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Military and Strategic Affairs Military and Strategic Affairs Military and Strategic Military and Strategic Affairs Volume 6 | No. 3 | December 2014 From Plowshares to Swords? UN Forces on Israel’s Borders in the Second Decade of the Twenty-First Century Chen Kertcher Hasn’t the Time Come for the Political Training of Senior IDF Ocers? Yoram Peri The RMA Theory and Small States Francis Domingo A Multidisciplinary Analysis of Cyber Information Sharing Aviram Zrahia Yemen: A Mirror to the Future of the Arab Spring Sami Kronenfeld and Yoel Guzansky Managing Intellectual Property in the Defense Establishment: Opportunities and Risks Shmuel Even and Yesha Sivan And What If We Did Not Deter Hizbollah? Yagil Henkin המכון למחקרי ביטחון לאומי THE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL SECURITYc STUDIES INCORPORATING THE JAFFEE bd CENTER FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES ISSN 2307-193X (print) • E-ISSN 2307-8634 (online) Military and Strategic Affairs Volume 6 | No. 3 | December 2014 CONTENTS From Plowshares to Swords? UN Forces on Israel’s Borders in the Second Decade of the Twenty-First Century | 3 Chen Kertcher Hasn’t the Time Come for the Political Training of Senior IDF Officers? | 17 Yoram Peri The RMA Theory and Small States | 43 Francis Domingo A Multidisciplinary Analysis of Cyber Information Sharing | 59 Aviram Zrahia Yemen: A Mirror to the Future of the Arab Spring | 79 Sami Kronenfeld and Yoel Guzansky Managing Intellectual Property in the Defense Establishment: Opportunities and Risks | 101 Shmuel Even and Yesha Sivan And What If We Did Not Deter Hizbollah? | 123 Yagil Henkin The purpose of Military and Strategic Affairs is to stimulate Military and and enrich the public debate on military issues relating to Strategic Affairs Israel’s national security. Military and Strategic Affairs is a refereed journal published three times a year within the framework of the Military and Strategic Affairs Program at the Institute for National Security Studies. Articles are written by INSS researchers and guest contributors. The views presented here are those of the authors alone. The Institute for National Security Studies is a public benefit company. Editor in Chief: Amos Yadlin Editor: Gabi Siboni Editorial Board: Udi Dekel, Oded Eran, Zaki Shalom Journal Coordinator: Daniel Cohen Editorial Advisory Board • Myriam Dunn Cavelty, Swiss Federal • Jeffrey A. Larsen, Science Applications Institute of Technology Zurich, Switzerland International Corporation, US • Frank J. Cilluffo, George Washington • James Lewis, Center for Strategic and University, US International Studies, US • Stephen J. Cimbala, Penn State • Theo Neethling, University of the Free University, US State, South Africa • Rut Diamint, Universidad Torcuato Di • John Nomikos, Research Institute for Tella, Argentina European and American Studies, • Maria Raquel Freire, University of Greece Coimbra, Portugal • T.V. Paul, McGill University, Canada • Metin Heper, Bilkent University, Turkey • Glen Segell, Securitatem Vigilate, Ireland • Peter Viggo Jakobson, Royal Danish • Bruno Tertrais, Fondation pour la Defence College, Denmark Recherché Strategique, France • Sunjoy Joshi, Observer Research • James J. Wirtz, Naval Postgraduate Foundation, India School, US • Efraim Karsh, King’s College London, • Ricardo Israel Zipper, Universidad United Kingdom Autónoma de Chile, Chile • Kai Michael Kenkel, Pontifical Catholic • Daniel Zirker, University of Waikato, University of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil New Zealand Graphic Design: Michal Semo-Kovetz, Yael Bieber, Tel Aviv University Graphic Design Studio Printing: Elinir The Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) 40 Haim Levanon • POB 39950 • Tel Aviv 6997556 • Israel Tel: +972-3-640-0400 • Fax: +972-3-744-7590 • E-mail: [email protected] Military and Strategic Affairs is published in English and Hebrew. The full text is available on the Institute’s website: www.inss.org.il © 2014. All rights reserved. ISSN 2307-193X (print) • E-ISSN 2307-8634 (online) From Plowshares to Swords? UN Forces on Israel’s Borders in the Second Decade of the Twenty-First Century Chen Kertcher And they shall beat their swords into plowshares, and their spears into pruning hooks; nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more. (Isaiah 2:4) This article examines the contribution made by peacekeeping operations on Israel’s borders to regional stability since Israel’s establishment, especially in the face of the challenge posed by armed non-state actors in the second decade of the twenty-first century. The article is divided into three parts. The first part presents the main changes in the operating principles of peacekeeping missions from the Cold War to the present. The second provides a concise overview of the rationale for peacekeeping operations on Israel’s borders. The third examines the ability of peacekeeping missions to confront the political and security challenges they face, first and foremost, from armed non-state actors. Key words: UN, peacekeeping forces, non-state actors Peacekeeping Operations During and After the Cold War In discussing the topic of Israel and peacekeeping forces, we must explain the theoretical and historical context of the phenomenon. The legitimacy to carry out international operations is anchored in the powers defined in the United Nations Charter, which was signed on June 26, 1945. In his Dr. Chen Kertcher is a researcher at the Herzl Institute for Research and Study of Zionism and History, Haifa University and the Interdisciplinary Center, Herzliya. Military and Strategic Affairs | Volume 6 | No. 3 | December 2014 3 CHEN Kertcher | From Plowshares TO SWORDS? 4 book Swords into Plowshares: The Problems and Progress of International Organization, international relations scholar Inis L. Claude argues that the establishment of the UN was a second attempt by the nations of the world to establish a global system ensuring and strengthening collective security as an alternative to the system that regulated relations between the states of Europe starting in the second half of the seventeenth century, which was based on a balance of power.1 The UN’s collective security system was intended to deter states from using force against each other by threatening that such use of force | Volume 6 | No. 3 | December 2014 3 | December 6 | No. Volume | would lead to a collective response from the other members of the system. However, if these members undertook collective action on behalf of a state that had fallen victim to the use of force, they would pay a price for their intervention (economically or in the form of a security threat to their Strategic Affairs citizens) and endanger their system of interests and alliances because and and in defense of the principle of collectivity, which is supposed to preserve their security.2 Military Consequently, the United Nations established an operational body responsible for issues of global security: the Security Council. The council has five permanent members—the United States, Russia (until 1992, the Soviet Union), Great Britain, China, and France—and another ten non-permanent members, which are elected for two-year terms. The UN Charter sets out two methods of dealing with conflicts: Chapter VI refers to peaceful settlement of disputes, and Chapter VII to methods of enforcement that can be used by the Security Council in an attempt to preserve international peace. During the Cold War, the Security Council was unable to reach resolutions to confront acts of aggression and wars on the basis of Chapter VII because of the conflict between the Western and Eastern blocs, and the UN as a whole failed at that time in its handling of most conflicts in the world.3 The collective security system’s failure to provide protection led to the development of a new system involving the dispatch of military forces to areas of conflict or confrontation as part of the efforts to build trust among the parties to the conflict. These “peacekeeping forces” have been deployed along international borders or ceasefire lines. They even received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1988 in recognition of their contribution to world peace. In order to differentiate between peacekeeping missions and military operations intended to serve national security interests, a number of CHEN Kertcher | From Plowshares TO SWORDS? 5 peacekeeping principles have been established. Such operations would not take place unless agreement was obtained from the parties to the conflict to stop fighting and to allow multinational forces deployment. Usually, peacekeeping forces include soldiers from nations that do not have a direct interest in the conflict, and therefore, it has generally been agreed that they will not include representatives from the superpowers. Nevertheless, it has been necessary to obtain the superpowers’ consent to their dispatch, generally by means of Security Council resolutions. One of the basic requirements of peacekeeping forces is neutrality– in UN terms– impartiality. In addition, they are prohibited from using force, other than 2014 3 | December 6 | No. Volume | in self-defense. In order to ensure this principle, operations have generally been limited in scope, and the soldiers who manned them have been armed only with light weapons. These principles were intended to ensure that a peacekeeping operation Strategic Affairs would be part of a process to resolve the conflict. To this extent, the military and forces that participate in such operations are part of this process. According to Brian Urquhart, who conducted peacekeeping operations from the early
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