with fair skin and attractive features.

Participants used the term “unattractive features,” but none of the women specifically described what they meant by this. Furthermore, participants stated that women with darker skin and attractive facial features would be deemed somewhat beautiful by society. These women would be accepted in society, but would struggle to an extent in life due to their darker skin.

Participants felt that women with darker skin and attractive facial features would fare better and have a few more privileges in life than women with darker skin and unattractive facial features.

Participants stated that women with darker skin and unattractive features would be considered the least appealing to society. They explained that women with darker skin and unattractive features would face the most challenges and discrimination in life. These descriptors seem to further highlight Indian society’s propensity towards light skin and the significance attached to it. The preference for anglicized features (as perceived by India), that are identified with white women - blue eyes, smaller noses, thinner lips and skinny, draws attention to the fact that the

Westernized ideal of beauty pervades even beyond just skin tone, as even darker-skinned women are elevated in stature by having features that conform to the ideal.

Those with light skin and anglicized features seem to transcend this type of discrimination due to their looks. It is possible that these women felt that they needed to have fair skin in order to feel accepted and beautiful. We imitate what we see, and the proliferation of Western beauty ideals has created body image issues related to skin tone in Indian women. The need to address this

215 topic becomes necessary, given the role played by this socioculturally acquired vulnerability on the general well-being and self-esteem of women. Consequently, a few recent studies examined skin tone and self-esteem amongst other features in Indian women, and found that in young adults, there is an increasing number of Indian women that tend to experience negative thoughts, feelings and beliefs about their skin tones, and other aspects of their appearances (Choma and

Prusaczyk, 2018; Prusaczyk & Choma, 2018; Harper & Choma, 2018). The focus on having fair skin is deemed socially important for women because of the emphasis placed on appearance

(due to patriarchy), which in turn, creates the phenomenon of skin tone as social capital

(Hussein, 2010; Shevde, 2008; Hunter, 2005, 2002). If one finds herself lacking in these comparisons, she may develop negative thoughts and feelings about her body (Cash, Santos &

Williams, 2005). In the sample, the women with darker skin tones did share the unpleasant experiences that they faced with rejection and discrimination. The women from the young age group were judged in many more contexts than women from the mature and middle age groups were when they were younger because of different factors that they experienced in their own generations. The findings from participant accounts show a preference for fair skin tones, but the experiences that each age group had related to this aspect of their identity, reflected the times and the attitudes accompanying that era.

Fair skin colour lies within a space of privilege and the preferential treatment bestowed upon those with lighter complexions. Factors such as, colonialism and globalization have made colourism ubiquitous. Historically, during British rule, it was easier for fair skinned people to be accepted in society. The belief was that those from the ruling class and with lighter skin were superior, and that those from the lower class and with darker skin were inferior. This further

216 propagated skin colour stratification in India with the colonizers on top, then Indians with fair skin below them, and Indians with darker skin at the bottom of the social hierarchy. The more that one’s appearance moved away from having Eurocentric features, the further down the social scale or hierarchy one was. The remnants of that colonial history still lingers in India. It is essential to reflect upon how British colonialism framed the nation’s history, and how the

Western world continues to show itself as an agent of socialization in India’s modern culture and society. The influence of Western hegemonic beauty ideals is a form of modern day colonialism.

As a culturally and socially constructed practice, beauty standards can be used as a technique by elite groups to secure enduring relations of power. Hegemony is a dynamic process. It is exercised by means of the cultural sphere within communication practices and through the production of dominant ideologies that penetrate into the everyday practices of subordinate groups (i.e., Indian women). The production of this cultural hegemony happens through enculturation (Martin-Barbero, 1993). According to Martin-Barbero (1993), enculturation involves the introduction of elements of the elite culture (i.e., Western world) into the local, subordinate culture of the “other” and makes them fit into the hegemonic one. With the constant exposure and integration of the dominant ideals in the subordinate culture, the elite culture’s values and ideologies become a natural practice and part of the landscape. They are made to appear as the regular norm and become fixed. As a result, although they may appear reasonable and to be the “norm,” they are issued from constructed and selective processes. In this manner, homogenous beauty ideals become the everyday standard. They are regarded as the reality of all groups within the hegemonic culture, regardless of whether they actually fit into or are represented within it.

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Women in India, especially the younger generations, such as the women from this research project, have been exposed to Western beauty ideals that continue to popularize fair skin as a universal concept of beauty. This has triggered an increase in the use of skin lightening products and procedures. It seems that it may not necessarily be the physical aesthetic of fair skin itself that women such as those in the sample desire, but rather the meaning and significance attributed to it. In a study conducted by Thompson & Keith (2001), the results indicated a relationship between skin tone and self-esteem that was mediated by factors such as socioeconomic status,

“the poorer a woman is, the darker she is, the lower her self-esteem” (Muchera & Frazier, 2013, p. 1178). Fair skin in India represents social, cultural and economic supremacy in various forms.

Reduced self-esteem is a psychological ramification of judgement based colourism. Socially constructed definitions of beauty regarding skin tone that are rooted in, and pervasive because of, colonialism and Western hegemony, shape the beliefs and practices around fair skin that represent the outlined ideal standard for Indian women to follow. The young women in this research project, evaluate themselves against a white hegemonic beauty ideal, “The practice of trying to achieve a preconceived aesthetic ideal can be looked at as an adoption of physical traits that play into a white cultural hegemony” (Lindsey, 2011, p. 3). More specifically, lower skin colour satisfaction has been significantly related to increased internalization of social beauty norms (Thompson & Keith, 2001; Falconer & Neville, 2000). A global Western culture and white heteropatriarchy have taken over, and push a pervasive Eurocentric beauty hegemony.

One that has taught society to value fair skin and determine (and effect) one’s worth, status and

218 appeal. The pressure to imitate such ideals increases one’s social acceptance, the more that the individual meets it.

Additional studies have examined how skin colour impacts self-esteem in racialized women.

Most of the studies established that a lower satisfaction with regard to one’s skin tone, appeared to relate to a greater desire of societally prescribed beauty norms by the racialized women that strived for them. This mentality has caused much of the body dissatisfaction in racialized women (lower levels of self-esteem). According to Muchera & Frazier (2013), “…this [low self- esteem] can be influenced by a woman’s estimation of her likelihood in attaining mainstream ideals” (p. 1178). Poor self-perceptions about one’s appearance in regard to skin tone can affect one’s self-image. This issue is compounded when factors such as, socioeconomic status become intertwined with self-esteem and a woman’s overall sense of self-worth. Any woman falling short of the unrealistic ideals about skin tone may find herself rendered psychologically vulnerable, struggling between the real and ideal, as the lines increasingly become blurred.

Much of feminist theory has focused on identifying the reality that exists within Western culture.

This is where racialized women, such as the women in this project, especially those with darker complexions, are excluded. Consequently, these women are taught to mistrust their own experience and judgment about desirability and self-acceptance because they succumb to the conventions of the dominant culture. The fixation on achieving light skin denies one’s own unique identity and upholds the notion that women must alter how they look to advance over the course of their lives.

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Negative self-evaluations made through social comparisons with homogenous beauty images dictate ideals that often lead to self-deprecation and reduced levels of self-esteem in women

(Thompson & Stice, 2001). Critical Race Feminism Theory and Post-Structuralist Theory interrogate the meaning of whiteness and how patterns of privilege and power are transmitted through various social systems (Burton et al., 2010; Davies & Gannon, 2005). Much of the discourse are rooted in intersectionality perspectives and considers how “the ability of social phenomenon such as race, ethnicity, class, gender and nationality mutually construct peoples’ notions of self and others” (De Reus et al., 2005, p. 457). The demand to transform one’s body in order to look a certain way is shaped by these social institutions and interactions in the context of systems of inequality (Burton et al., 2010). The literature has shown that people with fairer skin tones reap the most benefits in society, which allows them to have greater access to privilege and resources than their darker skinned counterparts (Hunter, 2005, 2007; Thompson &

Keith, 2001). Although the findings from this research project did not explicitly demonstrate this when participants were asked this question, this did seem to hold true in the context of their responses when discussing marriage for the younger women. In these cases, there appeared to be an emphasis put on fair skin.

Findings in the literature have also shown that darker skinned racialized women suffer from lower levels of self-esteem than fair skinned women (Mathews & Johnson, 2015; Greenwood &

Dal Cin, 2012; Veenstra, 2011; Brooks, Browne, & Hampton, 2008; Watt, 2006; Jain, 2005;

Byant & Baker, 2003; Charles, 2003; Ramos et al., 2003; Falconer & Neville, 2000; Hall, 1995;

Malando & Cross, 1977). The results from this sample appeared to highlight a similar finding to

220 some extent. This may not have been the case in other facets of life such as, employment for the participants.

Participants provided varied responses when asked if they ever felt that their skin tone helped or got in the way of their success or life opportunities or in gaining access to certain things. Some women stated that they never experienced that, but others did or knew someone in their personal lives that had. Some participants expressed that larger companies put out job advertisements asking for candidates who were women that were sundar (meaning beautiful in Hindi). What was also interesting about this was that participants with fairer skin tones from the young age group and participants with darker skin tones from the mature age group mostly answered no to this question. These were both groups who would not have generally experienced this in their lives. The former group, perhaps due to their fair skin and the latter group, perhaps due to their age (life stage), and because skin tone was not emphasized as much in their generation.

In the latter group, participants with darker skin tones in the young age group mostly answered yes to this question. Participants with darker skin tones from both the middle and young age groups shared their unfortunate experiences with exclusion and judgement. Based on the responses by age group, it highlighted that fair skin is considered to be an indicator of beauty and associated success, in addition to becoming more common in present day India. This may elucidate why the middle and young age groups in particular answered yes that their skin tone hindered their opportunities at success or other social outcomes in their lives. The literature also confirms this phenomenon and showed that women with fairer skin tones did better socially and economically than their darker skinned counterparts. Further research highlighted that in India,

221 fair skin is considered to be a privilege and fair skinned women have access to higher quality marriage partners (Nagar, 2018; Utley & Darity, 2016; Bakhshi & Baker, 2011; Jha & Adelman,

2009; Badruddoja, 2005; Edwards et al., 2004), employment opportunities (Keith & Herring,

1991) and incomes (Goldsmith, Hamilton, & Darity, 2006; McPhate, 2005). This was fairly evident in the sample in regards to the importance placed on skin tone for women in selecting

(and being selected) for marriage. However, in other contexts, such as employment and education, it was difficult to make any definitive conclusions with regard to skin tone and self- esteem due to the small sample size.

Further findings indicated mixed responses when women were asked what they thought was the most important trait for feminine beauty. It is necessary to note that some participants named multiple traits and their responses were included in the count for each trait described (See Table

3: Most Important Trait of Feminine Beauty – Breakdown by Age Group). Some participants indicated that having fair skin was the most important trait for feminine beauty. Overall, fair skin was the most named trait. This particular trait was mainly named by women in the middle and young age groups, which seemed consistent with their reports that skin tone bias was more commonplace in these generations. A good personality, natural beauty and one’s figure were the traits that were most next.

Another interesting finding related to this was that women from the middle and young age groups were also the ones that predominantly stated that a “good personality” was an important trait for feminine beauty. It would have been helpful to further understand what factors influenced participant responses for this question – if women may have responded to this question, while thinking about traits that represented both inner and outer beauty. In addition, it

222 would have been helpful to understand if women responded to the question based on their own opinions and/or based on the trait that they thought would generally be most appealing to others in society, since some participants named a few traits when answering this question. Some of the traits listed were physical ones, while others were more related to someone’s character. The varied responses seemed to show that most women chose skin tone, but other traits that were identified described a woman’s character and being naturally beautiful. Perhaps these responses reflected participant’s views that both inner and outer beauty were significant in defining feminine beauty. These preferences may have influenced the way in which participants conceptualized beauty and identity. Nevertheless, because skin tone was expressed as the most important trait of feminine beauty in general, it is hard to ignore that there is some value placed on it and its value in the lives of these women.

When thinking about self-esteem, women seem more likely to make negative evaluations regarding their looks and desirability based on their physical attributes, the more that they feel they deviate from Western beauty norms. The worth attached to fair skin as a form of social and cultural capital offers more life enhancing opportunities at their disposal (Hunter, 2007; Hunter,

2002). Skin tone satisfaction was highest among the oldest women in the sample. The young age group had the lowest levels of self-esteem related to their skin tones. They were also the largest consumers of beauty parlours and skin lightening products and procedures. Generally, images of white beauty are marketing an entire lifestyle instilled with racial meaning (Hunter,

2011). Other factors such as, family socialization and upbringing also played a key role in the identity formation and self-esteem of these women. This looked to be most apparent in the young age group due to the contrast in some of the worldviews and experiences with the mature

223 age group. It can be appreciated that values are taught and passed down in a family unit.

Customarily, such cultural values and familial norms are shared in informal or in more traditional, fixed ways from very early on in life. This will be discussed next.

Family Socialization and Standards in Identity Development and Colour Consciousness Indian society is collectivistic in nature and there is a sense of interdependence among its members. This dynamic is prevalent in Indian families as well, and joint family systems are thought to preserve and pass down cultural and social values. This has been an important feature in the Indian tradition in order to support kinship and cohesion in the family unit. Family socialization, interactions and values can look different in each family, and do mould the perceptions, attitudes and behaviours of its members. Environment and culture also play a large role in shaping identity in adolescence into young adulthood. The way that family members relate to one another and operate as a social group can affect an individuals’ socialization, identity development and self-esteem as well. The culture of a family can imbue skin tone with various meanings related to body image, personal appearance, socioeconomic status and sexual implications that could play a role in the selection of a partner for marriage (Hunter, 2002; Sahay

& Piran, 1997; Fallon, 1990). The findings showed that families shaped the identity formation and associated self-esteem and body image of its members in different ways. This was notably true for those women in their formative years - women in the young age group. According to

Chick (2000), cultural meanings and values attached to skin tone are acquired over time as culture-based knowledge, beliefs and standards from the family, which are learned, passed on, and socially transmitted. Therefore, we can see that the meaning attached to skin tone can differ across cultures, groups and historical periods (Jablonski, 2012). Participant reports elucidated

224 the different meanings attached to skin tone in their own generations, and how these messages were passed on to them.

South Asian youth construct their identities in relation to familial values. The teaching and learning of colour consciousness in the family unit is something that has existed in some form in

Indian society for centuries. Participants were asked if their family ever talked about their skin tone while they were growing up. Interestingly enough, most stated that their families did not.

The majority of individuals that answered yes to this question had darker skin tones, which may indicate that the topic of skin tone was more commonplace in participant families with darker skin. Those with fairer and wheatish skin tones expressed that their families did not really speak about their skin tones while they were growing up. These women also stated that the topic was not discussed in a general sense. It is possible that skin tone was not directly discussed or an overt topic of conversation in the families with fairer and wheatish skin tones because of their complexions. In addition, it could be perhaps because they did not face any issues like this. It is possible that these topics were messaged through different means. Only a small number of participants stated that they ever felt the pressure to have fair skin. These responses came from participants with both fair and darker skin tones. This could indicate that skin tone was not a frequent issue that these women had to deal with or that they faced pressure to have fair skin for different reasons.

This information seems to confirm the previous findings that skin tone was not really discussed in family units when they were growing up. However, in other contexts, there did appear to be a focus on skin tone in these families, which made me reflect upon the next set of findings in

225 contrast with these ones. It is possible that participants could have been reserved about sharing this type of information with me during the interviews because they were asked two direct questions that may have reminded them of negative experiences that they could have faced in the past due to skin tone bias. It is also plausible that women may have felt that if they answered yes to either question, that it could have portrayed them or their families in an unfavourable light if there was a preference for fair skin expressed by any of them.

The next questions and related findings showed that there was a preference for fair skin in the context of marriage. Some families did encourage their members to engage in skin lightening.

As we discussed the topic of marriage during the interviews, participants began to speak about the importance of skin tone and its role in mate selection. This topic began to reveal some of the women’s preferences and family socialization processes around beauty and skin tone. This was an interesting phenomenon considering that the previous two questions had elicited responses that on the surface, did not appear to corroborate the same. The discrepancy between the first two findings and the remaining findings under this theme could perhaps be attributed to response bias. It is possible that some participants wanted to provide responses that were considered socially acceptable (i.e., not promoting the fair skin beauty ideal). Social desirability bias refers to people's tendency to respond in ways that are more acceptable to others, regardless of the truth

(Lavrakas, 2008). Most people in society would consider discussing a family member’s skin tone and/or pressurizing a family member to lighten their skin tone in a negative light. Thus, participants may have responded to this question by under-reporting if they did talk about this in their families in order to make themselves and/or their families appear more favourably.

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Regardless, it is critical to examine these findings in relation to each other to better understand how they provide more context and make sense of family socialization and dynamics in this regard. If a child were born with darker skin and grew up learning that dark skin was not valued by their family, peers, community or society, the child could develop a lowered self-esteem and/or feelings of shame. If the child was unaware of the historical roots of colorism and lacked family or peers who rejected skin color bias, it could also have an effect on the individual.

Without having an understanding of racism and colourism, it would be harder for a child to comprehend that no skin tone is naturally good or bad. This stresses that families play a critical role in this regard.

Other findings indicated that family members passed on information or “tips” to their family members or friends about skin lightening products or methods. Of the participants that engaged in skin lightening in the sample, they were also asked if they would recommend the product or method to their family and friends. A little more than half of the participants expressed that they did share this type of information with their family and friends. Most of the women who passed on this type of information were from the middle and young age groups. This made sense given that the focus on skin tone was described as being much more prevalent in society in their respective generations. Furthermore, of the responses provided, there appeared to be a mix of skin lightening products and methods that these women shared with others. Some were store bought products such as, “Fair and Lovely” skin lightening cream and others were homemade face packs (facials), using ingredients such as, gram flour, cream and milk.

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Conveying this type of information and encouraging women in the family to engage in skin lightening practices could have been a protective factor. After hearing the participant responses, it seemed that the older generations wanted what was best for the younger members in their family. Because fair skin has historically and contemporarily been deemed desirable in India, the older generations may have socialized and instilled in their children that in order to fit into society and be successful, they must attain and/or maintain fair skin. Young women may have been taught that lighter skin is associated with higher status, privilege and beauty. Thus, women may bleach their skin if they feel that it will make them look beautiful and attract a better suitor.

Such pre-emptive measures may help children avoid (or become prepared) for situations of prejudice and/or discrimination. Parents aim to prepare their children for everyday life, so that they can handle situations where they may face bias, prejudice or discrimination in any form.

Some of these types of messages transmitted by parents serve as protective measures that are

“…used to promote positive racial identity and prepare ethnic minority children to combat racism” (Neblett Jr., et al., 2009, p. 190) or colourism, as they mature. Studies have shown that parents used proactive measures to prepare their children if they ever faced situations of prejudice or discrimination (Bozo, Revels-Macalinao, & Huynh, 2018; Richmond, & Pittman,

2016; Neblett Jr., et al, 2009). There were also instances where if parents were victims of discrimination, some measure that were used were considered to be more reactive in nature

(Romero et al., 2015; Rondilla & Spickard, 2007; Hughes et al., 2006). If an individual’s child fits into society and meets the prescribed societal standards, it could boost the child’s sense of self.

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Since India is also a collectivistic society, there is huge emphasis placed on how the family is perceived within their communities, and by society at large. This compels many Indian families to uphold societal cultural norms and traditions in order to assimilate. Going against these norms can lead to shame, stigmatization and ostracization. There is honour attached to conforming to such norms. This is why socialization related to race, ethnicity and colour are so vital in the family. However, race and colour socialization must look more positive in South Asian families.

Teaching youth about their history and cultural heritage, while challenging the values and beliefs that increase skin tone bias are key to promote resilience and offset the negative effects of colourism.

Positive socialization around these factors serves as a sort of buffer, instilling self-assurance and a positive self-concept in younger generations in relation to their identities. The findings in the study conducted by López (2008) and Coard et al (2001), confirm this (see Chapter 6 for more detailed information on these studies). Connecting to one’s racial and/or ethnic history and cultural heritage is an essential component in promoting resilience and confidence in young people. It can offset the adverse effects of colourism.

It could be that this factor provides evidence of the benefits of group belonging. The older generations in this research project seemed to want the younger members in the family to adjust and assimilate into society, so that they would not face any form of skin tone bias and/or discrimination. The older generations could have encouraged the younger generations to engage in skin lightening and to select lighter skinned partners when getting married because they were protective factors. To them, doing one or both of those things could have ensured that the young

229 members of their families fit into society, and would achieve positive life outcomes because of this.

The valuation of one’s skin colour appeared to be enhanced by ethnic and/or racial pride, as described in some of the literature. Although not similar to the results of the López and Coard et al studies, the findings of this research project may underscore that self-esteem could have been lower in those individuals and families that endorsed attitudes of colourism. It was probable that

“…colourism may be an important mediator to the presumed relationship between darker skin tones and lower self-esteem” (Harvey, Tennial, & Banks, 2017, p. 759). The way that participants were taught to think about skin tone could have been related to the extent to which they endorsed a fair skin tone bias, and also how they perceived themselves. It could be that the younger generations were given messages about the significance of skin tone, the more that they endorsed the idea of skin tone being a vital important factor in their own self-concept. This could have preserved their attraction to other fair-skinned South Asians, and solidified their beliefs about the upward social mobility that skin tone provides. This appeared plausible and is consistent with other discussions on this topic looking at the importance of family and other factors of socialization reinforcing ideas about skin colour (Wilder & Cain, 2011).

Coard et al (2001), provided an additional explanation to explicate their findings They could illuminate more about the mature and middle age groups’ self-esteem levels related to skin tone in this project, especially for those with darker skin. Coard et al (2001) articulated that, “…the finding possibly suggests an equating of satisfaction with acceptance. If this is the case, one can accept his or her skin color, but not necessarily like it (i.e., be satisfied with it), hence the

230 compromised self-esteem” (p. 2269). Darker skinned participants may have expressed an acceptance of their skin tone, rather than actual satisfaction. It could possibly have been a defensive projection where, “…an unacceptable quality is minimized by distorting this quality in other people used as standards of comparison” (Helibrun, Diller & Dodson, 1986, p. 161). If one denies that dark skin is socially defined as a “flaw” or does not believe that colourism exists, the individual will not face an internal dissonance because in their mind, there are no issues to deal with. However, these individuals could actually see this perceived “flaw” in others (projection).

This type of thinking can be linked to system justifying ideologies (Choma & Prusaczyk, 2018).

As most societies are organized based on social hierarchies, and some groups are reckoned to be more powerful and respected than others due to factors such as, white privilege, women can be socially stratified by skin tone (Kahn et al., 2009; Hunter, 2011; Charles, 2011). Darker skinned women have been deemed inferior and hold less status and power in society because of skin tone stratification (Hunter, 2002). In places like India, some people may still support system justifying ideologies and may be motivated to recognize social systems as reasonable in order to defend the status quo (Choma & Prusacyzk, 2018; Jost & Burgess, 2000). These individuals may believe that the social order in society is as it should be, and that people get what they deserve. This type of mentality maintains skin tone bias. Women who subscribe to this type of thinking may have higher levels of confidence, albeit, compromised. If one does not have to think about their inferior position in society due to their skin tone then this does not pose a source of stress in that individual’s life. Thus, system justifying ideologies may have served as a coping mechanism for some of the women in the sample, as a way of maintaining their sense of well-being.

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This type of thinking could be subconscious. According to Jost & Hunyady (2005), system justifying ideologies can serve as a protective factor for people in lower status groups. They have been associated with higher well-being in people because they buy into the imposed social system that they are a part of. In this way, lower status groups perceive the dominant group’s status and show an out group favouritism, and eventually accept and maintain inferior positions

(Choma & Prusacyzk, 2018; Jost & Hunyaday, 2005). This mentality basically upholds and defends inequalities and beliefs related to skin tone in society. Jost & Hunyaday (2005) argue that this may be a protective factor for women, as social justifying ideologies have been linked to higher well-being.

Indian women who buy into this type of mentality and who maintain the status quo might benefit from a higher sense of well-being. They may see colourism as common and defensible. It could possibly explain the self-esteem levels of some of the women in the middle and mature age groups, as some of the women with darker skin tones provided a variety of responses. Some stated that society did not focus on skin tone, or that this was the norm in India, even though they did not endorse that mentality. Their answers to the other questions stated the opposite, as some of these women articulated that skin tone did not influence their access to resources or other life opportunities. They indicated that the topic of skin tone was not discussed in their families either. Self-esteem levels may have been compromised here or maybe it was simply that skin tone bias was not as common in their generations. There was also the possibility that some of the participants did not feel comfortable sharing that they had been denied access to a resource or a life opportunity because of their skin tone. That could have been a difficult experience in a participant’s life and brought out feelings of embarrassment, shame, exclusion or hurt.

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Something that personal would likely not have been shared so easily with someone else if it made the individual feel that it made them look bad. It is necessary to look at the potential nuances and explanations in the participant responses.

There was also a rather significant emphasis placed on skin tone through participant responses, in the context of marriage. A lighter skin tone is a favoured trait when looking for a partner in

India (Nagar, 2018; Badruddoja, 2005). There was a preference in some families to have a fair skinned daughter-in-law. However, this was not indicated or examined with every family interviewed because some had daughters, and the discussions around selecting marriage partners looked somewhat different in that particular context. That will be further discussed in the findings regarding the participant preference for selecting a fair skinned daughter-in-law. Mostly women from the mature and middle age groups articulated that they looked for fair skinned women as potential partners for their sons. In one case, a woman with a darker skin tone stated that she specifically looked for a darker skinned daughter-in-law to marry her son because her family was darker too. She expressed that she did not want any problems to arise in the future if she had selected a fair skinned woman for her son.

This phenomenon looked slightly different in the young age group. Most of the women stated that they had actually been on the receiving end of this selection criteria when their marriages were being arranged by their families. These women may have faced this because this phenomenon appeared to be more prevalent in the current generation. There appeared to be more to this phenomena as well. Another interesting finding resulted from my conversations with them. Participants from each age group, but more so from the mature and middle age

233 groups, shared further information with me about their skin tone preferences regarding their children and grandchildren. While not overtly indicated in some instances, these women’s responses gave the impression that there was a rather significant weight placed on skin tone in the context of marriage and future progeny. This additional finding provided a deeper understanding of some of the participants’ preferences and biases in selecting only fair skinned women, as potential matches for their family members.

During the discussions around marriage, it appeared that the emphasis on skin tone changed over the generations. When families looked for potential matches for their daughters and sons, the least amount of emphasis was put on fair skin when women in the mature age group got married.

However, over time, the importance attached to it increased with each coming generation. The young age group faced the most pressure of any age group in this regard. The focus on having fair skin was highest for this generation when it came to mate selection.

For the mature age group, their marriages were strictly arranged by the family. The bride and groom would never see or meet each other until the wedding day. The focus then was that the bride had to come from a good family and be able to carry out the domestic responsibilities in the in-laws home. With the middle age group, this dynamic shifted slightly. There was increasing emphasis placed on skin tone. Marriages were still arranged by parents and family members, but some women from this age group selected their own partners (love marriages).

There was more freedom for women to also meet potential partners on their own in this time.

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For this generation, they stated that there was less attention put on a woman’s appearance (i.e., fair) then, The focus was also on if the bride came from a good family and socioeconomic background. Matrimonial advertisements were becoming commonplace during this time as well.

The advertisements asked for fair or wheatish skinned brides. For example, Utley and Darity

(2016) found that skin tone was referred to more often in advertisements for perspective brides than for grooms, and the descriptions distinctly centred on mentioning the possession of fairer complexions.

As discussed, in the young age group, there appeared to be a great deal of emphasis placed on skin tone when it came to marriage proposals too. Of all of the age groups in the sample, this generation was the most educated, financially independent and self-reliant because of a more liberal climate in India. The young age group faced the most pressure to conform to the fair skin beauty ideal. This could have explained the desired use of the skin lightening products in this generation.

The literature also shows that the skin lightening trend continues and is very prevalent amongst even young, educated women in India (Glenn, 2008; Ntshingila, 2005). With regard to marriage for the young age group, their families still played somewhat of a role in arranging marriages for their children. Some of the women had or were going to have an arranged marriage, while others were in love marriages. The difference in this generation was that they were able to meet and get to know potential suitors, which was not the norm in previous generations. This practice was frowned upon then, as women were restricted in that sense. These young women had more freedom, independence and support to choose a partner that they liked, with the support of their

235 families. These women shared that the desire for fair skinned brides was rampant in matrimonial advertisements and websites. This age group faced the most demands and expectations around the types of characteristics that they were told that they needed to possess as a potential bride.

Women reported that they were told that they had to be beautiful, fair, slim, educated, from a good socioeconomic background and be able to engage in domestic responsibilities. The shift from previous generations was what women in the young age group said they were up against.

They felt that this type of traditional thinking did not look at a woman’s character. It was prescriptive. The young age group was the only generation that overwhelmingly spoke about challenging such traditional thinking, the established fair skin beauty standards, along with the other unrealistic cultural expectations of beauty that they faced from their families or in society.

A further related finding that emerged from the data was around the preference in some families to have a fair skinned daughter-in-law. The reason for this appeared to be homogamy. Many women from both the mature and middle age groups stressed the need for their grandchildren and children to marry someone who was “similar” to the family. Some participants articulated that a good match could only exist between people with the same skin tones. These women articulated that marrying “out of their kind” (a fair skinned person with a dark skinned person) was wrong, against the familial norms and wishes, and would be a source of shame and humiliation in their communities. These responses highlighted the enduring significance and weight attached to skin tone in this context.

Additional findings revealed that due to some participants’ preferences for fair skin, there was also a desire in some women to want their existing or future children’s skin tones to be fair. This

236 was more so in the young age group, as only some women had children. The desire for future generations of the family (great grandchildren and grandchildren) to be fair as well, existed in women from the mature and middle age groups too. It seemed to give the impression that there was a preference for fair skin in the context of marriage and for their posterity. The literature discusses Indian women’s obsession with fairness and the related traits of beauty and attractiveness linked to their skin colour and in turn, marital success (Jha & Adelman, 2009;

Karan, 2008; Badruddoja, 2005). In a study by Swami, Furham & Joshi (2008), they found that

Indian women with lighter skin were regarded as more attractive, healthy and fertile.

Families may not have directly discussed skin tone in some cases and women may not have overpoweringly felt the pressure to have fair skin. However, many of them did engage in skin lightening and shared product information and skin lightening methods with other family members and friends. The topic of skin tone and the expectation to meet this beauty ideal could have been an unspoken truth in some of these families. The findings showed a great deal of attention put on skin tone by them.

The mature and middle generations seemed to emphasize homogamy the most, stating that marrying someone who was similar was essential for the family. In this case, the similarities that these families were looking for seemed to be in relation to complexion and socioeconomic status.

Participants even discussed the desire for future generations of the family to be fair. This was indicated across all of the age groups. Perhaps this was because family members thought that an individual could ascend to a more privileged status in life by marrying someone fair skinned (if they were not) or, to maintain the current skin tone in the family (if they were already fair

237 skinned). This would have ensured that the future generations were also fair skinned to safeguard this privilege in the family unit, and so that they would not be subjected to colourism or other forms of discrimination in the future.

This appears to reaffirm what exists in the literature as well, as numerous Indian families hope for a son, but if they have a daughter, the hope is that she is not dark (Dhillon, 2012; Choudhry,

2011; Johri, 2011), as discussed in Chapter 4 of the Literature Review. It appears that the optimal skin tone was connected to perceptions of beauty, lifestyle and socioeconomic status

(class). That would indirectly put pressure on any woman to be fair skinned because she may feel that if she was not, then she would not be able to find a good partner. On a related note, this would make men seek out a fair skinned woman as well to ensure that their future progeny was also fair. It seems that families wish to preserve a legacy for their lineage. Either way, the demand for a beautiful woman with a fairer complexion appears widespread. The literature has shown that homogamy based on complexion is common across the globe (Reece, 2019;

Bodenhorn, 2006; Bogger, 1997). The tendencies of some of the women in this sample reflected this as well.

Understanding homogamy is important because it sheds light on the social processes and group values that are passed on by the family (Bodenhorn, 2006). Whether or not this social norm would continue on in a family would depend on each generation’s desire and capability of upholding it. In this sample, each family was different. It would have been difficult to tell if this practice would be carried on by the young age group and future generations of the families. The literature showed that homogamy had significant economic implications. Studies showed

238 globally, that those with fairer skin earned more money (Ryabov, 2016; Thompson &

McDonald, 2016; Burton & Tucker, 2009). Since it has been determined that social and cultural capital are connected to fairer skin, it may explain the mature and middle age groups’ inclination to want their grandchildren and children to marry fairer skinned people because of the advantages it provides.

This desire in the mature and middle age groups could serve as a protective factor to protect the younger generations in their family from experiencing skin tone bias. Hence, the push to attain fair skin and/or to marry a fair skinned person could potentially set their children on a path to success, so that they may achieve status and security in the future. Parents naturally want to steer their children towards success. This explained why homogamy was discussed quite a bit within the sample, and perhaps why the older generations shared “tips” and information with their younger generations about skin lightening products and methods. Social success seemed to be attached more to a young women’s looks, provided that she was fair.

Some women shared that if a man had dark skin, but was from a good family and financially well-off, then his skin tone would not matter as much. His other characteristics would make up for the dark skin. Yet, if a woman had the same characteristics, in most cases, emphasis would still be placed on her skin. A man would still prefer to have a partner with fairer skin. Several researchers have examined this issue and it is known as the social exchange theory (de Sousa

Campos et al., 2002; Rajecki, Bledsoe & Rasmussen, 1991; Koestner & Wheeler, 1988). It has been used to explain this social phenomenon in matrimonial advertisements and in other contexts. The social exchange theory proposes that there is an exchange of rewards, costs,

239 material and social entities (Ramasubramanian & Jain, 2009) between a man and woman when they get married. It is believed that men most likely offer financial stability in exchange for a women’s physical attractiveness. This explains why women in India and the younger ones in the sample had more focus put on their appearances, as opposed to other, more meaningful aspects of their identities.

The young age group discussed feeling that they had to conform to Western beauty ideals, as well as feeling the most persuasion to ensure that their skin was fair. Research has shown that through socialization, women can internalize other peoples’ perspectives of them (particularly those of whom they are close to such as, family, as well as men) (Johri, 2011; Thompson &

Keith, 2001; McKinley, 1999). Consequently, this can influence a woman’s primary conception of herself according to her physical characteristics (Frederickson & Roberts, 1997).

Furthermore, the literature discusses how young people may adjust their behaviours or actions in order to fit in with the dominant group, so that they do not draw unwanted attention to the part of their identity that they may feel embarrassed or ashamed of - their skin colour (Richmond &

Pittman, 2016; Wakefield & Hudley, 2007; Sapru, 2006).

When youth experience racial discrimination, it leads to lowered self-esteem, increased rates of depression, psychological distress, heightened behavioural problems and isolation (Wakefield &

Hudley, 2007). It is possible that some of the young women in the sample internalized the perspectives of their family members and others, while going through the process of trying to find a suitable mate. Skin tone dissatisfaction can lead to the increased use of skin lightening products to attempt to meet white beauty ideals (Hunter, 2011; Parameswaran & Cardoza, 2009;

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Karnani, 2007; Dasgupta, 1998). The pressure for young women to attain and/or maintain a fair skin tone via various means was quite apparent in the sample. Whether a woman would succumb to the pressure probably would have depended on the family influence, as observed in the families. Though, it would be difficult to make a correlation here because in the sample, it was also established that fair skinned women from the young age group had low self-esteem.

In the discussions pertaining to how marriages happened across each generation, in the young age group, it was probably most emphasized because skin tone bias seemed to be more widespread in current times. Despite being the most educated, independent and economically self-reliant age group, most of these young women discussed the familial stresses and societal pressures that they faced, which urged them to looked beautiful and perfectly made-up. Those who did not meet these standards felt thrust aside.

Young women are socialized in environments in which their natural features are deemed less attractive unless they resemble that of white women (Harper & Choma, 2018). This appeared to be the case for the young women here. Nonetheless, many of the young women in the sample were also the only ones who challenged the traditional thinking around such beauty standards.

They expressed the desire to want to redefine these rigid beauty standards perpetuated by families, society and the media. It would be understandable to see that on one hand, this age group had the lowest levels of self-esteem, the highest rates for skin lightening behaviour, and faced the most pressure to conform to the fair skin beauty ideal in regard to marriage; more than any other age group. While on the other hand, still wanting to challenge traditional beauty ideals as independent, educated women with more awareness of colourism due to the generation that

241 they grew up in. This age group seemed to be caught in-between the traditional values and culture that the mature age group (and to some extent the middle age group) grew up with.

These values and culture are either pushed onto or passed down to the younger generations.

In the current time that these women have grown up in, a blend of a global influence and urbanization have started to shift and change traditional Indian values and norms. This has resulted in women becoming more independent and self-reliant (Karumanchery-Luik, 1997;

Puar, 1995). This is especially true in urban areas such as, New Delhi. Societies evolve with changing times, and any process that brings in progressive customs and practices may be hard to welcome for some if it differs from their own values and upbringing. The pressure to conform and/or uphold the traditional Indian values and customs can take a toll on a young woman whose values and outlooks may differ.

Although these women may have had lower self-esteem related to skin tone, many of them were able to critically analyze the beauty norms and traditional culture around complexion in an attempt to redefine these norms for themselves, and to better fit the diverse reality of India that exists now. This generation may have outgrown such traditional beauty norms. The traditional norms related to beauty, feminism and the body try to exert control over how women look, think and act. This has psychosocial effects on women. Research shows that lighter skinned South

Asian women have reported the highest levels of body satisfaction, as compared to wheatish or darker skinned South Asian women (Sahay & Piran, 2007), as discussed in Chapters 3 and 4 of the Literature Review. There seems to be some parallels with the findings of Sahay and Piran

(2007) and some of the findings from this research.

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Through an intersectional analysis, we can see white heteropatriarchy at play. It creates an environment of oppression and inequity for some women in India. It emphasizes the structures and systems that form and uphold whiteness in a heteropatriarchal society based upon the cultural processes of racism, colourism, sexism and heterosexism. Gender roles and associated beauty ideals are created and projected to uphold the status quo, and to ensure the power of the

Western world. It is based upon a hierarchical system of interlocking forces of power and oppression. This organization is reinforced by the gender norms and standards of beauty that are thrust upon women, which ascribes traits of femininity and attractiveness. White heteropatriarchy is a system of socio-political dominance that contributes to colourism, while reinforcing and normalizing that whiteness is superior and sets the benchmark regarding beauty and status. The longer one is immersed in a culture, the more invisible it becomes.

Some of the stories shared by the women in this research seemed to have reflected a deep-seated belief that fair skin was better. Women have been socialized to believe that people who display certain traits deemed feminine receive more societal privilege. This demonstrates the social implications of appearance for women. Although some of the young women wanted to challenge this beauty norm, it may take more time to shift societal perceptions and attitudes about skin tone. We must understand the implications of skin tone bias and its connection to self-esteem, particularly in a country such as India, whereby women have become more empowered over time. Yet, they still face some challenges in contesting and redefining cultural beliefs and norms on the basis of beauty and skin tone.

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As a patriarchal society, Indian families may expect women to follow the cultural norms of their families and/or communities. Such norms are rooted in social structures that reinforce and proliferate male privilege, while excluding or othering women’s experiences. Young South

Asian women struggle with social and familial definitions and expectations, while experiencing challenges in trying to shape and reconceive their identities according to familial norms in various circumstances and situations. The added challenge for younger generations, such as the women in this sample, is striving to find their place in the dominant culture. Socialization practices in South Asian families have led to the development of a mutually dependent sense of self that is greatly shaped by interpersonal connectedness in family relationships (Sapru, 2006;

Aujla, 2000). This mutually dependent sense of self is heavily influenced by family members and affects women’s identities and self-esteem. South Asian youth construct their racial identities in relation to the familial and acculturated values of their parents and mainstream society. It appeared that the more central skin tone was to a participants’ self-identity, the more skin tone was important for their sense of self-concept and self-esteem.

Skin Tone Preferences and Behaviours: Cognitive Dissonance With cognitive dissonance, there is a discrepancy between an individual’s values, attitudes and behaviours. People by nature have a tendency to seek consistency between their cognition and behaviours, so when a conflict arises between these elements, it creates dissonance or an inner conflict within the individual. An individual will experience inner discomfort, as they become aware of the inconsistency. Therefore, something has to change in order to eliminate the dissonance, and this is where people will likely change their attitude in order to accommodate the behaviour (McLeod, 2018). The findings here showed that there were some inconsistencies in participants’ skin tone preferences and behaviours (cognitive dissonance). Most participants

244 acknowledged that skin tone bias was oppressive and exclusionary to others. Some participants reported that they did not possess a skin tone bias and that they had never judged others based on this factor. Other participants articulated the same, but candidly expressed that they knew it was hurtful and wrong to judge others on the basis of skin tone. These participants were mainly from the young age group. Women from the mature and middle age groups expressed similar sentiments. Yet, the latter age groups discussed with me that skin tone bias existed because it was all too prevalent and was an issue that would never really change. After sharing their views, women were then asked which skin tone they thought was more beautiful: light skin or dark skin.

Without hesitation, more than half of the participants articulated that they felt that light skin was more beautiful. From these particular reports, participants did acknowledge that judging others based on skin tone was hurtful. Some participants went so far as to say that they did not hold any type of preference for fair skin and/or never evaluated others based on this. In spite of these reports, most participants still preferred fair skin tones over darker complexions.

For many South Asians, skin tone holds a deep meaning. When describing an individual, it is a mark of oppression, irrational fixation and an index of evaluation that defines a person (Shade,

1990). The literature has examined skin tone bias, as it is a sociocultural bias that links white skin to beauty, goodness and success (Parameswaren & Cardoza, 2009; Hunter 2005, 2002;

Abdullah, 1998; hooks, 1994; Bennett, 1980). An individual’s self-worth is measured up against this. Fair skin has been considered to be a determinant of positive body image in South Asian women (Sahay & Piran, 1997). This research and its results provide further insight into this phenomenon, adding to the literature. The extent of the relationship skin tone and self-esteem has been shaped and influenced by aspects such as, one’s family socialization pertaining to

245 beauty and body image, their culture, and the exposure to various media sources (which will be discussed in the next section of this chapter). These findings appear to align with the existing literature – in South Asian women’s preferences for fair skin tones.

There is further evidence in the literature that has supported the idea that fair skin tones may function as an ideal in the South Asian population. Previously discussed studies have established that men and women both prefer fair skin tones when it came to attraction and mate selection

(Nagar, 2018; Bakshi & Baker, 2012; Jha & Adelman, 2009). This seemed to be the case for women from the young age group in this research project as well. As established in Chapter 4 of the Literature Review, studies have highlighted that South Asian women across the globe commonly have a preference for fair skin (Harper & Choma, 2018; Chen et al., 2018, Rondilla &

Spickard, 2007; Sahay & Piran, 1997). Therefore, these studies and the findings of this research may further elucidate the connections between current body ideals (e.g., a desire for fair skin) and the historical, social and cultural forces that affect them in order to better understand how skin tone influences one’s level of self-esteem.

Society greatly influences how women perceive themselves, as fair skin has been attached to notions of perceived physical attractiveness. Sociocultural influences are powerful. Their effects in the development and maintenance of insecurities and negative self-perceptions about skin tone in women seems strong. Even though participants in the sample acknowledged that colourism was wrong and was something that they did not perpetuate as mentioned, they seemed to also be swayed by sociocultural influences around skin tone. Those influences push a culture

246 that maintains the notion that fair skin equals attractiveness. This could have possibly explained the inconsistencies in participant responses in this regard, across the generations.

Although women from the mature and middle age groups stated that colourism was wrong, they appeared to have some predispositions towards fair skin tones that came through in their responses to other questions. It was apparent in our discussions related to the role of skin tone in accessing life opportunities, marriage for the younger generations, preferences for a fair skinned daughter-in-law and future offspring, as well as in fair skin being deemed the most beautiful. It could have been that some of these women passively accepted colourism as a reality in their own lives, or perhaps in society in general. Nevertheless, it may or may not have perpetuated the desire for fair skin in their own families or in other realms. This possible explanation of this finding could also be related to the belief in a just world (BJW) ideology, which may further explicate the discrepancies in participant responses.

The BJW ideology ultimately proposes that everyone holds a belief that the world is a just place and that people get what they deserve and deserve what they get (Choma & Prusaczyk, 2018;

Lerner, 1980). However, the extent to which individuals subscribe to this ideology can differ, which could possibly have been seen in some of the participants in this research project. Choma and Prusaczyk (2018) describe this further - individuals who hold the BJW ideology will believe that their situation is fair even if it is not (as cited in Hafer & Choma, 2009). This could be a form of passive acceptance. Choma & Prusaczyk (2018) further state that BJW aims to justify and uphold the status quo by aiding people including, lower class individuals to propagate unfair beliefs, systems and structures, instead of challenging and/or changing them. Some participants

247 from the mature and middle age groups may have denied that they themselves or their families faced any form of colourism, or that it really existed. The more that an individual endorses a

BJW, the more that person may benefit from upholding societal beauty ideals.

Similar to system justifying ideologies, it can be a protective factor. The more that one believes that something is not an issue, the more it becomes something that the individual does not have to focus on or feel bad about. In turn, this could translate into increased well-being and happiness (Hafer & Sutton, 2016; Dalbert, 2009). It would seem to serve as a coping mechanism for some women by not having to focus on something that causes discomfort or unhappiness in their life. Bad experiences can bring up adverse or hurtful memories for someone if they themselves or their family member faced colourism. The BJW ideology could be a buffer between the colourism that one may experience, and how this could potentially impact that individual’s sense of self-worth and self-esteem. The women that perceived their life situations to be just, and who diminished divisions based on skin tone, experienced less dissatisfaction with their own skin tone (Choma & Prusaczyk, 2018).

The young age group were the most candid in their responses. They were the group with the lowest levels of self-esteem, the highest users of skin lightening practices, and appeared to face the most pressure to be fair because of the life stage that they were in (i.e., being of marriageable age, establishing their career, etcetera), most of these women seemed to succumb to the stresses of trying to fit into society. These women strived to uphold their families wishes and culture, while trying to achieve success in their personal lives. They were open about their disapproval of the beauty norms that surrounded them. It is likely that the young women struggled with

248 discomfort around their appearances due to the beauty ideals that they were regularly immersed in. It appears that South Asian women’s experiences are linked to both systems of gender inequality and colourism. The narratives and ideals of beauty must include the lived experience and diversity of all South Asian women.

Women in the sample were also asked if they had engaged in any form of skin lightening through the use of different products or methods. The findings were almost split down the middle; fourteen women did and thirteen did not. Women from the young age group were the ones that most engaged in skin lightening practices, as previously stated. Some participants were asked what made them want to use skin lightening products or methods too. Not everyone was asked this specific question because there were some women that did not use any form of skin lightening products or methods; and because semi-structured interviews were used, the conversational exchange did not require further probing with those women. The women that wanted to use skin lightening products or to engage in certain skin lightening methods, expressed that they did it to either: look fairer, have clearer complexions and/or to improve their skin tones.

Moreover, participants were asked how they felt after using a skin lightening product or engaging in a skin lightening practice. Almost all of the participants that did do this expressed some form of personal satisfaction and happiness. There was the exception of two women in the sample that said that they did not see a difference in their skin tones after they used a skin lightening cream. In spite of this, they kept using the cream. There also appeared to be some contradictions (cognitive dissonance) from participants regarding their preferences and behaviours related to skin tone. To briefly summarize the earlier findings under this theme, participants predominately stated that skin tone bias was wrong and had a negative impact on

249 women (cognition). Despite this, most participants in the sample expressed that they thought that light skin was more beautiful than dark skin (attitude). Similarly, numerous women in the sample of different skin tones engaged in skin lightening practices through the use of different products and methods (behaviour). Again, these were mostly women from the young age group.

As a result, it was apparent that participant cognitions, attitudes and behaviours conflicted.

These results showed a clear discrepancy.

The findings provide a deeper understanding of the women’s cognitions and behaviours related to skin tone preferences, while recognizing that skin tone bias does impact women negatively, namely darker skinned women. The discrepancy in participant answers could have been due to social desirability bias (similar to the finding in the Family Socialization and Standards in

Identity Development and Colour Consciousness section.) Because of the nature of the questions asked, and discussions around participant preferences and behaviours related to skin tone and potential bias, women may have shared that skin tone bias was wrong in order to provide a socially desirable response to me as the researcher. Participant responses potentially could have reflected what the women thought would be a socially acceptable response, as opposed to what they actually felt. There had to have been some discrepancy somewhere. For participants to have shared the first perspective about skin tone bias and then to have stated that light skin was more beautiful than dark skin, showed an irregularity in the person’s beliefs

(cognition), their attitudes (cognition) and behaviours (skin lightening). People may wish to represent themselves in a certain light, but may not realize that one’s true perceptions and values come through to some extent.

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Women are aware of, and sensitive to, cultural, social and other environmental cues and triggers that may shape their self-perceptions and influence their self-esteem. This looked to be the case for all of the women in the sample, as their identities, self-perceptions and self-esteem were moulded by these factors based on the generations that they grew up in.

Their generational experiences all looked different, but it was apparent that most of the young age group dealt with this issue more. The literature highlights similar results from other studies due to social conformity. Social conformity increases in early adolescence and so, young girls are most affected by body image disturbance (Hrabosky et al., 2009; Davidson & McCabe, 2006;

Falconer & Neville, 2000; Feingold & Mazzella, 1998; Bordo, 1993). Young women become self-conscious about aspects of their appearances because of the social value attached to them.

For example, if a young woman experiences comments made by family or peers about her skin tone or it is suggested that she use a skin lightening product, it may make her self-conscious about it.

Additionally, seeing fair skinned models in advertisements or on television representing the

Western beauty ideal of whiteness may also act as a situational cue activating one’s schema about their skin tone. After seeing these, it could trigger an individual’s dissatisfaction with their skin tone (body image disturbance) (Neziroglu, Khemlani-Patel, & Veale, 2008; Hall, 2006;

Cash, 2002). The literature also describes that when a person is dissatisfied with their appearance, they will engage in various coping behaviours such as, skin bleaching (Ansell, 2013;

Hunter, 2011; Li et al., 2008; Olumide et al., 2008). Anecdotal evidence has shown that women will also avoid the sun or wear certain coloured clothing or types of clothing to prevent

251 themselves from getting darker. The invalidating emotions related to body image disturbance makes it difficult for a person in a social setting if the individual is self-conscious, uncomfortable or ashamed of their skin tone. The preoccupation with physical appearance and the desire to have lighter skin are rooted in a colonial mentality and reality that significantly values those features that represent beauty and success in a globalized world.

Some South Asian women try to manage the inconsistency between their own appearances and these Eurocentric ideals. According to Okazawa-Rey, Robinson & Ward (1987), this constant comparison and “the use of light skin as a point of reference for attractiveness ideals can affect self-esteem and self-identity” (as cited in Swami, Henry, Peacock, Roberts-Dunn, & Porter,

2013, p. 468). The literature highlights that racialized women subject themselves to fashion trends and unattainable beauty norms that are rooted in hegemonic standards of beauty promoting the idea that light skin is indeed better. This seemed to be the case for many of the young women in this research.

A lower skin colour satisfaction indicates unhappiness with one’s skin colour when it does not meet the individual’s expectations or ideals. It would be essential to consider what informed the individual’s expectations or ideals for them to perceive their skin colour in a negative manner.

Among African-American women, having a darker skin tone was found to be related to more negative self-perceptions and self-confidence (Harvey, 1995; Neal & Wilson, 1989). The literature looking at populations of South Asian women demonstrated similar findings (Choma and Prusaczysk, 2018; Chen et al., 2018; Prusaczyk & Choma, 2018; Harper & Choma, 2018;

Bakhshi & Baker, 2011; Jha & Adelman, 2009; Badruddoja, 2005; Rondilla & Spickard, 2007;

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Sahay & Piran, 1997). It gives the impression that skin tone is a component of the body that bears a great deal of scrutiny by South Asian and other racialized women. The findings of this research seemed to provide some evidence of this as well.

The issue can be intensified by physical and psychological insecurities that an individual holds.

Other studies looking at skin tone and body image in the South Asian population suggest that individuals that are discontent with their bodies accept the definition of fair skin beauty (Chen et al., 2018; Hall, 2006). For example, in one study, Bakhshi and Baker (2011), examined British

Indian men and women’s perceptions of Indian physical appearance ideals. They found that participants internalized Indian body ideals (including fair skin), and that these were linked to finding a suitable marriage partner for women (encouraged by maternal family figures and the media) (Bakhshi & Baker, 2011, p. 458). These findings revealed a phenomenon that was present in this sample through the multigenerational comparison. South Asian women’s bodies are objectified and shaped by cultural and social ideologies that promote lighter skin. Such beliefs reinforce the notion that women should define their inherent self-worth in aesthetic terms.

The women in the younger generation appeared to have an internalized white ideal. The middle age group may have had an internalized white ideal to an extent, but it looked to be more evident amongst the young age group. Even though, women from the young age group were the most vocal about wanting to change the beauty ideals around skin tone in India, they appeared to face the most coercion to follow these ideals because of their ages and the social capital attached to fair skin for them. Goon and Craven (2003) describe skin lightening as, “…an image and it is an image that has an economic end” (p. 25). The status attributed to skin tone is something that

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South Asian women want or are taught to want because of the societal and global power that it holds. Ideologies surrounding beauty that uphold the status quo are propagated through various means such as, the media. They are rooted in historical, social and cultural practices that make people believe that if they do not live up to such societal standards of beauty, then they are lacking in some way. A woman may obsess over her physical appearance and experience distress due to a distorted body image in pursuit of impractical standards of attractiveness.

Racialized women, such as South Asian women, subject themselves to fashion trends and unachievable beauty norms rooted in hegemonic standards of beauty. The results of the study conducted by Harper and Choma (2018), as discussed in Chapter 4 of the Literature Review confirm this. Lower self-esteem due to skin tone may be related to internalized racism and colourism in the young women. Internalized racism occurs through a process whereby people from the subordinate group come to accept negative, stereotypical or devaluing ideas and beliefs about their own racial group, and about themselves as a member of that group. It has been described as, “the process of absorbing consciously or unconsciously the values and beliefs of the oppressor and subscribing to the stereotypes and misinformation about one’s group, sometimes leading to low self-esteem, self-hate, the disowning of one’s group, and other complex behaviors that influence and impair quality of life” (Alleyne, 2004, p. 48). This internalization has adverse effects on women because it reinforces one’s insecurities about their complexion.

The constant struggle to accept one’s self as they are can become inescapable when people are bombarded with messages and images telling them that they are not good enough, not worthy

254 enough, and do not resemble the epitome of white beauty. Multi-national companies that sell skin lightening products continually feed off this insecurity and strengthen the desirability of light skin to urge women to use these products. Women’s insecurities are capitalized on. The practice of skin lightening or bleaching are indicators of an internalized white aesthetic. They are also indicators of perpetuated racialized notions of embodied aesthetics, that are moored in social, cultural and gendered meanings delineated by the white West, aiming to replicate

Western hegemonic narratives of power and identity politics. Skin lightening is currently widespread in India and reflects an internalized racism (Tafari-Ama, 2006; Hunter, 2002) and colourism.

Indians who may have experienced intergenerational, white supremacist conditioning could rebuff some aspects of their Indian culture and identity by engaging in skin lightening. This often tells a narrative of a deeper self-loathing regarding this part of one’s identity. The self- induced physical transformations that some of the women in the sample were trying to achieve, attested to the hegemonic complicity of victims of oppression with their own self erasure.

Regarding its significance, Speight (2007) upholds that internalized racism is a self-perpetuating function of oppression that constitutes one of the most “damaging psychological [injuries]” (p.

130), while the oppressed group loses its ability to define itself. The oppressed group buys into messages about its prescribed inferiority. The regular institutionalization and normalization of

(racial) oppression are reinforced by the oppressed group’s acceptance of the dominant group’s beliefs. Within their own belief system, the dominant group has the power to the define experiences of the oppressed and define what is normative. Consequently, through hegemony,

255 the dominant group erases the language, culture and history of subordinate groups, while imposing misrepresentations.

The dominant group’s imposed culture is seen as “normal” and the subordinate group’s is seen as inferior. The psychological and emotional effects of not meeting mainstream standards can be detrimental if one has a darker complexion. Because young women are in the process of shaping their individual identities, they are easily influenced by what they see and become inundated with these types of ideas all around them. These experiences have detrimental effects on the emotional health and self-esteem of young women because they produce feelings of inadequacy.

Internalized racism and colourism hold women back, as it undermines their confidence. To face judgement, exclusion or any form of colourism can be painful. Families, culture and the media inundate Indian women with messaging that skin tone has huge implications on their lives. It is troublesome when people limit themselves as a result of the discrimination and oppression that they have experienced in their lives. This is something that may have happened to some of the women in the middle age group, and looked as if it was a reality for many of the younger women. Women are more than their looks. Until the focus is not redirected onto encouraging young women to build their skills, confidence and value for themselves, they will continually be conditioned to believe that beauty is skin deep.

“Snow White Syndrome” is Reinforced and Perpetuated Through the Media The yearning for fair skin is deeply ingrained in India’s psyche. South Asian women continue to experience “Snow White Syndrome,” which is the yearning for fair skin through the current trend of rampant marketing and advertising images of fair skin and skin lightening products

(Pande, 2018; Ashfaque et al., 2014; Venkataswamy, 2013) perpetuated by the mass media. The

256 findings suggested that media images around skin tone in sources such as, advertisements, magazines and film were heavily gendered. These images and depictions focused primarily on women.

The findings provided further insight regarding how media sources such as, television advertisements and the Bollywood film industry in particular, had the most influence on participants’ self-perceptions and esteem. Participant narratives gave the impression that the media reinforced and spread the desire for fairness in South Asian women in India. The preference for fair skin appeared to be the lowest in the mature age group, followed by the young age group, and the highest in the middle age group. When participants were asked to describe the women that they saw who most often starred in Bollywood films, the mature age group mainly named popular actresses from the era that they grew up in. In general, the mature age group frequently named actresses with a wheatish skin tone. Participants were asked who their favourite actresses were too. These mature age group again, predominantly named wheatish toned actresses. For the middle age group, women named some actresses from the past who were popular when they grew up, as well as some current actresses in the film industry. The middle age group typically named fair to wheatish toned actresses, as the ones that they most often saw starring in Bollywood films. When asked who their favourite actresses were, they largely named fair toned actresses. Likewise, participants in the young age group without exception, named only modern day actresses. They also named fair toned actresses, as the ones that they most often saw starring in Bollywood films. When asked who their favourite actresses were, they mostly named wheatish toned actresses. Overall, across all age groups in the sample,

257 fair and wheatish toned actresses were described as the ones who most often starred in

Bollywood films.

In terms of favourite actresses, a total of eighteen actresses were named across all age groups.

The top three favourites that were named across the board were: Priyanka Chopra, Deepika

Padukone and Aishwarya Rai. These favoured actresses all have wheatish skin tones. The participant responses seemed to confirm the global imagery that the Indian media portrayed.

When participants were asked who they most often saw starring in Bollywood films and who their favourite actresses were, across all age groups, actresses who were either fair or wheatish toned were mentioned. The mature and middle age groups mainly named wheatish toned actresses. These responses aligned with previous participant accounts, which shared that skin tone was not focused on as much in these generations. However, participants in the young age group mostly named fair skinned actresses. From this age group’s responses to these questions, it gave the impression that this generation was most exposed to colourism. Their personal experiences with skin tone bias and indications of their skin tone preferences in various contexts, highlighted a leaning towards fairer skin.

Another noteworthy finding was related to participant responses regarding the top three favourite actresses that were named across all of the age groups. They were: Priyanka Chopra, Deepika

Padukone and Aishwarya Rai. These actresses are actually the only ones from Bollywood that have also acted in Hollywood films, so their global appeal had increased as a result. Bollywood actresses, such as the aforementioned, have also been influenced by Western conceptions of

258 beauty and aesthetics because it has been demanded by the business (Kavoori & Punathambekar,

2008, p. 79).

Being the largest film industry in the world, Bollywood has great influence over the Indian population (Shevde, 2008). These women are currently some of the leading actresses in

Bollywood and are well-known all over the world (Nagar, 2018; Parameswaran & Cardoza,

2009; Osuri, 2008b; Johnson, 2002). Their global influence has increased their status. One would think that because these actresses have been so successful in their careers that they have fair skin, but they are all wheatish toned. Nevertheless, all of these actresses have engaged in skin lightening procedures to further their careers (See Image 2: Favourite Actresses (Top Three)

Across All Age Groups that Have Lightened Their Skin). It is extremely common for

Bollywood actresses to lighten their skin (Parmeswaran & Cardoza, 2009).

In the Bollywood film industry, skin lightening is done through various means such as, laser peel

(lasabrasian), where excess melanin is broken down and dispersed by the natural immune system in the skin (Singh, 2019). After this process, it is said that healthier, fairer skin appears. Another common method is through skin lightening injections, which uses a chemical called glutathione, a skin lightening agent. Glutathione stops the production of an enzyme called tyrosinase, involved in making melanin in the body (Singh, 2019). Fair skin is the result. Both procedures have negative side effects and are expensive, but Bollywood actresses have the means to afford these types of skin lightening procedures. Because the Bollywood film industry and the media in general have so much of an influence on women, these manufactured images of beauty further

259 maintain colourism and classism. An average woman does not have the means to pursue these types of avenues to alter her appearance.

Participant responses seemed to confirm this as well, as those who lightened their skin mostly used skin lightening creams, chemical peels at the beauty parlour or homemade face packs

(facials). The Bollywood film industry paints a picture of status and beauty that women want.

Young Indian women experience body image disturbances when exposed to these fair skin archetypes (Neziroglu, Khemlani-Patel, & Veale, 2008), as revealed in the literature (Prusaczyk

& Choma, 2018; Jha & Adelman, 2009; Li et al., 2008; Swami et al., 2008; Altabe, 1998) and through participants responses. Bollywood actresses are role models for many young, impressionable Indian women. They are idolized and appear to represent Indian physical appearance ideals that South Asians are expected to adhere to (Guha Ray, 2010). They have a huge influence on Indian society, especially when it comes to the latest fashion trends and symbols of beauty. The celebrity culture upholds the fair skin ideal - complex and glamorous women - and at the same time, it invites the average person to see them and believe that they too can attain the lifestyle like a celebrity. This reflects the globalization of beauty norms that are rooted in Western stereotypes, which only increases the continuation of colourism and its impact on women’s psychological well-being and sense of self.

Idealized beauty in Indian society is socially constructed by the West. It reflects white skin and

Eurocentric features that many Indian women do not resemble. The desire to be something that one is not, can lower a woman’s sense of self-worth if she does not see herself matching up to what she sees around her. Media images of famous actresses in Bollywood (for example) look

260 nothing like an average Indian woman. It is imperative to question where young women can find role models in women that actually look like them in media images. The literature has shown that racialized women are increasingly underrepresented in various media sources, such as magazines and television advertisements (Demos & Segal, 2019; Gopaldas & Siebert, 2018;

Mbure & Aubrey, 2017; Somani & Doshi, 2016). In India, this is the case for darker skinned women as well (Somani & Doshi, 2016; Parameswaran, 2015; Parameswaran & Cardoza, 2009).

The pervasiveness of fair skin and with increased globalization, the current climate in India has shown that women who do not match up to the white aesthetic mold of the Western world are not represented or reflected in the media. Darker complexioned women can face significant stressors, a poor self-image and lowered self-esteem because of this. Participants from the middle and young age group did discuss this in their responses. It looked as if the young age group were most impacted by media sources. This makes sense given that they would most certainly be the generation to be most connected to technology and social media. Instead of seeing positive representations of themselves, young women, especially darker complexioned ones, are bombarded with advertisements selling images of fairness or fairness creams that encourage them to question what they lack (Gopaldas & Siebert, 2018). Globalization and its role in the media have been key culprits of colourism in India.

Various sources such as, the media, convey ideal body representations. These reinforce cultural stereotypes and body image norms by gender. The influence of the media on Indian women is significant because it teaches and transmits social and cultural values:

The mass media serves as a mediating structure between individuals and their bodies by sending a powerful message to society: only a determined physical stereotype of beauty is valued. Reiterated by other primary agents of socialization, such as families, peers and

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schools, the idea is taken seriously by mainly young women. (Sepúlveda & Calado, 2012, p. 47)

As a fast-developing country with increasing exposure to Western culture, India is now catering its values and media images to more of an urban audience (Shevde, 2008). Because of the proliferating effect of globalization, people’s lifestyles, values and ideas in India have changed too. This was evident in the findings, as the changing effects and influence of people’s lifestyles, values and globalization, differed across the generations. Through participant responses, it was apparent that the priorities for each generation, and related attitudes were different.

Globalization has exacerbated the inequalities of gender, class and colour by constructing

Western hegemonic beauty ideals and marketing them to the Indian feminine identity. It further propagates stratification based on colour, class, consumerism and global mobility. Colourism is strongly correlated with the globalization of beauty. The Indian media, such as the Bollywood film industry, routinely use actresses success on an international level to reaffirm free-market ideology and Indian nationalism; and to repackage the ideal Indian identity as fair skinned,

English-speaking and cosmopolitan. The participant responses in selecting their favourite three actresses (Priyanka Chopra, Deepika Padukone and Aishwarya Rai) also reflected this, as these women are most synonymous with Bollywood in the Western world.

Global markets take advantage of India’s obsession with fairness. The dominant white culture provides the popular depictions of beauty. Those that do not exemplify these standards of beauty are deemed substandard. Over the years, popular culture and the media have continued to bolster the message that fair is beautiful. These discourses exclude and oppress women with darker skin. We see Western ideals of regulated beauty pertaining to skin tone, where it is

262 manufactured for mass consumption. Hall (2006), argues that since beauty, wealth and overall appeal have been associated with white skin, the physiological proximity to the white power structure is desired by many racialized people, including South Asians. The idealization of white skin has remained unchallenged. Using Western beauty ideals as a reference point to evaluate one’s own appearance continues to set an unrealistic standard of beauty that many cannot achieve. This conceptualized notion of beauty excludes the diverse realities of Indian women that may be inclined to internalize this oppressive definition of beauty through constant comparisons of themselves to what they see in the media.

Examining how the fair skinned beauty standard has become fixed in the Indian’s culture, women were asked where they thought this thinking and mentality came from, as well as the influence (if any) that it had on their lives. Participants across all age groups discussed why women in India wanted to attain fair skin. Our discussions and the findings accentuated that fair skin beauty ideals have been endorsed and normalized through the mass media. However, it has increased exponentially over time. Media sources such as, television, film and advertisements have marketed Western beauty ideals in the form of fair skin, while emphasizing the privileges that come with it. When something is marketed as desirable, it sets a high threshold that people believe they need to meet. Across all age groups, the women expressed this as well. They shared how factors such as, television advertisements for skin lightening products and the

Bollywood film industry continuously persuaded Indian women that fair skin was the norm.

Participants were also affected by these images, as some women expressed that they loved certain actresses because they were fair and beautiful. Participants wanted to look like that as well.

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Similar to previous findings, it was the young age group that were most frank about their dislike regarding the types of messages and images that the media bombarded them with. Yet, as discussed, these women were also the generation that most engaged in skin lightening practices.

The juxtaposition of these two findings was interesting, but plausible. These young women may have had strong views about wanting to challenge such mainstream beauty ideals around fair skin in Indian society, while battling the constant pressure from family, peers, society and the media. Widespread promotion and advertising images of fair skin and skin lightening products instill the “Snow White Syndrome” in young South Asian women. They persuade and influence their aspirations and preferences for fairness. Because the young age group in this sample were unique in that they were the generation that has grown up in a world with increased globalization, technology and social media, the information that they could access was unlimited.

Young people may be most inundated with media messages and marketing through various means, but more so these days through social media platforms including, Facebook, Twitter,

Instagram and other related sources (O’Brien, 2018). This could explain why the young age group had the lowest levels of self-esteem regarding skin tone. They could have had more exposure to sources of influence that shaped their self-perceptions and identities than the mature and middle age groups, women were more restricted in those generations. The more that young women are exposed to images of so-called perfection, the more likely they are to compare themselves to it. As historical evidence and the influence of various media sources suggest, skin tone plays a huge role in the lives of Indian people. These types of messages are demeaning to women. They exploit the cultural bias that lighter skin is the only way to obtain success.

Contemporary media culture continues to shape identity in many conflicting, challenging and

264 formative ways. The social demands and anxiety of trying to meet societal standards of beauty can lead to lower self-esteem and in turn, negative body image. This explains the case for many of the young women in this research. South Asian women are bleaching away integral parts of their identity, even risking illness to do so.

The hierarchical ranking of skin tone affecting racialized women is inextricably linked to cultural values regarding beauty and physical desirability. Cultural representations of physical attractiveness and desirability are reflected in preferences for lighter skinned models and actresses. Media images that promote damaging stereotypes of racialized women continue to devalue their sense of beauty and damage their self-esteem (Stephens & Phillips, 2003). With globalized media images, “…a desire for whiteness by women is no longer limited to diaspora communities of color living in the land of the white. The collective impact of globalized marketing and media is a packaged, westernized, global body image telecast right into homes in countries around the world, including India” (Jha & Adelman 2009, p. 69). The internalization of these social messages leads South Asian women to believe that being desirable leads to tangible benefits and satisfaction in life. These beliefs and systems serve as a form of control over women’s bodies, as skin tone related stressors affecting South Asian women are internalized. Prejudiced attitudes and unrealistic beauty standards impact their self-worth.

The preoccupation with lighter skin emphasizes the ways that the post-colonial influence still lingers in India, declaring darker skin as “other.” This internalized ideology privileges lighter skinned people, as they seem to transcend the social, cultural and economic barriers that their darker skinned counterparts’ battle. The endless pressure and barrage of fair skin beauty hinders

265 the ability of women to be independent in thought and creative in their own forms of self- expression and beauty. Through participant responses, it was apparent that the young age group felt caught up in this issue, as they were trying to find their own definitions of beauty, not ones prescribed by their families, culture or society. The continued objectification of women, the focus on beauty, as well as exposure of the body, has accentuated a deep experience of alienation from the body. Skin lightening advertisements for products such as, “Fair and Lovely” cream play off Indian women’s insecurities. For example, in one advertisement, a retired father with financial issues mourned the fact that he did not have a son to help him financially when needed.

His daughter, who was darker skinned, was upset by this. She was determined to do something about it. She decided that she would take on the role of the son and used “Fair and Lovely” cream to land herself a sought-after job as a flight attendant. Her father was so proud of her. In the end, she was happy because she “fixed” her dark skin “problem,” so that she could help her father (Pathak, 2014). The messages from advertisements such as this, sell the idea that a woman can buy her confidence in a tube of skin lightening cream. It is conveyed that these products are one’s ticket to status and success.

The preference for lighter skin in India is promoted and largely reinforced by advertisements for skin lightening products, television and Bollywood celebrities endorsing fairness products

(Shevde, 2008) too. Some women attempt to physically change their appearances through the use of skin lightening products or other means, as was evident amongst some of the women in the sample. Body dissatisfaction appears to be on the rise, especially in younger women because

“There’s so much emphasis on looks in India, especially about being fair. If you’re dark, then…you’re put in the ugly group automatically… especially if they’re not married” (Bakhshi

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& Baker, 2011, p. 472). Body dissatisfaction in regards to skin tone has been described in the literature as a new form of colonization, “The structural and the symbolic coalesce in the construction of gendered imagery in English women’s magazines in urban India [exists] within an overarching trope of recolonised modernity” (Thapan, 2004, p. 416). The scale and infiltration of such messaging in modern times is unparalleled. The Indian media has no shortage of “solutions” to offer to its consumers the opportunity to lighten their perceived darker skin.

Arun Adhikari, the former Executive Director of personal products for Hindustan Level Limited

(HLL) (owned by Unilever), suggested that skin lightening products in India are merely fulfilling a need: “The current commercials show a negative and positive situation. We’re not glorifying the negative, but we show how the product can lead to a transformation, with romance and a husband [being] the pay-off” (Luce & Merchant, 2003, p. B1). In 2003, India banned two “Fair and Lovely” commercials. However, the company was still unapologetic. HLL argued that its products offered women a “choice” and that it was a form of economic empowerment for them

(Luce & Merchant, 2003, p. B1). The belief that products such as “Fair and Lovely” offer economic empowerment are an excuse to exploit women’s vulnerabilities. These products do more harm than good. The manufacturers are solely motivated to make a profit at the expense of women’s health and well-being.

As women’s bodies may never measure up to the dominant beauty ideals, a strong connection exists between skin tone preferences and notions of idealized beauty. Hunter (2005) explains such notions of idealized beauty in the skin lightening phenomenon, “…as a result of the merger

267 between old technologies of colonialism and race, and new technologies of the body” (as cited in

Hunter, 2011, p. 144). New forms of technology in India and other places in the world continue to sustain hierarchies based on colour. Colourism has a negative impact on the emotional health and self-esteem of young women in India, as it produces feelings of inadequacy related to one’s dark skin tone (Rajiva, 2006; Saifee, 2005). Subsequently, it is critical to think about who attains power through such discourses around beauty, as well as the implications of this power in the reproduction of prejudice based on skin tone.

Multi-national corporations such as, Unilever (the Dutch company that introduced India’s first skin lightening cream in the 1970’s), is India’s largest company delivering personal products to consumers (Tambe, 2018). The fairness product market in India makes approximately $450 million per year, and continues to grow approximately 15% to 20% every year (Tambe, 2018).

Of note, is the irony in Unilever’s advertising campaign for skin lightening products in the non-

West, compared to its messaging at home in the West. The societal “norm” that fair skin is coveted in India, allows companies such as Unilever to unabashedly promote these creams in all facets of the media. However, Unilever also owns Dove soap. In the early 2000’s, Dove executives began looking for a way to revive the brand and came up with the “Real Beauty” campaign. It was launched on the promise of these three tenets: that they would always use real women, and never models, they would portray women as they were in real life, and finally, that they would help girls build body confidence and self-esteem (Dove, 2004).

The hypocrisy in the product marketing on one side of the world compared to the other, makes one question the authenticity of such advertising. How is it that messages of being “real” women

268 were shared with the Western world, as Dove promised to help build their self-esteem. Yet, in

India, women were inundated with messages that they were not good enough, and HLL had the solution to “fix” women’s skin tones because it was perceived to be an issue. Advertisers do what they do best: create a solution to an artificial problem. The realness of Indian women’s identities have been portrayed as lacking in some regard. They are told that they must strive to look a certain way. Unilever designs their messaging to make a profit. The message about "real beauty" coming from a corporation that sells skin lightening products is paradoxical. The stark contrast between the messaging branded for Western women and Indian women confirms that there remains a huge influence from the West on India. This form of modern day colonialism highlights the struggle between depicting the ideal versus the real. As Nagar & Virk (2017) describe,

All cultures recognize idealized images by which people are judged as worthy members of their gender. These images form an essential component of our body image, that is, how we think, feel, and behave with regard to our physical attributes. The images we hold of our bodies are not always accurate nor are they static; sensitive to changes in mood, environment, and experiences, these images are ever changing. Over the years, the Western media has propagated almost unattainable body images as ideal for women…Consequently, negative self-evaluations made through social comparisons with media dictated ideals often leads to self-deprecation, reduced self-esteem. (p. 1)

Culturally based meanings and values in regard to skin tone are related to the beauty standards, social classes, gender role and lifestyles that are attached to each (Chen et al., 2018). The interesting contrast is that women in India desire to be light skinned, and women in the West, wish to have tanned skin.

In India’s history, people with darker skin were generally labourers or worked in the fields

(Mishra, 2015). This assigned them lower class status, and these individuals were considered to be from lower socioeconomic backgrounds. We can see this play out even today with the

269 amount of social and cultural capital attached to fair skin. Nonetheless, in the Western world, having tanned skin is a sign of a leisure lifestyle (Chen at al., 2018). It gives the impression of attractiveness and status because whenever a white person has a tan, the assumption is that they went away on a tropical vacation paradise. It provides the illusion that someone is from an affluent background and can afford a leisurely lifestyle, whereas, fair skin represents this in

India. The tanning market in the United States alone is worth $3 billion US dollars and has a growth rate at approximately 3.9% per year (Tambe, 2018). It appears that the Western world spends more money on tanning than South Asians do to lighten their skin. The difference in this cultural standard, however, is that most Westerners that tan are usually naturally fair skinned and enjoy the privileges attached to this. The Western world has more power and sway in this area, as described by Jablonski (2012), they have “...commanded positions of power and social influence and largely established the dominance of Western culture and aesthetic preferences”

(as cited in Chen et al., 2018, p. 257). Tanning is considered a form of attractiveness and the image that one belongs to a higher status in the Western world. In India, fair skin is the way to move up the social ladder to gain status. Therefore, both are tied to images of status and privilege, but in different contexts.

When a white skinned woman tans, she is considered to be attractive and desirable, but a naturally darker skinned Indian woman may not be looked at in the same way. This underscores who has the power to define cultural and societal preferences and norms around skin tone beauty. Perhaps this is only the case in India. Would a darker skinned Indian woman be embraced in the Western world or would she face further prejudice through racism? This would be interesting to determine in future studies. The socially salient values related to skin tone have a profound influence on the perceptions of one’s lifestyle, beauty and socioeconomic status.

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Due to gender bias, a woman’s body remains an object to be manipulated for fashion and status

(Bordo, 1995). Media images continue to have a profound impact on the way that young South

Asian women identify themselves. Even models in Asian fashion magazines are rarely Asian at all, but rather dark haired Eastern European women (Ahuja, 2009), signifying a desire for whiteness that denies what true South Asian beauty embodies. The demand for skin lightening products in India has come under scrutiny in recent years. Despite this, cosmetic companies continue to sell such products using clever campaigns to uphold the same light skin values.

Hunter (2011) calls this the “illusion of inclusion,” a

…seductive marketing strategy to draw women of color who might otherwise feel alienated from products marked exclusively with images of white beauty. By including a few light skinned, Anglo-looking women of color, cosmetic companies appear to be inclusive of people of color, without disrupting their message that white bodies are beautiful. The inclusion of fair skinned women of color like…Aishwarya Rai of India (L’Oreal)… is designed to lull women of color consumers to buy these products, while believing that their body and beauty is being valued. (p.146)

When a woman does not see herself matching up to the beauty norms that surround her, it can have a harmful impact on her self-image and confidence. A slight gesture towards inclusiveness serves as a kind of alibi for perpetuating hegemonic cultural norms that idealize light skin standards of beauty. Beauty pageants are another example of Indian women trying to live up to unrealistic standards of white beauty, as Westernized global images of beauty are aired all over the world. According to Jha and Adelman (2009),

This telecast visual image of the ‘successful’ Indian woman is embodied in the 1990s Indian queens, with an ensuing cultural impact that was to have reverberating consequences even today. In 1994, two Indian models, Sushmita Sen and Aishwarya Rai, won the Miss Universe and Miss World pageants, respectively, and their victory propelled a frenzied celebration in the Indian mass media. Their victory also gave rise to a beauty industry that marketed cosmetics and more beauty queens. In addition to this, their presence in Bollywood films further entrenched the global ideal of the light skinned, tall, westernized beauty. (p. 69)

Beauty queens that represent Western conceptions of beauty have become media icons and

271 influence South Asian women across India. However, this mentality seems to be present across the South Asian diaspora in general.

When Nina Davuluri, a dark skinned South Asian American model from New York, won the

Miss U.S.A. pageant, she not only faced racism from fellow Americans, but colourism and discrimination from other South Asians (Rao, 2013). After her win, numerous South Asians from India and abroad, flooded media outlets with comments saying that Davuluri would not have been fair skinned enough to win a pageant in her parents’ home country of India (Rao,

2013). These examples demonstrate the discrimination and detrimental associations that are attached to darker skin, and still persist in the values that are passed onto generations of South

Asians globally.

This seemed apparent amongst some of the families, as women from the young age group shared stories about how they faced pressure from their family members. For example, because of their skin tones, some of the younger participants shared that their family members told them that they needed to wear certain colours of clothing, some were told to put on more make up or to improve their complexions through skin lightening. When the mature and middle age groups were asked about this, participants articulated that they did not put that kind of pressure on the younger generations of women in their families. Some of the young women shared numerous stories that stated the opposite to what their mothers, grandmothers or mother in-laws said. The younger generation was very up-front and open in the stories that they shared with me regarding this.

The true way to empower women are to educate them, provide them with resources, and opportunities to flourish and become independent, so that they can create change through new,

272 self-defined images of inclusive beauty, regardless of skin tone.

The women in the young age group discussed wanting to change the traditional beauty norms that they grew up with. Given the increase in globalization, technology and social media platforms that this generation had grown up with, the results from this research project have shown two interesting things. Although women in the young age group were the most self- conscious about their appearances (skin tone), had the lowest levels of self-esteem, lightened their skin more than any other age group, and these women were also the ones trying to redefine traditional beauty norms based on skin tone. They expressed wanting to bring about more awareness raising and educational campaigns regarding colourism, so that people would better understand the effects it has on women. Though women may be immersed in a situation that oppresses them, they may have the drive to want to change and dismantle the very systems and institutions that oppress them. Their views and perspectives demonstrated that attitudes around this issue may be starting to shift in India. The juxtaposition of increased colourism and a comparable increased desire to challenge Western hegemonic beauty ideals pertaining to skin tone in India, shows that the mass media has the power to influence women for the good and bad.

India has begun to see some shifts with increased social movements and activism regarding colourism. From a young age, women are taught to mistrust their own experience and judgment about desirability and self-acceptance because they believe the values and standards of the dominant culture. Women in India, including some of the young women in this research project, have begun to both challenge and resist pervasive Western ideals of beauty portrayed by the

273 media. For example, one of the major movements started in 2009 with “Women of Worth,” which was developed by Kavitha Emmanuel to bring about awareness to the issue of colourism, and to challenge the notion that there is only beauty in fair skin. One of their first campaigns was “Dark is Beautiful” in India. It put forth that women needed to fight “…the toxic belief that a person’s worth is measured by the fairness of their skin” (Thappa & Malathi, 2014). It has been a huge step forward in curbing India’s appetite for light skin. Nandita Das, a famous

Bollywood actress, became the brand ambassador for the campaign and challenges the longstanding belief that success and beauty are determined by one’s colour (Thappa & Malathi,

2014). A similar initiative organized by the “All India Democratic Women’s Association”

(AIDWA), fought to ban skin lightening advertisements for years. They successfully had some

“Fair and Lovely” advertisements barred (Timmons, 2007; BBC News, 2003).

These examples demonstrate a slow societal shift towards challenging traditional ideologies that have marginalized darker skinned South Asian women for centuries. The convergence of class hierarchy, colonial history and social prejudice are central to the firmly entrenched notion of superiority being synonymous with fairness that is mediated by the media. The complex interactions of culture and colonial history, with contemporary market demands, continue to shape South Asian women’s identities. As marketing images mirror contemporary social values, we need to ask ourselves whose values are being represented. The misrepresentation and underrepresentation of diverse South Asian women in the Indian media highlights the need to truly globalize the media landscape. Indian women of all skin tones should be represented and celebrated.

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Skin Color Questionnaire (SCQ) Results (Bond & Cash, 1992) The SCQ assessed one’s skin colour satisfaction, self-perceived skin colour (light-dark) and ideal skin colour through three questions: 1) How satisfied are you with the colour of your skin

(lightness or darkness)?, 2) Compared to most Indian women, I believe my skin colour is? and 3) If

I could change my skin colour, I would make it? Each question provided participants with a nine point Likert scale to respond to the question (See Table 7: Skin Color Questionnaire Results (Bond

& Cash, 1992) - Average (Mean) by Age Group for Each Question for more information). Overall, most of the results from the SCQ reflected what was shared in the participant reports. For Question

1), in terms of skin colour satisfaction, the results indicated that the young age group was the least satisfied with the colour of their skin. This seemed to be evident in their choice to engage in skin lightening, as well as in discussions around feeling the pressure to meet societal beauty norms around fair skin from their family, culture and the media. It appeared that skin colour satisfaction increased with age, as the mature age group seemed to be the most satisfied group. These results further confirmed what participants shared during the interviews.

Participants felt more confident the older that they got. Their responses confirmed that skin tone related self-esteem appeared to increase with age, as women from the mature generation were the most comfortable with their appearances. Furthermore, for Question 2), women believed that compared to most Indian women, their skin colour was medium (not very light or very dark). This result was interesting, as it seemed to somewhat differ from the results of the Skin Color

Assessment Procedure (SCAP) (Question 1) What is the colour that most resembles your actual facial skin colour?). Most participants chose the three fairest skin tones to describe their complexions for the SCAP. It could have been that some of these women felt that the fairer skin tones shown in the SCAP were more wheatish in complexion. Additionally, another interesting

275 finding came from Question 3). Every age group responded that they wanted to make their skin colour somewhat lighter (a bit lighter) than their existing skin colour.

These findings for the most part, looked to have corresponded with the participant narratives. The same level of desire to lighten their skin existed for the young and middle age groups. There was slightly less of a desire in the mature age group to lighten their skin, which matched the participant accounts as well. It also confirmed the findings for Question 1), self-esteem seemed to increase with skin tone satisfaction. Another finding that emerged from the questionnaire data were the responses provided for questions one and three. There seemed to be a logical correlation between these questions. Participant responses indicated that an increased satisfaction with the colour of one’s skin (I am very satisfied with the colour of my skin) made it less likely that a woman would change it (If I could change my skin colour, I would keep it the same). This meant that the more satisfied participants were with the colour of their skin, the least likely they were to change it. The

Skin Color Assessment Procedure (SCAP) produced similar results as well.

Skin Color Assessment Procedures (SCAP) Results (Bond & Cash, 1992) Participants were asked four questions and to select a colour tone for each question. When participants examined the nine randomly positioned coloured squares on the poster board, they were asked to choose one coloured square for each question: 1) What is the colour that most resembles your actual facial skin colour?, 2) What is the colour that you would most prefer?, 3)

What is the colour that you believe is the most admired by others?, and 4) What is the colour that you believe is most admired within your family? (See Table 8: Skin Color Assessment

Procedures Results (Bond & Cash, 1992) – Percentage of Participants that Selected Each Skin

Colour: Breakdown by Question and Age Group for more information). The SCAP results

276 revealed that for question 1), most participants (across all age groups) picked the lighter skin colours, as these were the colours that they felt most resembled their actual facial skin colours.

(See Table 9: Skin Color Assessment Procedures (Bond & Cash, 1992) – Total Number of

Participants That Selected Each Skin Tone by Question for more information). This was a noteworthy finding. It could have indicated a preference for fair skin, or perhaps participants did see these skin colours as more wheatish in tone, as discussed in the SCQ results.

Participant responses revealed that although the desire for fair skin was not blatantly stated in some cases, there did appear to be a desire for skin due to its social and cultural significance.

The desire for fair skin because of pressure from sources such as, family, culture and the media was evident amongst the young age group as well. Moreover, for question 2), most participants picked the lightest skin colour (of the 9), as the skin colour that they most preferred. This was not surprising given that when participants were asked what skin tone they thought was most beautiful: light skin or dark skin, most stated light skin. Additionally, the preference for a fair skinned daughter-in-law and future progeny that was shared by women in the mature and middle age groups, revealed this. The young age group was the group that most engaged in skin lightening, which added further weight to the SCAP finding. These findings provided more context for these questionnaire results.

For question 3), most participants selected one of the lighter skin colours as the skin colour that they believed was the most admired by others. Participants did talk about colourism as something that was wrong, but extensive in India. The mature and middle age groups articulated that the issue would not ever really go away. And women in the younger age group, discussed

277 their dislike of the Western beauty ideals (around skin tone), and their desire to contest these narrow definitions of beauty. In spite of this, they still felt the most coercion to match this light skin beauty ideal.

Finally, for question 4), most participants picked two of the lightest skin colours as the colours that they believed were the most admired within their family. It appeared that overall, many participants selected the lighter skin tones to respond to these questions (skin colours 1, 6 and 8 were the most selected).4

In summary of the aforementioned findings, there seemed to be some desire for fair skin tones among this sample. There also appeared to be some cognitive dissonance in participant responses. After examining all of the findings, some women in the sample did want to be fair skinned because it made them feel that they were beautiful. The questionnaires provided additional information to better understand the skin colour perceptions and satisfaction related to self-esteem in the target population.

4 From the SCAP results – These are what the skin tones look like: skin colour 1 ; skin colour 6 ; and skin colour 8 . See Table 8: Skin Color Assessment Procedures Results (Bond & Cash, 1992) – Percentage of Participants that Selected Each Skin Colour: Breakdown by Question and Age Group for remaining skin colour visuals.

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Conclusion Socially constructed definitions of beauty are part of larger systems that reflect and reproduce dominant ideologies regarding gender roles and beauty norms. Critical Race Feminism and

Post-Structural perspectives highlight that these systems are rooted in patriarchy and beauty norms that are defined and disseminated by the West. A singular definition of beauty supports the dominant ideologies that oppress, exclude and marginalize South Asian women.

This research has discussed how South Asian women are taught from a very young age the importance of fair skin, as social and cultural capital due to the privileges and status it procures.

Furthermore, the family unit and culture shape South Asian women’s self-perceptions and associated self-esteem through family socialization and standards that speak to gender norms, beauty and body image. Through the multigenerational comparison in this research and comparing the findings to the literature, it appears that South Asian families’ conditioning around identity and colour greatly differed from other racialized groups such as, African

American families. I make this contrast, as the majority of the literature on skin tone, self- esteem and colourism focuses on this population. It seems that South Asian families may not be able to maximize the benefits of the interpersonal relations in their family units to the same extent as African American families. There appears to be a lack of pride instilled in children based on their skin tone, (especially if darker skinned), in South Asian families. If parents are telling their children to lighten their skin (as a protective factor), as opposed to instilling racial or ethnic pride, it may cause a child to become conscious about this aspect of their appearance and the worth attached to it. Race socialization in African American families instill this pride in their children as a protective factor, but it seems South Asian parents do not approach this in the same manner. The socialization process in South Asian families is not done from a place of pride, but

279 rather pressure for social conformity in order to gain acceptance, security and status over the life span.

The women’s experiences with skin tone bias were different and perhaps, this could have explained the cognitive dissonance among their responses. Self-acceptance buffers the possible adverse comparisons of one self to Western hegemonic beauty ideals. It was apparent that there was some inclination towards fair skin tone in the women. Western hegemonic beauty ideals pertaining to skin tone have shaped and impacted the self-esteem of the women in these families across various life stages (age groups) differently. The resulting “Snow White Syndrome” has been persistently bolstered and disseminated through globalization and the mass media, as experienced by some of these women. These factors highlight how homogeneous beauty ideals rooted in Western heteropatriarchy circulate and epitomize fair skin as the model standard.

Hopefully with greater awareness of this issue, South Asian women can use this energy and re- channel it into something affirming such as, challenging Eurocentric beauty norms and increasing consciousness around women’s body images to remind us that diversity is beautiful.

In addition, to remind us that we need to be comfortable in our own skin – no matter how dark or light. The next chapter will discuss the recommendations and practical implications that have come out of this research, as well as any gaps and future areas of study.

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Chapter 8

Recommendations and Conclusions

Introduction In this chapter, the significance of the research project and conclusions are based on the research questions, results of the findings and themes that emerged from the multigenerational narratives of the women interviewed, as well as the skin colour questionnaires. The significance of the research project is revisited, along with a summary of the data and findings. The contribution to the literature through the findings, ideological and practical implications, limitations, recommendations and future research directions will also be explained. The outlined recommendations were based on the conclusions and purpose of this project.

Revisiting the Significance of the Research Project Increased globalization and technology have changed the way that information is communicated and disseminated. With such changes have come further scholarly concentration on concepts related to health and beauty, especially in discourses relating to gender and the racialization of beauty. There is a growing body of literature looking at the psychosocial and cultural impacts of beauty and body image on individuals in relationship to Western representations; and the influence of these cultural concepts of beauty on non-Western cultures and communities.

Dominant ideologies and cultural interactions shape and effect non-Westerners.

Cultural interactions between the West and non-West have become much more common due to growths in globalization and technology (Hunter, 2002). With this has come, blurred lines in global cultural identities. Globalization has created further homogeneity, as existing cultures in

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281 places such as India, are torn between its own traditional culture and people who fight to preserve this cultural identity, by rejecting the influences of other cultures, particularly the West

(Sotshangane, 2002). Whereas others (such as younger generations), have readily adopted new hybrid identities that have been shaped by the dominant white ideal of the West (Sotshangane,

2002). The West dominates this sphere, and now more than ever, it is easy to share news, political or social messages, which continue to spread across the globe. Through mass media channels, young girls and women learn about, and understand feminine beauty ideals, as they are some of the most powerful tools of influence.

In modern times, the scale and penetration of such messaging is unprecedented. As the mass media continues to grow and impact India, the way that society sees beauty ideals will also continue to change, along with the way that women view themselves. There have been many ideas across cultures, and over time, about what the feminine beauty ideal is for a women. The more that a woman follows such prescribed beauty ideals could influence her social status within that culture. This was evident among the women in the research project. Indian women continue to negotiate aspects of their identities and some struggle to find their place in society.

Globalization is shrinking the world, and beauty ideals are becoming narrower and more exclusionary. Upholders of beauty exploit the inadequacies of the non-West post-modern society, and feel that they must be told what to be.

Consequently, the world has seen standards of beauty change due to hegemonic feminine archetypes and a rigid definition of beauty that has been imposed on racialized communities.

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Scholars such as, Hunter (2007, 2011), Goon & Craven (2003) and Hall (2011, 2013),5 among others, have written about how beauty is a hegemony or dominance; one that is defined and propagated by the Western world. These scholars have discussed examples of this phenomenon from across the globe. The pursuit of Western beauty ideals push racialized women to conform to contemporary social values and ideals. For example, Hunter (2011) discussed that global colonial histories and modern shifts with globalization have shown the benefits of having lighter skin, and the quest for white beauty is important for women because it provides upward social mobility for them. It gains its status from existing racial hierarchies, and this has led to many racialized women engaging in skin bleaching behaviours globally. Therefore, how beauty is defined and perceived can be problematic.

The essence of beauty that many racialized women, including South Asian women, are exposed to, is a reflection of Western culture and characterizations. Through factors such as, history, colonialism, globalization and the media, the result is a distorted, yet normalized and unfeasible image of beauty and status associated with fair skin. It is an image that excludes the diversity of racialized women. The aforementioned scholars have examined racialized bodies in the context of how Western beauty ideals reproduce colonial inventions and social constructions of race, which each hold their own social, cultural and economic value in society. Such ideals reinforce structures of inequality and sustain both racism and colourism. This white heteropatriarchal discourse

5 See Ayyar & Khandare (2012), Glenn (2008, 2009), Parameswaran & Cardoza (2009), Osuri (2008), Cash & Bond (2008, 2004, 1994, 1992), Farver, Narang, & Bakhtawar (2002), Hunter (2005, 2002) and Hall (1997) for other scholars that have also written about beauty and hegemony that is defined and propagated by the Western world.

283 represents Western women as the universal standard of beauty to aspire to; a hegemonic ideology and social location that has the power to socially and culturally stratify and oppress communities of racialized women.

The social construction of skin tone body ideals emphasize the intersectionality between colour, gender and class. Women become socially stratified based on their skin tones (Hunter, 2005) in countries such as, India. Skin tone is a prevailing variable that dictates body image and is a measure of beauty in the South Asian community, as discussed. There is a dearth of studies looking at the relationships between physical beauty and body image (self-esteem) in racialized women, especially South Asian Indian women. The effects that this has on South Asian women’s self-perceptions, esteem, well-being and other social factors are significant.

The existing literature on this topic has suggested that skin tone plays a predominant role in the body image perceptions of South Asian women (Harper & Choma, 2018; Prusaczyk & Choma,

2018; Bakhshi & Baker, 2012; Sahay & Piran, 1997). However, the literature is also lacking in this area. Studies looking at the saliency of skin tone and its connection to body image, self- esteem and psychological well-being among South Asian women in India are scarce. In the last few years, there have been only a few studies that have been conducted by a select group of scholars examining colourism and body image (skin tone) in South Asian Indian women (Choma

& Prusaczyk, 2018; Harper & Choma, 2018; Prusaczyk & Choma, 2018). For example, Choma

& Prusaczyk (2018) conducted their study investigating whether skin-tone surveillance (a manifestation of self-objectification), would predict greater skin color dissatisfaction and increased skin-bleaching behaviour in participants. The results showed that the positive relation

284 between skin tone surveillance and skin color dissatisfaction was weaker among the women who more strongly (versus weakly) endorsed system justifying ideologies. Furthermore, they found that the positive relationship between skin tone surveillance and skin bleaching behavior was stronger among those women who more strongly (versus weakly) endorsed system justifying ideologies. These appeared to be culturally specific forms of self-objectification in the sample of women. The details of the studies conducted by Harper & Choma (2018) and Prusaczyk &

Choma (2018) were discussed in Chapter 4 of the Literature Review. Overall, the findings indicated the internalization of white beauty ideals related to skin colour and highlighted that it plays a prominent role in the self-perceptions, self-esteem and well-being of Indian women.

Although the aforementioned studies provided rich information, further research is needed. To this point, this research project provides a deeper look at the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem in a unique population. More specifically, the main objectives of this research project are to determine: a) what, if any, relationship exists between skin tone and self-esteem among different generations of women in South Asian family units in India; b) if and/or how skin tone plays a relevant role in the lives of these women; c) if family interactions, expectations and upbringing bears any influence on how these women see skin tone; and d) if there are similarities and differences between each generation’s (age groups) psychosocial experiences with skin tone and self-esteem.

The multigenerational approach provides a better understanding and a timeline regarding the types of messages related to beauty, body image and skin tone in particular, were passed down

285 over the generations. It discusses the socialization factors and cultural “norms” and values that were predominant in each generation in the sample.

This research project also serves as a foundational study for future research and potential theoretical development due to the lack of research in this area, especially through cross- sectional and generational comparisons (Chen, Yarnal, Chick, & Jablonski, 2018; Ayyar and

Khandare, 2012; Johnson, 2002). This research elucidates how social constructs of gender and beauty emphasize the importance of skin tone for evaluations of self-worth and self-competence in South Asian women. It highlights how skin tone is an important predictor of self-esteem in some South Asian women, and how this phenomenon plays out across the life stages of the women interviewed. The findings also provide further data regarding how race socialization and identity are formed and evaluated in South Asian families. These findings specifically discuss the differing impacts of skin tone on self-esteem for each generation of women in a family unit, and the desire and pressure that they faced to conform to dominant beauty standards in the quest for fair skin. The contribution of the findings of this research project to the literature are discussed next.

Contribution to the Literature Based on Findings Socially and culturally constructed definitions of beauty pertaining to skin tone, represent

Western realities and continue to sustain beauty ideals that shape the beliefs and practices around fair skin for women. Thus, they represent the ideal standard for others to conform to. The similarities and differences between each generation and their experiences are considered. The findings discuss how Western hegemonic beauty ideals related to skin tone impacted participants by contributing to colourism, while reinforcing and normalizing white heteropatriarchy. The

286 participant narratives offer a deeper understanding and critical awareness of the relationship between skin tone and self-image (perceptions and self-esteem).

To this point, the findings of this research project will both contribute to, and address some, of the gaps in the literature. Looking at the experiences and stories that were shared by the women in this project, the findings will do the following: 1) Further the research looking at the relationship between skin tone, body image and self-esteem in women from different age groups

(generations) in a family unit. It provides a deeper generational understanding of this phenomenon, and explains how family expectations and upbringing can influence body image

(skin tone) and self-esteem in these women.

2) Provide more context and an increased awareness of the research topic, particularly in regard to the information that emerged from the young age group’s experiences and challenges in upholding traditional family values and expectations in a collectivist society, while trying to embrace the values of individualism in modern day India. The traditional gender roles that many of the women grew up with looked somewhat different for the younger generation, as they struggled to straddle the values of both worlds. They grappled with conforming to prescribed gender norms and beauty ideals related to skin tone (rooted in Western heteropatriarchy), but these values did not reflect or represent who they were.

3) Offer more information on race socialization and conditioning in South Asian families in

India around identity development, body image, skin tone and beauty. It provides some insight regarding how these concepts function in South Asian Indian families, as well as how it differs

287 from other racialized groups such as, African American families. The majority of the literature on skin tone, self-esteem and colourism focuses on African American populations. Also, it is important to note that the few studies that have looked at this topic in South Asian families have only been conducted with South Asian immigrant families in countries such as, the United States and the United Kingdom.

4) Indicate some of the inconsistencies among the different age groups’ skin tone preferences and behaviours (cognitive dissonance). Most participants acknowledged that skin tone bias is hurtful and oppressive, yet, still showed biases towards fair skin, and engaged in skin lightening behaviour. It contributes to the literature looking at internalized racism in South Asian Indian women.

The participant responses elucidated that there was a relationship between skin tone and self- esteem. Skin tone appeared to play a salient role in the lives of the women in the research project, but more so for the women in the young age group (generation). The young age group spoke a great deal about the significance of skin tone in their lives due to the life stage that they were in (e.g., finding a suitable partner to get married, etcetera). The young age group also spoke about how their family members would tell them how to look, so that they would be attractive by doing things such as, putting on makeup or lightening their skin. This age group had the lowest level of self-esteem compared to the middle and mature age groups (generations).

Furthermore, for the young age group, family expectations and interactions appeared to make some of them conscious of their skin tone. However, the focus on one’s skin tone seemed to decrease the older in age that the women were. The middle and mature age groups focused less

288 on their own skin tones. Their responses also indicated that self-esteem levels increased the older in age that the women were. The mature age group reported the highest levels of self- esteem and skin tone satisfaction. Thus, having fair skin played more of a prominent role and held more social capital for younger women in the sample. This was most likely due to their age

(life stage - being of marriageable age, establishing one’s career, etcetera).

These findings contribute to the literature looking at the relationship between skin tone, body image and self-esteem in South Asian Indian women. They also speak to the significance of fair skin being regarded as a form of social capital. In the discussion of the findings regarding the importance of fair skin as social and cultural capital for South Asian women, participant responses showed that this appeared to be more of a factor for young women in the sample because of social conformity, and due to the life stage that these women were in (i.e., achieving key milestones such as, developing one’s career, mate selection, etcetera). The focus put on fair skin and its importance in influencing one’s social and cultural mobility appeared to diminish with age in the sample. Participants reported that they felt more comfortable the older that they got. Again, it was the youngest generation that this impacted the most, namely in the context of marriage. These women also had lower levels of self-esteem related to their skin tone due to these factors. This multigenerational analysis of fair skin as a form of social capital highlighted that skin tone played a prominent role in the life of the younger women. The relationship between skin tone and social positioning due to fair skin, confirms findings in the literature that fair skin in India has a significant influence on the success that one may attain in various aspects of their life, such as marriage. This is because fair skin is considered to be an asset where one is more likely to have increased social acceptance and opportunities at success and status because

289 of it. However, this appears to be linked more to age as well, as these issues were predominantly discussed by women in the young age group in the research project.

Furthermore, since this type of analysis has not been done with this particular population or from a multigenerational perspective, it addresses a gap in the literature as well, while providing rich information about the women in each family unit. It provides a deeper generational understanding of this phenomenon and explains how family expectations and upbringing can influence body image (skin tone) and self-esteem in the women. The participant narratives described the different factors and gender norms that influenced their learning and beliefs related to body image, beauty and skin tone while they were growing up. This information was valuable because it described what it was like for women growing up in each generation during different time periods in India (some of the mature generation grew up in the time of British colonization).

It also highlighted the type of messaging, as well as the social and cultural norms/customs that existed during those times in order to compare and contrast with the middle and young generations experiences. From the participant reports, colourism seemed to have become more prevalent over time and was dealt with most by women in the young generation. The issue did exist to some degree during the mature age group’s generation, and slowly started to increase in the middle and younger generations. Skin tone bias became much more pervasive after British colonization, and remains rampant today because of heightened globalization, technology and media platforms. The participant shed light on the social and cultural influences that have attributed to its rise with each generation.

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The mature age group were mainly influenced by their families because during that time, women did not have much self-independence or freedom, and traditional collectivist familial values were the norm. They shared that many decisions were made for them such as, who they were going to marry. The beauty norms around skin tone were also different then, as there was not much focus on it as a component of beauty. Rather, the focus was on whether the woman came from a good family, socioeconomic background and could engage in domestic responsibilities. There was less emphasis put on appearance too. In the middle age group, the climate in India began to change. The media started becoming more widespread, and participants explained that women were beginning to gain more self-independence in this time. Also, because of the mass media such as, the Bollywood film industry, beauty ideals were rapidly changing. Having fair skin was becoming more of the norm. Finally, in the young age group, they talked about growing up in a more modern and liberal time in India, where globalization and the media further shaped beauty norms from a Western lens. Many of the young women were self-independent, but also faced the most pressure to conform to Western beauty ideals around skin tone. Skin tone bias seemed to hold the most importance in the context of marriage, and the young age group faced the most pressure to be fair. Some of them reported that their family members were regularly telling them that they had to make sure that they looked beautiful. The young women also stated that their families put pressure on them to wear makeup, to avoid certain coloured clothing (if they were darker) and to use various skin lightening “tips” to improve their complexions.

These findings point to the fact that skin tone has some negative effects on women’s self-esteem.

Skin tone appeared to be a predictor of self-esteem, particularly for the young women in this sample. It shows that standards of beauty rooted in white heteropatriarchy still push traditional

291 gendered expectations around beauty on women. Some of the women appeared to escape colourism if they had lighter skin and/or grew up with positive messages about their skin colour

(race socialization). In this case, it meant that there was not much significance attached to their skin tone, families did not discuss this with their children, and instilled confidence in these women. The value attached to skin tone effects one’s self-worth. Everyone wants to belong and to feel confident in who they are. When an individual feels that they are not meeting a socially prescribed beauty standard, can influence how the individual is perceived and treated by others, which in turn impacts how the individuals sees themselves. If the individual is treated poorly because of their skin tone (e.g., prejudice or discrimination) and/or believe that they are not getting access to the same opportunities as those with fair skin, one’s self-perception of their inner and outer self becomes skewed. The psychological impact can be harmful, and one may define their worth by their physical appearance because there is so much value attached to this physical trait.

As a society, we must be able to dive deeper to realize that beauty is not about the colour of one’s skin, but more about what is on the inside; who we are as people. In order to disengage from thinking beauty is only skin deep, women must remember that all beauty is a social construct. Beauty norms change with time and place. More work needs to be done to build self- confidence and positive self-talk within young girls, so that they retain these messages when they become women. Instilling the belief in young girls that true beauty cannot be seen from the outside, will encourage them to look inwards in order to focus on developing skills, cultivating interests and knowledge that they can use in their lives. Teaching young women to cultivate their inner beauty will allow them to learn and embrace a deeper inner knowing of who they are.

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Furthermore, young women need more positive socialization in this area that teaches them how to honour their bodies in any form. Using gratitude as an approach, young women need to be reminded that they can find numerous reasons to be grateful for their bodies. Instead of focusing on superficial features such as, skin, clothes, etcetera, young women can engage in self- reflection, which allows them to look within to see what they love about themselves and what they wish to share with others. This promotes self-love and encourages them to feel better in their skin and bodies. Familial and societal messaging that teaches young girls about self-love and respecting themselves as they are, will help build a positive self-image because physical attributes such as skin tone, will have less emphasis and value put on them.

These findings also contribute to the literature, as they provide more information on race socialization and conditioning in South Asian families around identity development, body image, skin tone and beauty. Likewise, the findings are noteworthy in that they address a gap in the literature. Most of the research that has been done looking at race socialization in South Asian families has been conducted with immigrant families globally. This research project has looked at race socialization in South Asian families from the perspective of women. Their narratives give some insight regarding how these concepts function specifically in South Asian Indian families.

Family socialization and standards had a significant role to play in a woman’s identity development and colour consciousness. The findings indicated that families bear an important role in shaping the identities and associated self-esteem and body image of its members in different ways. This appeared to be the case for those in their formative years; women in the

293 young age group. Family units had a profound effect on these young women in relation to their identity development and self-perceptions around conceptions of beauty and skin tone. Through participant responses, it seemed that skin tone was not an overtly discussed topic in families with fairer and wheatish skin tones, but seemed to be in those with darker skin tones. In addition, women from the young group felt the most pressure to be fair and families reported sharing information about skin lightening “tips” and products with their family members and friends.

Some families also indicated a preference to have a fair skinned daughter-in-law for their sons, but it seemed to be regarded as a safeguard to ensure that future progeny were fair skinned.

Participant responses also gave the impression that homogamous marriages were favoured by most on the basis of skin complexion and socioeconomic status. This elucidated more on

(complexion) homogamy in India, and provided a better understanding regarding this desire in numerous participants. This was interesting because even though some of the women from the mature and middle age groups did not personally face skin tone bias when they got married

(arranged marriage or a love marriage), some of them were still quite adamant that their sons and/or daughters marry someone with fair skin. They expressed strong opinions about marrying within one’s “own kind.”

As discussed, families wanted future generations of their family to be fair as well. This strongly persuaded women, especially in the young age group, to try to meet the fair skin beauty ideal through different means. The socialization and messaging passed on to women in the young age group from their families seemed to shape their self-perceptions and self-esteem regarding skin tone. It seemed to also influence some of their life decisions such as, selecting a partner for

294 marriage. Young women in the sample were the largest users of skin lightening practices. This was probably the most evident in this generation because of the rise of colourism in India. And because of increased colourism in India, it could explain why women in the mature and middle age groups wanted their (grand) children to marry fair skinned people, despite not having to deal with issue in their own lives.

Because of the social value attached to fair skin, Kalmijn (1998) argues that people are likely to marry within their social group or with someone that is closer to them in status. He explains that, “Although many characteristics play a role in the choice of a spouse, sociologists have most often examined endogamy and homogamy with respect to race/ethnicity, religion, and socioeconomic status” (p. 395). This appeared to be the case for numerous participants. Some participants wanted their sons and daughters to marry someone with fair skin, who came from a good family and socioeconomic background. Perhaps it was perceived that fair skin would bring a higher status, as well as social and economic privileges to their children’s lives. Since it was still common in some families for the older generations to intervene and/or state their preferences regarding who younger generations should marry, these findings were parallel to similar findings looking at complexion homogamy in the African American community.

Bodenhorn (2004) found that newlyweds were generationally similar to one another in social rank, occupational status or educational levels. He described it as an old practice that dated back to the 19th century (Bodenhorn, 2004). From Chapter 3 of the Literature Review, as well as participant narratives from each generation describing the role of the family in arranged marriages, etcetera, it appears that this has been a longstanding practice in India as well.

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There was discussion around marrying from the same caste historically in India, so perhaps this is rooted in an old practice, but looks somewhat different today. Bodenhorn’s (2004) findings showed that the convention of complexion homogamy had significant economic ramifications; the marriages that were among light skinned Blacks resulted in households with higher literacy rates, higher occupational status and more wealth (p. 4). Families want their members to easily fit into society and to set them up for a life of ease and success. This is most likely why some participants in the project encouraged the younger generations in their family towards homogamy. To them, it may have meant gaining access to more resources and a life of privilege.

The role of the family also provided more context and an in-depth understanding of the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem, including the psychosocial effects it had on each generation. More specifically, as colourism has become more prevalent in India, the younger generation in this research project had the most interesting findings compared to any other generation. Since they were the generation most exposed to colourism, these women faced negative experiences and challenges in trying to uphold traditional family values and expectations living in a multigenerational home, while striving to embrace the values of individualism in a more modern day India.

The traditional gender roles that many of the women in the sample grew up with looked somewhat different for the younger age group, as they struggled to straddle the values of both worlds. This group grappled with conforming to prescribed gender norms and concepts of beauty related to skin tone, but these did not reflect or resonate with who these women were.

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These women also had the lowest levels of self-esteem, the highest rate of skin lightening product use, and faced the most pressure to have fair skin. Yet, they were the most candid and open about discussing how they felt the pressure to socially conform to fair skin beauty ideals in

India from influences such as, their families, culture and the media. Nonetheless, many of them stated that they did not agree with these ideals.

Some of the participants from this age group talked about wanting to challenge these beauty norms and stated that some of the ideals needed to be redefined, so that people would focus more on a women’s personality, instead of her appearance. This made for a surprising finding because it showed that although colourism is widespread in India, and these young women felt pressure and conformed to the fair skin beauty ideal (skin lightening), they were also the most aware of the harmful effects of colourism and wanted to challenge it. This demonstrates that even though colourism has increased in India, an awareness of the damage it causes, and social advocacy and educational campaigns that speak out against it have increased too. The contrast between these two occurrences highlights that skin tone bias has been so ingrained in Indian society that it will take many years before we see any kind of huge shifts in attitudes and beauty norms in this area.

The influence of family, culture and the media are strong. The young age group have also grown up in a time with increased technology and social media. The “Snow White Syndrome” has been reinforced and perpetuated through various mass media sources, as discussed in the literature.

The findings suggested that advertising and media images about skin tone were heavily gendered, focusing mostly on women. Participant responses discussed the effects of constantly seeing the image of white beauty. Their narratives provided more information regarding how

297 various media sources starkly shaped, and continue to have an impression on Indian women’s preferences around skin tone and their self-perceptions.

Participant responses gave the impression that the media reinforced and perpetuated the desire for fairness in Indian women. The desire for fair skin (for themselves) appeared to be the least in the mature age group, followed by the middle age group, and the highest in the young age group.

Marketing campaigns and depictions of white skin beauty set an unrealistic standard that many

Indian women wish to emulate. Participants across all age ranges articulated this sentiment and expressed how television, advertisements for skin lightening products and the Bollywood film industry pushed this ideal. More specifically, women in the young age group were again the most candid and vocal about their dislike for this type of media marketing that promoted fair skin as the ultimate standard of beauty. They appeared to have strong views about wanting to challenge skin tone bias in society. These findings contributed some new information in the literature, as well as confirmed that there appears to be a strong relationship between skin tone and self-esteem for South Asian women.

Beauty norms have always seemed to exist in the eyes of the colonizer (dominant group).

Western standards of beauty continue to have power over the world due to the social, economic and political power of the Western world. Racialized women including, the women in this research project, must decolonize such thinking and challenge the status quo. When Western superiority and white supremacy are resisted, it creates change to foster inclusivity and true representation of the lived experiences, stories and beauty of ALL women. CRFT and PST allow for a critical analysis of the power relations in the intersections of the politics of race,

298 body image and beauty in this context. Both frameworks draw attention to the ideologies and system that proliferate exclusionary and oppressive beauty norms in India. By critically examining and understanding the factors that shape women's perceptions and lived experience related to appearance (skin tone in particular), in social and cultural relations, people can begin to challenge practices such as, skin-bleaching, and its deep-rooted psychological and colonial ties.

The participant narratives in this research project offer a new a “truth.” It is one that is their own and represents their realities. CRFT and PST highlight that the social construction of beauty ideals and the processes of racialization, “other” Indian women and exclude them in a global definition of beauty (Hunter, 2002). Dismantling traditional beauty norms and challenging the forums that perpetuate them are essential. The narratives of racialized women who are made to feel insignificant and inferior due to their positionality and skin tone are critical and long overdue. Through more awareness and activism, the goal is to include representations of all racialized women in the world of beauty, while looking at their unique lived experiences through metanarratives.

Decolonizing Western beauty standards by resisting the status quo, can create body positivity for

Indian women. According to Ramirez (2016), “Women from diverse backgrounds have different experiences, struggles and social influences, all of which inform the way they view their individual bodies. They subsequently require and deserve culturally relevant resources that address and embrace those differences.” More social activism and education are needed, as described by the young age group in order to challenge colourism and the prevalence of white

299 heteropatriarcy. These have imposed rigid beauty ideals and gender norms that have disenfranchised and compartmentalized women based on aspects of their identities and appearances.

Media literacy and other educational initiatives could serve as a resource to encourage body positivity. In addition, identifying and deconstructing the influence that factors such as, colonization, systemic oppression and racism play in the development of women’s identities and sense of self-worth and self-esteem are essential. It is a larger systemic issue that shapes how young girls and women perceive their bodies, “People of color received very mixed messages about their bodies. There’s the message that we’re inferior, that we are dirty, that we are ugly, that we’re not intelligent...those messages have been passed down from generation to generation, and often perpetuate the belief that white, slender bodies are desirable; and darker, curvier bodies are not” (Ramirez, 2016). Such messages need to be questioned.

According to Irving & Berel (2001), media literacy aims to increase awareness and to challenge the media’s negative influence on people by “…promoting adaptive behavior through educational programs that teach individuals to evaluate media critically, which reduces the credibility and persuasive influence of media messages (as cited in Watson & Vaughn, 2006, p.

387). Such media literacy interventions can teach young women to be more critical of what they see and how it could affect their own self-perceptions. It is important because it decreases body dissatisfaction (Watson & Vaughn, 2006), and can prevent skin tone bias (becoming more cognizant of it), and self-loathing of one’s skin colour because of the content that they see.

Watson & Vaughn (2006) describe how media literacy works, “…by teaching females to think

300 critically regarding media messages, media literacy programs designed to prevent body dissatisfaction may increase awareness of media’s depiction of the societal pressures to adhere to the sociocultural ideals of attractiveness without influencing internalization of such ideals, which is more strongly related to body dissatisfaction” (p. 387). By instilling a critical analysis in young girls and women regarding what they see and hear around them, it allows them to process,

“unpack,” and challenge the systemic issues that hinder their abilities to exceed in their self- esteem and worth. This is what promotes self-awareness and is a reclamation of what it means to be beautiful for all women. By consciously working to remove the negative perceptions attached to the bodies of marginalized people, we challenge the status quo and dismantle colonized thinking that has kept us in the background.

Through such initiatives, the women in the young age group could share and educate their mothers, grandmothers and (grand) mother-in-law’s that the internalized colonial ideas of their time regarding what beauty looks like has truly changed. The older generations were passing these types of ideas on to their daughters and daughter-in-law’s in various ways such as, encouraging the use of skin lightening products or asserting the desire for their (grand)children to have fair skin (complexion homogamy). Some of the older generations seemed to have an internalized oppression, and their views were passed down in the family.

Some of the women in the young age group did discuss trying to emulate the pictures of beauty that they were surrounded by. They stated that they tried to look like the societal standard of fair skin beauty in order to gain the approval and compliments of their family and those around them.

The generations of women in this project showed that ideas of beauty have often existed because

301 of the environment of one’s upbringing, and this looked completely different for each generation, as described in their narratives. Similar messages may continue to be passed down to future generations regarding beauty and skin tone, but with more of a heightened awareness in younger generations. Perhaps India will see a steady decline in colourism with increased activism and engagement to decolonize our minds and beauty standards. The time has come for more of a conscious effort to suppress conditioned thinking around beauty and skin tone, and to move towards self-love. By focusing on the counter narratives of Indian (and other racialized) women, it provides an opportunity for women to be recognized and celebrated.

Finally, the most interesting finding in the research project was the indication of some of the inconsistencies among the different age groups’ skin tone preferences and behaviours (cognitive dissonance). These specific findings contribute to the literature looking at colourism and cognitive dissonance, as well as internalized racism in South Asian Indian women. As discussed in Chapters 6 and 7, participants predominately stated that skin tone bias towards fair skin was wrong and their realization that it had a negative impact on women (cognition). Regardless, most participants in the sample still expressed that they felt that fair skin was more beautiful than dark skin (attitude). Moreover, numerous women in of different skin tones also still engaged in skin lightening practices through various means. Therefore, their cognition, attitudes and behaviours conflicted. For those who did not engage in skin lightening, the aforementioned findings still highlighted an inconsistency in participant beliefs, attitudes and behaviours related to skin tone and their inclinations towards fair skin.

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The findings suggested that perhaps the participants saw themselves as good people and generally felt that India was an inclusive place. However, their skin tone preferences and behaviours demonstrated that there was somewhat of a fallacy of the argument and evidence to the contrary, causing the dissonance. The disagreement between what some of the women wanted to believe about India, and the reality of their views and attitudes towards skin tone was where the conflict and dissonance occurred. In cases where these conflicts occur, individuals usually stick with their core believes despite evidence to the contrary (McLeod, 2018). This cognitive dissonance may have made some of the participants engage in what they thought was subtle colourism, but through their direct responses to some of the questions, it was apparent that there were more implicit colourist/other negative attitudes towards those with darker skin.

Perhaps some of these women did not even realize that they were engaging in skin tone bias when they actually were. Those who have been on the receiving end of such discrimination face internalized racism where people are,

…targeted by racism are overwhelmed and overrun by the pervasive messages, attitudes, and behaviors of racism. This causes people that are oppressed to develop self hatred or insecurities to themselves and their physical features…many people are expected to look a certain way. People that are experiencing internalized racism are led to see their physical attributes as ugly because they do not look like the perfect person in society. This can lead to those minorities to perform self harm or body modifications that can damage the human body in order to reach that perfect appearance that is put in place by society. (Zachary, 2018)

Society must redefine such beauty norms and realize that colourism is a group effort. This may emphasize India’s cognitive dissonance as a society. India must redefine its definition of beauty.

Inclusive representation makes the difference. Narrow beauty ideals related to skin tone are exclusionary because they discount and disregard those who will never be able to, and those who will not conform to such standards.

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As the research has shown, it creates self-hate and rejection based on an aspect of one’s identity.

Having fair skin does not make anyone better and it should not be the standard to measure people up against. People are all different and should be nothing less than themselves. The need for validation in regard to people’s appearances and beauty will continue to perpetuate body image disturbance and issues of low self-esteem and self-worth in women. Validation should come from within, and society must work towards promoting more diversity and inclusivity in this definition of beauty. The incessant, rigid images of beauty that are seen in the media need to make more of a conscious effort to celebrate all skin tones, and to embrace images of beauty that include diverse women.

To challenge and move away from Eurocentric beauty norms, we need to begin by acknowledging its historical roots and the limiting standards of beauty that it has created. Fair skin is not the default standard of beauty, so it is essential to recognize that the representation of non-normative groups in the media, as well as in other realms, does not purposefully include diverse groups of women. As discussed in Chapters 3 and 4 of the Literature Review, there have been numerous examples of non-Western cultures and identities being excluded, where whiteness has been at the forefront, in the media, beauty industry and in societal standards. With

India’s history of caste, class and colonialism, fair skin ideals have represented high status, power and superiority (Fisher, 2007; Hunter, 2005).

In modern India, with heightened globalization, media and technology, this remains (Nagar &

Virk, 2017). Global media images aim to assimilate Indian women into a singular definition of

Western beauty. Patriarchal and Eurocentric standards capitalize on women’s beauty. The

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Western world sets the standard of appeal, centering upon whiteness, while hatred and anxiety are bred within some South Asian women. Rooted in racism, colonialism and white supremacy, these standards create a dichotomy in the world of beauty – an us versus them mentality. Dark skinned women are othered, and the perceived flaw of having a darker complexion is commodified. Skin lightening products and procedures are pushed. They play on women’s insecurities by encouraging social conformity to gain acceptance in society. By truly acknowledging this history including, the harmful underpinnings of white heteropatriarchy, as well as the continued lack of representation of darker skinned Indian women, in the private and public sphere.

To further challenge Eurocentric beauty norms regarding skin tone, women could also redefine what beauty means in order to shift the societal standard of it. There are many forms of beauty, but Western definitions of beauty can be oppressive. Women must find and create the spaces to redefine beauty norms that make them feel inspired, strengthened, included and celebrated. By dismantling traditional Western beauty norms and creating new definitions of beauty that embrace all skin tones, it will slowly permeate the lives of Indian women via various vehicles such as, education and social media. Standards of beauty can change, but it would take time.

Women in India, including the participants in this research project, could engage in these types of initiatives to create change. For example, developing platforms to promote their own brand of beauty in media images and on social media sites could be a start. Women could create their own beauty campaigns for products by using diverse Indian women or by using various social media platforms to share the stories and lived experiences of those women who have faced

305 colourism. These efforts could further educate the public on the impact that colourism has on people’s lives, and why it is critical to challenge it.

Women could also develop and/or join existing social movements or activist groups in order to strengthen the causes that strive to dismantle Western beauty ideals and fight colourism. These types of social movements may serve as a means to urge the Indian government to regulate the sales of dangerous skin lightening products or to lobby them to create stricter standards that ban skin lightening advertisements on television and in print media. Groups such as this could create educational programs for women in workplaces or for young adolescents in schools to educate them about the perils of using skin lightening products, as well as the social, cultural and economic impacts of colourism. Likewise, some form of curricula in schools could be developed in order to educate young women about healthy body image and skin tone, while aiming to promote a radical self-love. Young girls need to know that the only beauty standards that they would ever need to measure up against would be the ones that they defined for themselves. This type of curricula in schools would aim to build self-esteem in young girls and focus on instilling skills in them such as, media literacy and social justice principles, so that they could become change agents against colourism in their own communities. If these messages were conveyed to the youth of now through education and awareness, they would continue to be passed on to upcoming generations. This will be discussed further in the Ideological and

Practical Implications section next.

Another way to challenge Eurocentric beauty norms and to increase body image consciousness would be to celebrate the diversity in beauty. To inspire transformative definitions of skin tone

306 beauty, women must be aware and cognizant of how Western standards of beauty influence their assumptions of other people and dynamics with them. As humans, we each have preconceived notions and implicit biases (Wade, 2008; Koestner & Wheeler, 1988). Therefore, it is necessary for people to think about how they perceive others, and act with those who appear to be different than them. For example, if a person had fair skin, would this individual only associate with others who had fair skin as well. Some examples of this were evident in the findings because some women in the sample felt that fair skinned people should only marry other fair skinned people, and the same for individuals with darker skin. People must “unlearn” these kinds of views that are often rooted in harmful stereotypes and prejudices. There is a need to replace them with openness and understanding, while engaging in self-reflection. Being aware of one’s privileges and challenging one’s own biases can create growth and the opportunity to become an ally against colourism.

Many women in India could create this kind of change by being more conscious of their purchasing power as well. As consumers, they have the ability to inspire a broader definition of beauty that includes women of all skin tones, by not purchasing skin lightening products or engaging in skin lightening procedures. The beauty industry is driven by a capitalist market that multi-national corporations feed off of. Here, women have the power to shift the supply and demand in the Indian market by not purchasing these products. In addition, they could support initiatives and/or businesses that genuinely strive to make products for diverse women, and who promote inclusivity in their branding and messaging. Women have more power to shape the market than they realize. Although these are not overnight solutions, they are steps to begin a

307 slow shift in societal attitudes and outlooks towards the inclusion and representation of all skin tones.

It is difficult for women to feel beautiful and confident when the global market has so much power in setting the tone on what is deemed beautiful. For many women, their self-worth is tied to appearance everywhere that they look. Women are told to be the best versions of themselves, but what does that mean if a woman does not see others who look like her being represented?

With a long legacy of the white beauty standard in India, the time has come to celebrate the beauty of all Indian women as the emerging norm. Having a sense of pride in one’s identity and self-worth creates a positive body image. Positive body image is essential for people to feel confident in their appearances and to embrace themselves as they are; on the inside and outside.

Overall, conceptions of beauty, skin tone and related bias were disseminated through the family, culture and media. Participant experiences highlighted how skin tone bias manifested itself among the women from each generation. Beauty ideals from the Western world prescribe a skin tone archetype that is rooted in colonialism and hegemony.

Ideological and Practical Implications Women’s self-assessments affected their levels of self-esteem in regards to skin tone. The findings and participant reports suggested that this was more of an issue for younger women, namely in the context of marriage. Over the generations, the beauty attached to fair skin became more prominent, and colourism seemed to increase with time as well. Skin tone represented a significant source of social and cultural capital, as it was connected to perceived quality of life and status for many women in the sample. There appeared to be the internalization of a white

308 beauty ideal related to the variables under study, both indirectly and directly. This indicated the probability that this was an influential factor in how South Asian women felt about themselves.

Participants discussed sharing information and “tips” with others about skin lightening practices.

Participant reports gave the sense that the desire for fairness has long been engrained in India’s culture, but seemed to become ubiquitous due to colonization. Over time, and because of factors such as, globalization and the media, it became even more pervasive.

The current culture in India has shown that those women who do not fit the white aesthetic mold of the Western world will not be represented or reflected in the media. The literature has shown that racialized women are increasingly underrepresented in various media sources such as, magazines and television advertisements (Demos & Segal, 2019; Gopaldas & Siebert, 2018;

Mbure & Aubrey, 2017; Somani & Doshi, 2016). Moreover, the literature has shown that young

Indian women experience body image disturbances when exposed to fair skin ideals (Prusaczyk

& Choma, 2018; Jha & Adelman, 2009; Neziroglu, Khemlani-Patel, & Veale, 2008). This was apparent in the young women in the sample.

As a component of beauty, skin tone is considered a highly visible form of social capital for

Indian women. Findings from this research aligned with the literature (Nagar, 2018; Utley &

Darity, 2016; Jha & Adelman, 2009; Sahay & Piran, 1997). It was fairly evident in the sample in regards to the importance placed on skin tone for women in selecting (and being selected) for marriage. In India, the preference for fair skin is obvious and blatant, as society is structured more along hierarchical class lines. Skin lightening behaviour in the young women could have been linked to their personal satisfaction and well-being with their physical appearances and/or

309 could have been more about sustaining the status quo. In either case, if one is not personally satisfied with their skin tone, the result can be lowered self-esteem. The skin lightening behaviour in the sample was small, but significant enough to provide a deeper understanding into the familial and societal pressures that women feel that they must succumb to in order to attain and/or maintain their fair skin.

The internalization of the fair skin beauty ideal highlighted that, although negative outcomes were apparent in some contexts of the research, it would be essential to address the broader systemic issues. Issues such as, culture and the media that underlie these processes and perpetuate colourism. People learn from what they see. From the various questions that participants were asked, it appeared that they had both implicit and explicit biases regarding skin tone. The belief that white skin is more aesthetically pleasing and superior to others perpetuates the dominant ideal of a singular, narrow definition of beauty to uphold the existing condition.

Research shows that lighter-skinned racialized people enjoy substantial privileges that are still unattainable to their darker-skinned counterparts, as discussed in Chapters 3 and 4 of the

Literature Review. Thus, there needs to be more attention put on the ideologies, institutions and systems that preserve and propagate Western hegemonic beauty norms. In India, further attention is also needed on ideas and initiatives to rethink traditional beauty norms in order to be more inclusive and representative of South Asian women. The women in this research offered a counter narrative and an understanding of what their lived experiences were like regarding this issue. From participant accounts and the literature, it seems that some societal shifts have begun to happen in India, but they are somewhat lagging, and few and far between.

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From the literature looking at racial and ethnic pride in mostly African American communities

(Keith et al., 2017; Coard et al., 2001; Hoelter, 1982), there have been movements, such as the

“Black is Beautiful” movement and others, that were necessary to shift people’s thinking. India needs more similar social movements, education and awareness raising campaigns to work with young women, so that it will build their self-confidence from a young age. This will help young girls and women to develop the ability to engage in critical analysis and not buy into social constructions that says fair skin is better. In a culture saturated with digitally altered images of fair skinned women, instilling confidence and awareness in girls from a young age is crucial.

The messages and images that South Asian women are barraged with are essentially ones that advertise skin lightening products, fair skinned models/actresses and globalized beauty.

Education and awareness is key to challenge this issue.

This research could shape the field of education through the development of specific programs, initiatives or curricula in schools that is age appropriate (e.g., for primary aged children, adolescents and young girls in college or university). Similar programming or workshops could also be conducted by community based educators or women’s groups/advocates to discuss issues of body image, social constructions of beauty, colour consciousness and critical media literacy in order to increase student’s knowledge and understanding regarding how these aspects work in forming their sense of self, but also how to learn how to challenge status quo norms that they do not identify with. As discussed in the literature, children and youth form their identities and self- concepts from an early age. Thus, it is important to begin this type of education from an early age, so that young girls and women are equipped with the right knowledge and skills to be able to critically identify, analyze and challenge colourism in their own lives, and in society in

311 general. For example, a modular curriculum with content including, information and activities that look at identity formation and confidence building, race and colour stratification and unpacking everyday beauty ideals, as well as discussions around the influence of the media would serve young girls and women well. It would make them much more aware of colourism and related beauty ideals from a younger age, and may serve as a protective factor to curb against the negative influence of external sources/factors that shape one’s self-esteem and self- perceptions. The aim would be to promote confidence and well-being in students.

Similar programs or training initiatives could also be made available to teachers, as teachers help their students learn and grow. As educators, they have a substantial influence on their students.

Training initiatives for teachers and educators could focus on information and activities also looking at: identity formation and confidence building, race and colour stratification and unpacking beauty ideals, as well as the effect of the media on young girls and women. This would be helpful to better understand how these aspects impact the lives of their students, so they are prepared and skilled to deal with issues of colourism in the lives of their students.

Included in such a training initiative would be the opportunity for teachers to engage in self- reflection as well. Self-reflection helps one build emotional self-awareness. It is critical for educators to take the time to ask themselves important questions to gain a better understanding of their emotions, values, beliefs, biases and worldviews. These may have a bearing on how a teacher instructs, interacts with students, and approaches various issues with their students. For example, numerous women in my sample were teachers. They shared with me how some of the teachers that worked in their schools engaged in colourism, and always favoured fair skin

312 students over darker skinned ones. Some of them told me about how fair skinned students were chosen for awards, to be leaders for sports teams, and were generally treated better than students with darker skin. Numerous participants also talked about their students and personal experiences with colourism by other students and feeling alone at school when they were taunted and excluded. Students must have support and resources to access in such cases. Through training, teachers and educators would have a deeper understanding of the psychological factors that contribute to this issue in various contexts, as well as the psychosocial effects that this can have on young girls and women. This stresses the importance of this type of training for teachers in order to make them more aware, as well as better educators that challenge colourism.

Furthermore, developing policies and improved broadcast standards that ban discriminatory advertisements and campaigns such as, “Fair and Lovely” are necessary (Parameswaran &

Cardoza, 2009, p. 218). These types of advertisements are demeaning to women. They exploit the cultural bias that lighter skin is the only way to obtain success. More media campaigns and increased representation of diverse shades of Indian women are essential to disrupt the mainstream mentality that is widely disseminated and more needs to be done to show women with darker skin in positions of power, influence and success. These types of interventions may be more effective at improving skin tone acceptance in women. They can inform the development of future educational initiatives and strategies by women (Parameswaran &

Cardoza, 2009), such as the ones described in the Contribution to the Literature Through the

Findings section. They could provide a richer understanding of the psychological factors and/or phenotypical characteristics that contribute to this issue in various contexts (Marira & Mitra,

2013). In addition, this information could help inform future policies and practices necessary to

313 diminish the discriminatory effects of colourism (Marira & Mitra, 2013; Karnani, 2007) in India.

These initiatives bring the issue to the forefront, so that people understand the social, cultural and psychological effects that colourism has on the well-being of women.

The findings from this research demonstrated that families do have some influence on young women’s identity development and messaging received around body image and beauty. This is also evident in the literature (Romero et al., 2015; Burton et al., 2010; Neblett Jr., et al., 2009;

Hughes & Johnson, 2001).6 Women appeared to feel pressure from three sources: family, culture and the media. These are integrally intertwined sources of influence. Thus, it is important for older family members to model body acceptance, to direct praise away from appearance, to build skills in young women that are independent of appearance, making them media literate. More importantly, it teaches younger generations of women about self-love.

These could serve as positive protective factor in young women’s lives, so that they are proud of who they are, and can embrace their identity.

Limitations of the Research Project Certain limitations were identified in the research project regarding the sample size, the number of participants in each age group, the lack of previous research studies on the topic with this target population, as well as the limits of confidentiality in regards to the family unit recruitment.

The findings of this research in terms of the generalizability of the results are limited due to the relatively smaller sample size. A sample size of twenty seven participants (nine families) and

6 See additional scholars: Bozo, Revels-Macalinao, & Huynh (2018); Wakefield & Hudley (2007) and Lesane- Brown (2006), for further studies in this area.

314 single site selection may not be considered representative of groups of people to whom the results would be generalized to.

Nevertheless, the aim of the research project was to contribute to the literature and to address some gaps as well. The findings were specific to this population sample, but draw attention to broader systemic issues related to colourism in India. The findings established that there appears to be a relationship between skin tone and self-esteem, but more so in younger women. As a result, the more that a person did not meet Western beauty ideals related to skin tone, the more that person may have established a negative self-perception of one self and poor self-image

(lower self-esteem). The results from the project are an attempt to provide a more comprehensive understanding regarding some of the tendencies and influences that may have affected these individual’s experiences.

Another identified limitation was related to the amount of people in each age group (generation) in the sample. Because the research project was designed to conduct a multigenerational comparison of the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem, it was necessary to ensure that there were women in each family unit to represent one generation (e.g., grandmother=mature age group, mother=middle age group and daughter=young age group). In doing this, I was able to ensure generational representation in each family unit. However, some women in the sample were married younger and also had children at a younger age, which meant that the age gaps between two of the generations in their particular families was very small. This happened to be the case in one family. This was an unforeseen factor. As a result, two women from one family ended up in the same age group. Thus, generational representation was still present in each

315 family unit because of each family member’s different role in their own family (e.g., grandmother, mother, daughter, and etcetera), but these particular individuals were also able to provide data based on their common age group. This supported with the data analysis from that perspective. Through participant accounts, I was able to gain a better understanding of the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem from the generational perspective. However, due to the closeness in age for some of the participants within their own family units, it ended up shifting the number of women under each age group (mature age group=seven participants, middle age group=nine participants and the young age group=eleven participants).

A further limitation was due to the lack of research on this topic with this unique population. It made it challenging to make any direct comparisons with the literature. There are not any studies that have solely examined the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem from a multigenerational perspective among the target population used in this research project. This research is the first of its kind. The literature was examined and where applicable, some parallels were drawn between these findings and findings from other studies that looked at this phenomenon in South Asian populations across the globe or, in other racialized populations.

Other studies that were conducted with South Asian women in India related to this topic have only been done in the last three years by a small set of scholars, as discussed in Chapter 4 of the

Literature Review. They have also only focused on younger South Asian women. These studies were limited in the context of my research as well. They examined this issue from an intersectionality perspective, looking at multiple factors affecting self-esteem such as, skin tone surveillance and body-weight. When additional variables are being measured, it can become harder to establish relationships of causality or correlations in some cases. Thus, more research is necessary in this area.

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Finally, another limitation to consider when taking the results into account was the structure of some of the family units that were interviewed, and the messaging that was passed down from each generation (age group) in that family. Given that some members (e.g., daughter-in-laws), joined the “family home” only after having married into it, these women may have had different experiences related to fair skin beauty ideals because the homes that they actually grew up in were different. These women could have grown up with different messages related to beauty, body image and skin tone from their parents and other sources of influence. Regardless, some of their experiences provide deeper information and understanding on the role of skin tone in mate selection, and how it influences marriageability for Indian women. It also provides more information regarding their experiences with familial dynamics related to skin tone and beauty ideals as a daughter-in-law in the home that they married into.

Recommendations and Future Research Directions In light of the limitations identified and the findings of this research project, it is important to make recommendations and consider future research directions. Future research in this area could connect with other studies considering the relationship between skin colour and self- esteem among Indian women through cross-sectional and generational comparisons to provide an in-depth understanding. Due to the small sample size of this project, future research could build on these findings with a larger sample size in order to be generalizable to a wider population of South Asian women in India. To ensure diversity and representation in a larger sample size, future studies could also expand to multiple research sites. For example, this research project was conducted only in New Delhi. Future studies of this nature could expand to other cities as well, perhaps in different parts of India. For instance, having multiple cities in

North and South India (e.g., Chennai or Hyderabad) would provide rich data with a diverse

317 group of Indian women. Typically, South Asians in the North are fairer to wheatish skinned and

South Asians in the South tend to be darker skinned. Having this wider representation would be key and could enrich the narrative to deepen the understanding about the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem, as well as the factors that contribute to it. On a related note, perhaps conducting a similar study in an urban versus rural context would also provide some interesting findings. There would be significant differences in a participant sample then in terms of socioeconomic status, literacy levels, culture and gender norms. It would be helpful to understand how these contexts would bear an impact on this issue for further analyses.

In the long-term, these areas of research can inform the development of educational initiatives and strategies by women’s groups, advocates and the Indian government, to promote a more accurate and inclusive picture of the diverse range of Indian women. Conducting this type of a study with South Asian women in different parts of the world would also be promising to further understand if the preference for fair skin is entrenched in the Indian culture globally.

Due to the skin lightening behaviour discussed with the women from the young age group in this project, future research could perhaps look at skin lightening practices, preferences and behaviours within a family unit or amongst siblings (e.g., sisters) to determine if or how family socialization plays a role in that setting. For example, such a study could examine how parents treated sisters, if one sister had fair skin and the other had darker skin in order to investigate whether skin tone bias played a role in sibling upbringing, and its impact on each sibling’s self- esteem and psychological well-being.

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The literature examining the role of the family in race and colour socialization in South Asian

Indian families is lacking. More work needs to be done to better comprehend how family socialization and norms influence and impact identity development and self-esteem, skin tone preferences and behaviours in these families. Customarily, cultural values and familial norms are shared in informal or in more traditional, fixed ways from very early on in life. Therefore, learning more about familial dynamics in this case would prove helpful.

Additional research in this area could look at how these women resisted colonialist tendencies.

The women in this research project shared their experiences with familial customs/beliefs and expectations around beauty and the body, some of their skin tone preferences and behaviours, as well as the climate in India around this issue. Colonialist tendencies can manifest through societal institutions and structures and specific dynamics. They are preserved by cultural norms and consumerist ideologies. The continuous focus on modernizing India has become synonymous with becoming more like the Western world. Thus, colonialist tendencies have become engrained into the consciousness of many Indian women, which some of the participant narratives did discuss. However, there is a lack of research looking at how Indian women resist colonialist tendencies. I did discuss some of the current social campaigns against colourism in

India such as, “Women of Worth.” Still, it would be interesting to learn more about both individual and group resistance in this area. This could possibly be done through inquiry and narrative research. This type of work would offer a counternarrative, and could examine women’s intergenerational experiences and the influences that either inhibited or encouraged various forms of resistance. It would look at the counter culture to critically analyze Western

319 beauty ideals. Giving a voice to the counter culture disrupts the status quo and urges for change.

It educates women and empowers them to resist the presence and power of a colonial mentality.

Finally, future research in this area could look at skin tone bias (colourism) to determine the impact of hegemonic masculinity and hegemonic heterosexism on South Asian Indian women.

Hegemonic masculinity continues to legitimize men's dominant positions in society. It defends the subordination of women and some men including, other marginalized ways of being a man

(Jewkes et al., 2015). A socially constructed form of masculinity exists that is deemed to be culturally and politically exalted above other manifestations or styles of masculinity and femininity by the dominant group. Patriarchy is one of the underlying tones of this issue, so it would be critical to see who benefits from these ideologies on beauty, the body and relationships.

Would women in same-sex relationships still face homogamy and would skin tone still be considered a form of social and cultural capital for women? This could provide more analysis and information on how social institutions, informal institutions and culture interact to constrain women’s agency. It is about the valuing and devaluing of women’s skin tones and examining the factors and players that maintain these colour based hierarchies.

Conclusion This research project found that there appeared to be some relationship between skin tone and self-esteem among the women. Participant reports showed that women from the young age group had the lowest levels of self-esteem related to their skin tone, frequently in the context of marriage. There seemed to be both implicit and explicit biases regarding skin tone in the sample as well. Socially constructed definitions of beauty are part of larger systems that reflect and reproduce dominant ideologies regarding gender roles and beauty norms. Western hegemonic

320 beauty ideals pertaining to skin tone impact the self-esteem of women in South Asian families across various life stages (age groups) in different ways. It is a negative loop; the resulting

“Snow White Syndrome” in women is continually reinforced and perpetuated through the globalized media. These factors draw attention to how Western heteropatriarchial beauty ideals disseminate fair skin as the epitome of beauty.

This chapter discussed how the findings contributed to, and addressed gaps in the literature based on the participant narratives, theoretical frameworks and analysis of the data. Challenging the status quo, and decolonizing societal thinking to disengage from believing that beauty is skin deep will take time. Skin tone has significant, yet different impressions on Indian women, as discovered through the participant stories. The rejection and self-hate that comes with colourism is internalized by countless women not only in India, but all over the world. It is one thing to battle discrimination from other communities, but to face hate and discrimination within one’s own community is troubling. The insidiousness of white supremacy and capitalism bury themselves inside women’s minds and make them feel that they are not good enough, nor fair enough. The stories of young Indian girls who have skin lightening creams smeared all over their faces by their mothers, so that life will become “easier” for them speaks to the extensive pervasiveness of colourism. It carries on the oppressive cycle of self-loathing regarding one’s appearance and heritage.

Colourism breaks unity within Indian communities and women must know that the time has come to collectively contest the idea that beauty comes in only one form. A shift in consciousness is required. Skin tone should not be associated with concepts such as, beauty,

321 happiness, success and power. Only by moving away from beauty ideals about skin tone from the Western world, and increased education and self-acceptance will we begin to see changes.

Counter narratives resist and reframe the dominant narrative, by focusing on the experiences of

South Asian and other racialized women, by sharing their realities, and rejecting misrepresentations and misconceptions in the dominant narrative. For racialized women, counter narratives are powerful and essential in identity development and affirmation. They have deep histories in different communities rooted in colonialism and hegemony. It begins with disrupting the status quo and beauty ideals for those in the non-West, and recovering to embrace one’s own culture and values. Every woman deserves to feel beautiful on the inside and out, and to be loved on her own terms; not by unrealistic standards of beauty that are imposed upon her.

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Tables

Table 1: Participant Annual Household Incomes by Class Group

Annual Household Income Brackets Class Group Number of Participants

< Rs. 75,000 (less than Rs. 0.75 lakh) Lower middle 11 (50%) class (Lower income group)

Rs. 75,001 - 150,000 (Rs. 0.75 lakh - 1.5 lakh) Lower middle 3 (14%) class (Lower income group)

Rs. 150,001 - 300,000 (Rs. 1.5 lakh - 3 lakh) Lower middle 1 (4%) class – Middle class (Lower income group)

Rs. 300,001 – 500,000 (Rs. 3 lakh - 5 lakh) Middle class 3 (14%) (Middle income group)

Rs. 500,001 – 1,000,000 (Rs. 5 lakh - 10 lakh) Middle class 4 (18%) (Middle income group)

> Rs. 1,000,000 (more than 1,000,000 - 10 lakh) Upper middle 0 class– Upper class (Upper income group)

Note: Five people did not provide a response for their annual household income. These participants have not been included in the calculations of these figures.

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Table 2: Percentage of Participants in Each Class Group

Class Group Percentage of Participants

Lower middle class group 64%

Lower middle – Middle class group 4%

Middle class group 32%

Upper middle – Upper class group 0%

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Table 3: Most Important Trait of Feminine Beauty – Breakdown by Age Group

Trait Mature Age Group Middle Age Group Young Age Group

Skin Tone 2 4 4

Good Personality 1 2 2 (and manners)

Natural Beauty 3 2 0

Figure 1 1 1

Makeup 0 1 1

Hair 0 1 1

Note: Some participants selected more than one response for this question. Their responses have been included under each trait.

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Table 4: Have you ever felt that your skin tone has helped or gotten in the way of your success/ life opportunities/access to certain things? Breakdown by Age Group and Skin Tone For participants who answered YES:

Fair Skin Tone Wheatish Skin Tone Dark Skin Tone

Mature Age Group 0 0 0

Middle Age Group 0 0 2

Young Age Group 1 0 3

For participants who answered NO:

Fair Skin Tone Wheatish Skin Tone Dark Skin Tone

Mature Age Group 1 1 3

Middle Age Group 2 1 1

Young Age Group 4 2 1

For participants who answered that it happened to someone that they knew:

Fair Skin Tone Wheatish Skin Tone Dark Skin Tone

Mature Age Group 0 2 1

Middle Age Group 0 1 0

Young Age Group 1 0 0

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Table 5: Which is the most beautiful: light skin or dark skin? Breakdown by Age Group and Skin Tone Fair Skin Wheatish Dark Skin Both Skin Tone Skin Tone Tone Tones (Fair & Dark) Mature Age Group 4 (57.14%) 2 (28.57%) 0 1 (14.28%)

Middle Age Group 5 (55.55%) 1 (11.11%) 2 (22.22%) 1 (11.11%)

Young Age Group 6 (54.54%) 1 (9.09%) 1 (9.09%) 3 (27.27%)

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Table 6: Use of Skin Lightening Products or Practices - Breakdown by Age Group and Skin Tone For participants who answered YES:

Fair Skin Wheatish Dark Skin Tone Skin Tone Tone Mature Age Group 0 0 1

Middle Age Group 1 1 2

Young Age Group 3 2 3

For participants who answered NO:

Fair Skin Tone Wheatish Skin Tone Dark Skin Tone

Mature Age Group 1 2 3

Middle Age Group 1 2 2

Young Age Group 2 0 1

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Table 7: Skin Color Questionnaire Results (Bond & Cash, 1992) - Average (Mean) by Age Group for Each Question

Skin Colour Self-Perceived Ideal Skin Colour: Satisfaction: Skin Colour (Light-Dark):

Q1 Answer: Q2 Answer: Q3 Answer: How satisfied are Compared to most If I could change my you with the colour Indian women, skin colour, I would of your skin I believe my skin make it…. (lightness or colour is… darkness)? ------Likert Scale 1-9: Likert Scale 1-9: Likert Scale 1-9: • 1 means you are • 1 means very • 1 means lighter not satisfied at all light

• 5 means you are • 5 means keep the

neutral • 5 means medium same

• 9 means you are • 9 means very • 9 means darker very satisfied dark

Young Age 7.5 5 4.3 Group (11 participants) Middle Age 8.4 5 4.3 Group (9 participants) Mature Age 9 5 4.7 Group (7 participants)

Total Average of Total Average of Total Average of Total Average of Sample: Sample for Q1 Sample for Q2 Sample for Q3 (mean): (mean): (mean): (n=27) 8.2 5 4.7 (with outliers)

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Table 8: Skin Color Assessment Procedures Results (Bond & Cash, 1992) – Percentage of Participants that Selected Each Skin Colour: Breakdown by Question and Age Group

Young Age Group (11 participants)

ACTUAL Facial Colour you would Colour you Colour you believe Skin Colour most PREFER believe is is most admired most admired within by OTHERS your FAMILY

Skin Colour 1 1/11=9.09% 1/11=9.09% 7/11=63.63% 2/11=18.18%

Skin Colour 2 1/11=9.09% 1/11=9.09%

Skin Colour 3 1/11=9.09%

Skin Colour 4 1/11=9.09% 2/11=18.18%

Skin Colour 5 1/11=9.09% 2/11=18.18% 1/11=9.09%

1/11=9.09%

Skin Colour 6 2/11=18.18% 5/11=45.45% 2/11=18.18% 4/11=36.36%

Skin Colour 7 1/11=9.09%

Skin Colour 8 5/11=45.45% 1/11=9.09% 1/11=9.09% 1/11=9.09%

Skin Colour 9

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Table 8: Skin Color Assessment Procedures Results (Bond & Cash, 1992) – Percentage of Participants that Selected Each Skin Colour: Breakdown by Question and Age Group

Middle Age Group (9 participants)

Skin Colour 1 3/9=33.33% 7/9=77.77% 3/9=33.33%

Skin Colour 2 2/9=22.22%

Skin Colour 3 1/11=9.09%

Skin Colour 4 1/9=11.11% 1/9=11.11%

Skin Colour 5

Skin Colour 6 2/9=22.22% 2/9=22.22% 3/9=33.33%

Skin Colour 7 2/9=22.22%

Skin Colour 8 5/9=55.55% 1/9=11.11% 2/9=22.22% 2/9=22.22%

Skin Colour 9

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Table 8: Skin Color Assessment Procedures Results (Bond & Cash, 1992) – Percentage of Participants that Selected Each Skin Colour: Breakdown by Question and Age Group

Mature Age Group (7 participants)

Skin Colour 1 3/7=42.85% 4/7=57.14% 2/7=28.57%

Skin Colour 2

Skin Colour 3

Skin Colour 4 1/7=14.28%

Skin Colour 5

Skin Colour 6 2/7=28.57% 1/7=14.28% 3/7=42.85% 4/7=57.14%

Skin Colour 7

Skin Colour 8 4/7=57.14% 3/7=42.85% 1/7=14.28%

Skin Colour 9

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Table 9: Skin Color Assessment Procedures (Bond & Cash, 1992) – Total Number of Participants That Selected Each Skin Tone by Question

Actual Facial Colour You Would Colour You Colour You Believe Skin Colour Most Prefer Believe Is Is Most Admired Most Admired Within Your Family By Others

Skin Colour 1 1 (3.70%) 6 (22.22%) 18 (66.66%) 7 (25.92%)

Skin Colour 2 0 3 (11.11%) 0 1 (3.70%)

Skin Colour 3 1 (3.70%) 0 0 0

Skin Colour 4 2 (7.40%) 1 (3.70%) 0 4 (14.81%)

Skin Colour 5 1 (3.70%) 2 (7.40%) 1 (3.70%) 1 (3.70%)

Skin Colour 6 6 22.22%) 8 (29.62%) 5 (18.51%) 11 (40.74%)

Skin Colour 7 2 (7.40%) 1 (3.70%) 0 0

Skin Colour 8 14 (51.85%) 5 (18.51%) 3 (11.11%) 4 (14.81%)

Skin Colour 9 0 0 0 0

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Images

Image 1: Skin Color Assessment Procedure (SCAP) (Bond & Cash, 1992): Poster Board with 4x4 Inch Coloured Squares of Nine Skin Colours

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Image 2: Favourite Actresses (Top Three) Across All Age Groups that Have Lightened Their Skin

Priyanka Chopra Source: Desai, N. (2016), https://filmygyan.co/bollywood-actresses-undergone-skin-lightening- treatment/

Deepika Padukone Source: Jha, S. (2018), https://www.ibtimes.co.in/deepika-padukone-kajol-actresses-who-turned- fair-complexion-skin-lightening-treatment-787338

Aishwarya Rai Source: Bhagat, J. (2018), https://www.stylecraze.com/articles/pictures-of-aishwarya-rai- without-makeup/#gref

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Appendices

Appendix 1 Research Project Flyer

HOW DO YOU FEEL ABOUT

YOUR SKIN COLOUR?

DO YOU FEEL THAT YOUR SKIN IS TOO DARK

OR TOO LIGHT??

Volunteers are needed to join a research study.

We are looking for volunteers to join our study looking at the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem among females in South Asian families across different generations.

As a participant in this study, you will be asked to recall some memories from your own life and to discuss topics such as, what beautiful skin looks like to you, and what you learned about beauty and skin tone growing up.

If you are interested, please call Priya Sharda at [Delhi phone number].

PARTICIPANTS WILL BE REIMBURSED. PLEASE CONTACT FOR MORE INFORMATION.

Thank you! This study has been reviewed and approved by the Research Ethics Board, University of Toronto.

380

381

Appendix 2 List of Organizations

Women's Political Watch National Federation of Indian Women 1/4, Hauz Khas Enclave 1002, Ansal Bhavan New Delhi Kasturba Gandhi Marg Delhi, 110048 New Delhi, 110001 Indian Social Institute Centre for Women’s Development Studies 10 Institutional Area 25, Bhai Vir Singh Marg Lodhi Road New Delhi, 110001 New Delhi Delhi, 110003 All India Society for Welfare of Women and National Alliance of Women (NAWO) Children U-9, 2nd Floor, Green Park Extn. 12, Safdarjang Road New Delhi,110016 New Delhi Young Womens Association All India Democratic Women’s Association Block C-3, Safdarjang Development Area 121,Vithal Bhai Patel House, Rafi Marg Bhim Nagri, Hauz Khas New Delhi, 110001 Delhi, 110016 SHUBHAM Women Coalition for Peace and C-25,Qutab Institutional Area Development New Delhi CISRS House 1 Jungpura-B Mathur Road New Delhi Delhi, 110014 Institute for South Asian Women International Centre for Research of 1053, Sector A, Pocket A Women Vasant Kunj F-81 East of Kailash New Delhi, 110070 New Delhi, 110048

Centre for Feminist Legal Research SEWA Delhi 45/5 Friends Colony East 7/5, First Floor, New Delhi,110065 South Patel Nagar, New Delhi, 110008 Hamara Apna Ghar Parivar Sofia Educational and Welfare Society 107, 7th Floor Best Sky Tower, Opposite Fun 371/3, Main Road Brijpuri, Opposite Tripal Cinemas, Lala Jagat Narayan Marg, Netaji Factory Subash Place Gali Number 1, Old Mustafabad, Delhi Shakurpur, New Delhi Centre for Development Studies and Action Centre for Advocacy and Research D-330 Pocket-3 C-100 1st Floor Vasant Kunj, New Delhi, 110070 Kalkaj Extn New Delhi, 110019 SAPNA CARE India Flat No. 8086, Pocket D-8, Vasant Kunj, E-46/12, Okhla Industrial Area - Phase II, New Delhi, 110070 New Delhi - 110020

382

Appendix 3 Initial Screening Tool

Please circle “Yes” or “No” for each question. After you are done, please let Priya know.

Date: ______

1. Are you South Asian? YES NO

2. Are you 18 years of age or older? YES NO

3. Are you born in India? YES NO

4. Have you been raised in India? YES NO

5. Do you live in New Delhi now? YES NO

6. Do you speak any of these languages? YES NO

English YES NO

Hindi YES NO

Punjabi YES NO

Urdu YES NO

7. Do you have two other women in your family of different ages that might take part in this study? (example: your mother (maaji, mummy, ammi), aunty, sister-in-law (nand, bhabhi), YES NO mother-in-law (saas, ammi), grandmother (nani, dadi, biji) or cousin sister)

If yes, would you be open to do one of the items listed below:

• Pass on this study information to the person you know? YES NO

• First check that the person you know gives their permission to have their personal contact information passed on to me? YES NO

• Arrange for a meeting between the person that you know and myself? (with your contact’s permission of course) YES NO

May I follow-up with you about this? YES NO

If yes, when is the best time? ______Thank you!

383

Appendix 4 Information Letter for Study and Informed Consent Form

INFORMED CONSENT STATEMENT

Exploring the relationship between skin tone and self-esteem among females in South Asian families in India: A multigenerational comparison.

Principal investigator: Priya Sharda, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education

Thesis advisor: Professor Paul Olson, Social Justice Education Department

You are invited to participate in my research study because you have identified yourself, have been identified by someone you know, or have been identified by me as an appropriate or good candidate. This study will consist of 15 to 18 participants, all of whom will be recruited through self-identification or identification by someone else or me as an appropriate or good candidate. The purpose of this study is to determine if there is a relationship between skin tone and self- esteem among females in South Asian families through a multigenerational comparison. Therefore, this study is looking for women such as yourself who is a minimum of 18 years of age, a South Asian born and raised in India that currently lives in New Delhi, and can speak one of the following languages: English, Hindi, Urdu or Punjabi. In addition, that you have two other female members of your family who are in different life stages/different generation than you (e.g., your mother and grandmother or your aunt and mother-in-law), who are also willing to take part in this study. This research is being conducted by Priya Sharda, a PhD student in the Social Justice Education (SJE) Department at the University of Toronto, located in Toronto, Ontario, Canada, under the supervision of Professor Paul Olson, a professor in the SJE department.

INFORMATION

You, a participant, will be asked to meet with me, the researcher, Priya Sharda, at a time and place that is mutually beneficial. I ask you to read this form, as it provides important information about this study and asks for your consent. If, after having read this form, you agree to participate, I will ask you to verbally state your consent or to sign this consent form. If you decide to verbally state your consent, I will ask if I can audiotape this for confirmation. If you do not feel comfortable having your verbal consent audiotaped, then I will make note of your verbal consent in my notes as well as by writing down the date and signing my name at the end of this information letter under the “Consent” section where it says, “Investigator’s Signature.” * Otherwise, you also have the option to sign the consent form.

After this, I will ask you to complete a demographic questionnaire. This questionnaire asks information about your age range, annual salary and other personal information. This

384 demographic information will not identify who you are, and this information will be used by the researcher for later analysis to see what commonalities and/or differences exist in the population that is being examined. Finally, I will ask if I may record our interview with a digital audio recorder. If you say no, I will take notes instead, and you and I will begin a semi-structured interview.

The interview will be one-on-one and take approximately 60-90 minutes. During the interview, I will ask you questions pertaining to your experiences as a South Asian female related to skin tone. Some questions will ask what it was like growing up as a female in your family, and in particular, any observations and opinions you may have about how skin tone and conceptions of beauty in India have affected or continue to affect you. In addition to the interview, you will be asked to complete the Skin Color Questionnaire (SCQ), which asks you three specific questions about skin colour. The last part of the interview will involve me presenting you with a set of 4x4 inch coloured squares on a white poster board. I will ask you to select a colour tone based on four questions. Both of these procedures should take no longer than 15 minutes to complete.

RISKS

There are only minimal risks for you participating in this study. Some of the questions may cause you to reflect on experiences that caused negative emotions. These feelings are normal and should be temporary. If negative feelings persist, there are women’s counselling services that you can access, such as the Institute for Support, Healing and Awareness (IFSHA), (email: [email protected] or [email protected]; phone: 011-6253289 and fax: 011-6253298; J-39, South Extension Part 1, New Delhi, India – 110049). You can also refuse to answer any question(s) and withdraw from the study at any time without penalty.

BENEFITS

By participating in this study, we hope that you will gain a better understanding of the relationship between skin tone and one’s self-image, and the potential impact that this can have on the lives of many females across India. We hope to facilitate an environment in which you will be able to engage in critical thinking about these issues and feel comfortable answering questions. You will also be contributing to the scientific community by increasing awareness about the impact of this issue on South Asian females. Finally, you will be assisting the researcher, Priya Sharda, by offering your perspectives (i.e., “data”) for my Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) thesis.

CONFIDENTIALITY

Since there will be approximately 15-18 people who will participate in this study and some of them will belong to a common organization/association/group/family (e.g., three participants interviewed individually, but both belong to the same family, organization and/or know each other), your anonymity cannot be guaranteed; however, all reasonable measures will be taken to

385 ensure that your personal information is kept confidential. Your name will never be used to identify data; instead, ID codes (e.g., ST001A) will be used. If you consent, the interviews will be audio recorded and transcribed by Priya Sharda. If you choose not to participate or do not want your audio information to be used, I will not write down any observations of you and none of your materials will be used in the analysis.

Please note: At times, there will be some limitations in protecting participant confidentiality. As I will be interviewing some females from the same family, it may be likely that other family members may know or come to know about an individual’s participation in this study, if another family member shares this information. In addition, if you and/or a family member decides to request a results summary of this study, and you or your family member have selected one of the first two options under the “Feedback and Publication” (A. Use of Quotes) section, the results summary that will be sent to you may include some direct quotes that you or your family member provided during the interview. Therefore, there is the potential that you and/or your family member may recognize a quote that has been shared by either of you based on the information or story shared with me during your interview. Every effort will be made to ensure that all personal identifying information will be removed from the quotes. I will ensure as much as possible that the quote(s) cannot be linked to any individual, but confidentiality cannot be guaranteed.

All personal contact information will be kept in a password-protected file separate from the research data and will be accessible only by Priya Sharda and Professor Olson. At all times during the study and analysis, hard-copy data and consent forms will be stored in a locked filing cabinet in New Delhi, India and upon my return to Toronto Canada, they will be in a locked filing cabinet in Professor Olson’s locked office, and all electronic data will be stored on a password-protected high security University of Toronto access drive. After the analysis is completed, the original recordings will be retained on the high security access drive for five years. The same procedure will be used for copies of the paper survey containing demographic information and any of the notes I make during the interview. After the five years, Professor Olson will destroy the original recordings and the hard copy materials by March 31, 2021. The study’s NVivo file will be retained indefinitely for future analyses. Finally, I may use direct quotes from you and the other participants in reports, publications, and presentations, with your consent. All personal identifying information will be removed from the quotes (e.g., your name, city) and I will ensure to the best of my ability that the quotes cannot be linked to you as an individual, however confidentiality cannot be guaranteed in this case, as outlined in the note above.

COMPENSATION

You will be reimbursed for any out of pocket transportation costs that you incur, because of participating in this study. Once you arrive for the semi-structured interview at our agreed upon location, you will be paid half of the travel costs before we begin the interview, and the other

386 half of the travel costs at the conclusion of the interview. If you choose to withdraw from the study at any point, the amount you will be reimbursed will not be affected, however, if you do not show up for the semi-structured interview, you will not be reimbursed any amount. Please also note that if you do show up for the semi-structured interview and only complete some portion of the interview before withdrawing, you will still be reimbursed travel for both directions.

You will be reimbursed based on the mode of transportation that you choose to take to get to and from the location we will be meeting at. You will be reimbursed the following way for each mode of transportation, UNLESS you have a receipt of some proof of payment for the fare:

• Delhi Metro - fares will be calculated in advance using the “Show Route and Fare” feature on the website (http://www.delhimetrorail.com)

• Bus – fares will be known in advance using the “Fare Stages and Fare Charts” on the Delhi Transit Corporation website (http://delhi.gov.in/wps/wcm/connect/doit_dtc/DTC/Home)

• Auto rickshaw – we will be following the average starting price which is 8 rupees for the first kilometre, and after that, 3.50 rupees for each extra kilometre

• Car – drivers will be reimbursed base on your mileage. We will be following the average price for taxi services throughout New Delhi, which is 6-9 rupees per kilometre, so you will be paid based on distance travelled.

CONTACT

If you have questions at any time about the study or the procedures, (or you experience adverse effects as a result of participating in this study), you may contact the researcher, Priya Sharda at [email protected], or via telephone in New Delhi at (###) ###-#### and in Toronto, Canada at (###) ###-####. You may also contact Professor Paul Olson by phone at (416) 978-0604 or through email at [email protected] project has been reviewed and approved by the University Research Ethics Board (REB #31176). If you feel that you have not been treated according to the descriptions in this form, or your rights as a participant in research have been violated during the course of this project, you may contact the Office of Research Ethics at [email protected] or call (416) 946-3273.

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PARTICIPATION

Participation in this study consists of you and I engaging in one, semi-structured interview. Your participation in this study is voluntary; you may decline to participate without penalty and without loss of benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. You may decline to answer any question or participate in any part(s) of the research process without loss or penalty.

If you decide to participate, you may withdraw at any time from the study without loss or penalty. If you withdraw from the study before the data collection is completed, your data will be destroyed. All data store using numeric identifiers (e.g., ST00IA) will also be destroyed. You also have the right to omit any question(s)/procedure(s) that you choose.

If you wish to withdraw from the study at any point, you can verbally let me know at which time we will stop the semi-structure interview altogether. If you wish to withdraw from the study after we have already completed the semi-structured interview, you have the option to contact me via telephone, email or in writing to my mailing address at my contact information listed above. You will not be asked any questions regarding why you are withdrawing.

FEEDBACK AND PUBLICATION

The findings of this study will be included in Priya Sharda’s Doctor of Philosophy thesis. They will also be presented at professional conferences and may be published in academic journals. The results of this study may be presented at various Indian associations/organizations/groups in both India and Canada. If you are interested, we can also email or mail you a summary of the results.

Please mark your choice with an “X” in the box [X] for parts A, B and C.

A. Use of Quotes

Sometimes researchers like to use quotations of research participants to emphasize certain points in presentations and published papers. We would like to ask for your permission to use quotations from your data. Your name will not be linked to the quotes, and we will remove any potentially identifying information before quotations will be used.

[ ] I give blanket permission for my quotations to be used (e.g., in publications, presentations)

[ ] You can quote me, but I want to review how the quote is used (e.g., in a publication or presentation) before it is published; you may contact me via phone or email to do so, and I understand that confidentiality cannot be guaranteed while the information is in transit.

[ ] I do not want to be quoted

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B. Demographic Questionnaire

[ ] I consent to completing the demographic questionnaire

[ ] I do not wish to complete the demographic questionnaire

C. Audio-Recording

[ ] I consent to have my interview audio taped

[ ] I do not wish to have my interview audio taped

CONSENT

I have read and understand the above information. I have received a copy of this form. I agree to participate in this study.

Participant’s name (please print)______Signature______Date ______

Investigator's signature______Date ______

(*Note: Investigator’s signature and date signed will be used in cases to confirm that a participant’s verbal consent has been obtained for this study.)

In order to send you a summary of the results of the study, we ask that you provide your email address and/or mailing address below. You are not required to provide this information.

Mailing Address: ______

Primary email: ______Secondary email: ______

I have read and understand the above information. I have received a copy of this form. I agree to participate in this study.

Participant's signature______Date ______

Investigator's signature______Date ______

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Appendix 5 Demographic Questionnaire

Please answer the questions by marking “X” in the box ()

Please select one answer only. You don’t have to answer any questions that you do not want to. This will not affect your involvement in this study.

Question Your Answer

What is your age? • 20-25 years old

• 26-30 years old

• 31-35 years old

• 36-40 years old

• 41-45 years old

• 46-50 years old

• 51-55 years old 

• 56-60 years old 

• 61-65 years old 

• 65+ years old 

What is your Female  Male  Other  Gender? What is your Hindu  Sikh  Muslim  Other  Religion? (optional- this question is not mandatory)

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How much education • No schooling completed  have you completed? • Nursery school to 8th grade 

• Some high school, no diploma 

• High school graduate 

• Some college credit, no degree 

• Bachelor’s degree 

• Master’s degree 

• Doctorate degree 

• Other 

Household What is your marital status: Composition • Single, never married 

• Boyfriend or girlfriend 

• Married or domestic partnership 

• Widowed 

• Separated/Divorced 

Professional or • I have a job  Employment Status (Do you have a job?) • I have my own business 

• I am currently looking for a job 

• I do not have a job & I am not looking for work at this time 

• Homemaker 

• Student 

• Military 

• Retired 

• I cannot work  What is the reason? ______

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What is your 1000-20,000 rupees  household earning in a year? 20,000-40,000 rupees 

40,000-60,000 rupees 

60,000–80,000 rupees 

80,000-100,000 rupees 

O-5 lakhs

5-10 lakhs

10-20 lakhs

20-30 lakhs

30+ lakhs

Where do you live in Delhi? Which part of Delhi? ______

Number of People in • 1  Household – How many people live in your house? • 2 

• 3 

• 4 

• 5 

• 5+ 

Can you tell me who else lives at your house? (this question is not mandatory) ______

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Appendix 6 Skin Color Questionnaire (SCQ) (Adapted from Bond & Cash, 1992)

Please answer the questions below. Please mark your answer with an “X” on the scale from 1 to 9.

Please only pick one answer for each question.

Question Please choose one answer on the scale from 1 to 9 below for each question.

Q1. How satisfied are you 1 means you are not satisfied at all. with the colour of your skin (lightness or darkness)? 5 means you are neutral.

9 means you are very satisfied)

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Q2. Compared to most Indian 1 means very light women, I believe my skin colour is… 5 means medium

9 means very dark

Q3. If I could change my skin 1 means lighter colour, I would make it…. 5 means keep the same

9 means darker

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Appendix 7 Skin Color Assessment Procedure (SCAP) (Bond & Cash, 1992)

A set of 4 x 4 inch coloured squares of nine skin colours will be presented to participants on an off-white poster board (positioned randomly and numbered). Participants will then be asked to select a colour tone (PMS #4685, PMS #155, PMS #466, PMS #1385, PMS #145, PMS #471, PMS #168, PMS #469, and PMS #462) from a standardized colour system (Pantone Matching System (PMS) Gitter et al., 1972).

Participants will then be asked to choose the colour that most resembles:

• their actual facial skin colour

• the colour that they would most prefer

• the colour that they believe is most admired by others

• the colour that they believe is most admired within their family

Poster Board with 4x4 inch coloured squares of nine skin colours

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Appendix 8 Sample Interview Guide

Subject Area Sample Question

Background and Growing Up Tell me a little bit about yourself. Tell me what it was like growing up in your family. What was it like being a female in your family? Did your family ever talk about your skin tone while you were growing up? If yes, what did you hear? What was that like for you?

How did that make you feel?

Did you ever feel pressure to have light skin? What would your family say to you about that? Do you remember any specific incidents or experiences? Has that affected you growing up? If yes, how? Remember when you were a child. How do you feel now compared to then in terms of hearing those comments? Do you feel like the situation is still the same? If not, why is that? If yes, tell me more about that. Do you want to add anything that we’ve not talked about? Socialization around Race and Skin What do you think is the most Tone important physical trait for feminine beauty? Can you describe the most beautiful woman you know?

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Have you ever seen people with certain skin tones being treated differently? If yes, can you tell me more about that? Why do you think that happened?

Has that ever happened to you or anyone you know? Tell me about that. Have you ever felt that your skin tone has helped or gotten in the way of your success/ life opportunities/access to certain things? What kinds of messages did you hear about skin tone growing up? Where else did you see or hear these types of messages? How did they make you feel then? How do they make you feel now? What do you want your (future) children’s skin colour to look like?

Skin Lightening Products What would you change about yourself to be more beautiful? Have you ever used a skin-lightening product such as “Fair and Lovely”? If yes, when was the first time? What was that like for you? What made you want to use it?

How did it make you feel after you used the product? Were you happy with the results after using the product? How long did you use it? Do you continue to use these products today? Would you recommend the product to family and/or friends?

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Possible Experiences with Have you ever experienced Discrimination discrimination or been treated unfairly because of your skin tone? If yes, can you please tell me about that? How did that affect you? Did you hear messages from your family about having light skin? What kinds of messages did you hear?

Preparation for Bias How often in the past have members of your family indicated that people might limit you because of your skin tone? How often within the past year have members of your family indicated that some people might treat you badly or unfairly because of your skin tone? How often within the past year have members of your family indicated that you will have to be better than other females to get the same rewards because of your skin tone? Do you think that light skinned girls have high self-esteem? Future Outlook How do you think things would be in the future regarding this issue for newer generations of girls? What do you know now that you wish you knew then?

Do you have any message(s) that you would want younger girls of today to know about this issue? What would the message(s) be?