The Army and Society Forum the IDF and the PRESS DURING HOSTILITIES
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Tightening the Belt and Introspection – Preparing for the Cut in Shekel Aid
Tightening the Belt and Introspection – Preparing for the Cut in Shekel Aid Saul Bronfeld “The Israeli Navy was always hampered by limited budgets, but achieved smart solutions… It resembles a painter, a poet – [who] creates his greatest art only on an empty stomach.” Brigadier General (ret.) Shabtai Levy1 Introduction The conference at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv on the subject of the defense industries2 can be summarized in two sentences: first, the defense industries are very important to the IDF, the economy, and the country’s outlying areas; and second, a reduction of the shekel component in US aid will have a severe negative impact on Israel’s security, the economy, and the local defense industries. Echoing these statements, most of the speakers at the conference concurred that the reduction in shekel aid was another reason to increase the defense budget for local procurement, and the sooner the better. Brigadier General (res.) Prof. Jacob Nagel, who led the drawn-out negotiations with the American authorities, was the only speaker who argued that the reduction in the shekel aid budget should also prompt some self-reflection on the part of the defense establishment. To illustrate his remarks, he recalled the collapse of Kodak, which failed to identify in advance the changing environment in which it operated. Saul (Sam) Bronfeld is a research fellow at the Dado Center for Interdisciplinary Military Studies, IDF Operations Directorate. Israel’s Defense Industry and US Security Aid 95 Sasson Hadad, Tomer Fadlon, and Shmuel Even, Editors 96 I Saul Bronfeld This article follows Nagel’s argument, and points to a matter that was not raised, but that should be before the budget is reshuffled to deal with an emerging defense-economic problem. -
Subterranean Warfare: a New-Old Challenge
Subterranean Warfare: A New-Old Challenge Yiftah S. Shapir and Gal Perel Subterranean warfare is not new in human history. Tunnels, which have been dug in all periods for various purposes, have usually been the weapon of the weak against the strong and used for concealment. The time required to dig tunnels means that they can be an important tool for local residents against an enemy army unfamiliar with the terrain. Tunnels used for concealment purposes (defensive tunnels) can be distinguished from tunnels used as a route for moving from one place to another. The latter include smuggling tunnels used to smuggle goods past borders (as in the Gaza Strip), escape routes from prisons or detention camps, offensive tunnels to move forces behind enemy lines, and booby-trapped tunnels planted with explosives !"#$%#!#&'%()*+,+-+#.%/)%-)*-+*% .#"%0'%1)&).23 Operation Protective Edge sharpened awareness of the strategic threat posed by subterranean warfare. The IDF encountered the tunnel threat long ago, and took action to attempt to cope with this threat, but the scope of -4#%54#!6&#!6!7%).%0#*)&#%)55)$#!-%+!%8 ,'9: ; .-%<=>?7%@).%56$-$)'#"% as a strategic shock, if not a complete surprise, requiring comprehensive reorganization to handle the problem. Some critics argued that an investigative commission was necessary to search for the roots of the failure and punish those to blame for it. This article will review subterranean warfare before and during Operation Protective Edge, and will assess the strategic effects of this mode of warfare. !"#$%&#'()#*+,-"../0"/0#1/.2/." A 0-#$$)!#)!%@)$()$#%4).%)55#)$#"%&)!'%-+&#.%+!%-4#%:$)09B.$)#,+%*6!-#C-7% and the IDF and the Ministry of Defense have dealt with various aspects of the phenomenon of subterranean warfare for many years. -
2016 Annual Report
Research. Debate. Impact. 2016 ANNUAL REPORT 1 Table of Contents Message from the President and the Chairman of the Board 4 Sixth Meeting of IDI's International Advisory Council 8 The Center for Democratic Values and Institutions 11 The Center for Religion, Nation and State 23 The Center for Governance and the Economy 29 The Center for Security and Democracy 35 The Guttman Center for Surveys and Public Policy Research 41 IDI in the Media 47 Our Team 50 Our Leaders 51 Our Partners 52 Financials 53 Message from the President and the Chairman of the Board Dear Friends, 2016 was a year of change and upheaval throughout the jobs available to Haredim. The government adopted most of democratic world. Set against the tumult of Brexit and the the recommendations and is now in the process of allocating US elections, Israel seemed at times like an island of stability. a half-billion-shekel budget in line with these proposals. This However, under the surface, Israeli society is changing, and IDI success story illustrates the potential of turning relatively small took on a leading role in identifying those changes and working philanthropic investments into large-scale transformational with policymakers to address them. change by affecting policy and legislation on the basis of outstanding applied research. As the report that follows lays out, 2016 was a year rich in activity and achievements. In this letter, we have chosen to single Several new scholars joined our team in 2016. Ms. Daphna out the impact one program had on government policy in the Aviram-Nitzan, former director of research for the Israel employment area. -
TORTURE and ILL- TREATMENT Israel's Interrogation of Palestinians
ISRAEL Page 1 of 214 Home TORTURE AND ILL- News Releases About HRW TREATMENT Contribute Community Israel's Interrogation of Publications Palestinians from the Occupied Territories Info by Country Africa Americas Human Rights Watch/Middle East Asia Europe/Central Asia (formerly Middle East Watch) Middle East/N. Africa United States Human Rights Watch Global Issues Arms New York · Washington · Los Angeles · London Children's Rights HIV/AIDS International Justice Copyright © June 1994 by Human Rights Watch. Prisons Refugees Women's Rights United Nations More... ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Campaigns The principal writer and researcher of this report is James Ron, a consultant to Human Rights Film Festival Watch/Middle East. Eric Goldstein, research director of Human Rights Watch/Middle East, Photo Galleries researched and wrote several sections, and was the principal editor. Cynthia Brown, program Site Map director of Human Rights Watch, was the final editor. Consultant Walid Batrawi gave valuable Contact Us help and guidance in the field. Fatemeh Ziai, the Orville Schell Fellow with Human Rights Watch, provided research on international law. Human Rights Watch/Middle East Associate Suzanne Howard and Human Rights Watch Associate Bettye Payne were responsible for the production, and Elizabeth Wilcox and Bryce Giddens helped with copy editing. The illustrations in this report were prepared by JFRA Design of Ramallah. Of the many human rights attorneys who provided guidance on Israeli law and the military courts, five deserve special mention: Eliahu Avram and Tamar Pelleg-Sryck of the Association for Civil Rights in Israel, Shlomo Lecker, Ali Naouq, and Lea Tsemel. Lisa Hajjar and Melissa Phillips read drafts and gave extensive and valuable suggestions. -
Israel: Growing Pains at 60
Viewpoints Special Edition Israel: Growing Pains at 60 The Middle East Institute Washington, DC Middle East Institute The mission of the Middle East Institute is to promote knowledge of the Middle East in Amer- ica and strengthen understanding of the United States by the people and governments of the region. For more than 60 years, MEI has dealt with the momentous events in the Middle East — from the birth of the state of Israel to the invasion of Iraq. Today, MEI is a foremost authority on contemporary Middle East issues. It pro- vides a vital forum for honest and open debate that attracts politicians, scholars, government officials, and policy experts from the US, Asia, Europe, and the Middle East. MEI enjoys wide access to political and business leaders in countries throughout the region. Along with information exchanges, facilities for research, objective analysis, and thoughtful commentary, MEI’s programs and publications help counter simplistic notions about the Middle East and America. We are at the forefront of private sector public diplomacy. Viewpoints are another MEI service to audiences interested in learning more about the complexities of issues affecting the Middle East and US rela- tions with the region. To learn more about the Middle East Institute, visit our website at http://www.mideasti.org The maps on pages 96-103 are copyright The Foundation for Middle East Peace. Our thanks to the Foundation for graciously allowing the inclusion of the maps in this publication. Cover photo in the top row, middle is © Tom Spender/IRIN, as is the photo in the bottom row, extreme left. -
Israeli Media Self-Censorship During the Second Lebanon War
conflict & communication online, Vol. 18, No. 2, 2019 www.cco.regener-online.de ISSN 1618-0747 Sagi Elbaz & Daniel Bar-Tal Voluntary silence: Israeli media self-censorship during the Second Lebanon War Kurzfassung: Dieser Artikel beschreibt die Charakteristika der Selbstzensur im Allgemeinen, und insbesondere in den Massenmedien, im Hinblick auf Erzählungen von politischer Gewalt, einschließlich Motivation und Auswirkungen von Selbstzensur. Es präsentiert zunächst eine breite theoretische Konzeptualisierung der Selbstzensur und konzentriert sich dann auf seine mediale Praxis. Als Fallstudie wurde die Darstellung des Zweiten Libanonkrieges in den israelischen Medien untersucht. Um Selbstzensur als einen der Gründe für die Dominanz hegemonialer Erzählungen in den Medien zu untersuchen, führten die Autoren Inhaltsanalysen und Tiefeninterviews mit ehemaligen und aktuellen Journalisten durch. Die Ergebnisse der Analysen zeigen, dass israelische Journalisten die Selbstzensur weitverbreitet einsetzen, ihre Motivation, sie zu praktizieren, und die Auswirkungen ihrer Anwendung auf die Gesellschaft. Abstract: This article describes the characteristics of self-censorship in general, specifically in mass media, with regard to narratives of political violence, including motivations for and effects of practicing self-censorship. It first presents a broad theoretical conceptualization of self-censorship, and then focuses on its practice in media. The case study examined the representation of The Second Lebanon War in the Israeli national media. The authors carried out content analysis and in-depth interviews with former and current journalists in order to investigate one of the reasons for the dominance of the hegemonic narrative in the media – namely, self-censorship. Indeed, the analysis revealed widespread use of self-censorship by Israeli journalists, their motivations for practicing it, and the effects of its use on the society. -
Mothers of Soldiers in Israeli Literature David Grossman’S to the End of the Land
Mothers of Soldiers in Israeli Literature David Grossman’s To the End of the Land DANA OLMERT ABSTRACT This article addresses the national-political functions of mainstream Hebrew lit- erature, focusing on three questions: What are soldiers’ mothers in the canonical literature “allowed” to think, feel, and do, and what is considered transgressive? How has the presence of soldiers’ mothers in Israeli public life changed since the 1982 Lebanon War? At the center of the discussion is David Grossman’s novel To the End of the Land (2008). I argue that the author posits “the flight from bad tidings” as both a maternal strategy and the author’s psychopoetic strategy. This article examines the cultural and gendered significance of the analogy between the act of flight and the act of writing that Grossman advances in his epilogue. KEYWORDS mothers, soldiers, Hebrew literature, David Grossman srael’s 1982 war in Lebanon was the first to be perceived as a “war of choice” in I Israel, triggering a wave of protest as soon as units of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) crossed the border into Lebanon.1 Soldiers’ parents began to question the judgment of military leaders and to take a critical stance toward their sons’ military service. Although criticism of the militarization of Israeli society developed earlier during the 1970s and increased after the 1973 war, the 1982 war in Lebanon marked the first time that public criticism was expressed while fighting was going on. Pre- viously such criticism had emerged only after the end of hostilities.2 Only some years after the combatants’ mothers began speaking out about crucial national decisions did they become part of the literary fabric. -
International Media and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflictwe Thank
DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES No. 10750 ATTACK WHEN THE WORLD IS NOT WATCHING? INTERNATIONAL MEDIA AND THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT Ruben Durante and Ekaterina Zhuravskaya PUBLIC ECONOMICS ABCD ISSN 0265-8003 ATTACK WHEN THE WORLD IS NOT WATCHING? INTERNATIONAL MEDIA AND THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT Ruben Durante and Ekaterina Zhuravskaya Discussion Paper No. 10750 August 2015 This Revision May 2016 Centre for Economic Policy Research 77 Bastwick Street, London EC1V 3PZ, UK Tel: (44 20) 7183 8801 www.cepr.org This Discussion Paper is issued under the auspices of the Centre’s research programme in PUBLIC ECONOMICS. Any opinions expressed here are those of the author(s) and not those of the Centre for Economic Policy Research. Research disseminated by CEPR may include views on policy, but the Centre itself takes no institutional policy positions. The Centre for Economic Policy Research was established in 1983 as an educational charity, to promote independent analysis and public discussion of open economies and the relations among them. It is pluralist and non-partisan, bringing economic research to bear on the analysis of medium- and long-run policy questions. These Discussion Papers often represent preliminary or incomplete work, circulated to encourage discussion and comment. Citation and use of such a paper should take account of its provisional character. Copyright: Ruben Durante and Ekaterina Zhuravskaya ATTACK WHEN THE WORLD IS NOT WATCHING? INTERNATIONAL MEDIA AND THE ISRAELI- PALESTINIAN CONFLICT† Abstract To minimize political costs, policymakers may strategically time unpopular measures to coincide with other important events that distract the media and the public. We test this hypothesis in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. -
'Strategy and Iran Directorate' Under General Staff
MIDDLE EAST, NORTH AFRICA Israel Establishes New ‘Strategy and Iran Directorate’ Under General Staff OE Watch Commentary: On 18 February, the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) announced the creation of a new directorate within the General Staff, called the “Strategy and Iran Directorate” to address growing Iranian threats and coordinate actions against Iran under one roof. The accompanying passages from local sources discuss this new directorate and subsequent changes to the structure of the IDF. The first article from The Times of Israel describes the design of the new Iran Directorate. Currently, the IDF has Major General Amir Baram leading the Northern Command in overseeing operations and threats stemming from Hezbollah while Major General Herzi Halevi and the Southern Command oversee the fight against Hamas in the Gaza Strip. Similarly, the IDF will now have a major general overseeing operations and threats coming directly from Iran. This means that the responsibility for overseeing threats from and actions towards Israel Defense Forces - Nahal’s Brigade Wide Drill. Iran is split between multiple different sections of the Israeli Military such as Source: Flickr via Wikimedia, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Flickr_-_Israel_Defense_Forces_-_Nahal%27s_ Brigade_Wide_Drill_(1).jpg, CC BY 3.0 the Air Force, the Operations Directorate, the Planning Directorate, and Military Intelligence. The second article from The Times of Israel states the Strategy and Iran Directorate will not be responsible for overseeing threats from Iranian proxy forces but only Iran itself, even though Iran has ties to multiple organizations across the region. It reports that the directorate “will be responsible for countering Iran only, not its proxies, like the Hezbollah terror group, which will remain the purview of the IDF Northern Command.” Brigadier General Tal Kalman, currently in charge of the IDF’s Strategic Division, will be promoted to major general and will lead the Strategy and Iran Directorate. -
Camp David's Shadow
Camp David’s Shadow: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinian Question, 1977-1993 Seth Anziska Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2015 © 2015 Seth Anziska All rights reserved ABSTRACT Camp David’s Shadow: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinian Question, 1977-1993 Seth Anziska This dissertation examines the emergence of the 1978 Camp David Accords and the consequences for Israel, the Palestinians, and the wider Middle East. Utilizing archival sources and oral history interviews from across Israel, Palestine, Lebanon, the United States, and the United Kingdom, Camp David’s Shadow recasts the early history of the peace process. It explains how a comprehensive settlement to the Arab-Israeli conflict with provisions for a resolution of the Palestinian question gave way to the facilitation of bilateral peace between Egypt and Israel. As recently declassified sources reveal, the completion of the Camp David Accords—via intensive American efforts— actually enabled Israeli expansion across the Green Line, undermining the possibility of Palestinian sovereignty in the occupied territories. By examining how both the concept and diplomatic practice of autonomy were utilized to address the Palestinian question, and the implications of the subsequent Israeli and U.S. military intervention in Lebanon, the dissertation explains how and why the Camp David process and its aftermath adversely shaped the prospects of a negotiated settlement between Israelis and Palestinians in the 1990s. In linking the developments of the late 1970s and 1980s with the Madrid Conference and Oslo Accords in the decade that followed, the dissertation charts the role played by American, Middle Eastern, international, and domestic actors in curtailing the possibility of Palestinian self-determination. -
“Why Are the Jews Shooting at Us?”
Chapter 1 “Why Are the Jews Shooting at Us?” Before Israel’s 2005 disengagement from the Gaza Strip, Netzarim—a small Jewish settlement amid densely populated Arab areas in central Gaza—was a flashpoint between Palestinians and the Israel Defense Forces for many years. As a result, an IDF post was set up near Netzarim Junction, overlooking the main roads and manned by about 30 soldiers. On the morning of Saturday, September 30, 2000, near the beginning of what would become the second intifada, hundreds of local residents, many of them teenage boys, streamed into Netzarim Junction, hurling rocks and Molotov cocktails at the army post. Journalist Ron Ben-Yishai, who was at the post, stated that it came under fire from several direc- tions.1 The soldiers at the post returned fire, aiming at Palestinians who were carrying weapons.2 That morning, Jamal al-Dura and his 12-year-old son Muhammad left their home in the Al-Bureij refugee camp to buy a car. “We got in a taxi and drove toward Gaza,” the father later recounted. “When we reached Netzarim Junction, the driver stopped and said there was a riot going on and asked us to get out; he said he couldn’t continue . I got out with Muhammad and tried to cross the street, and then we got caught in a hail of gunfire coming from both sides.”3 A video of the incident shows the two pressed against a wall of concrete blocks, cowering behind a barrel. The gunfire continued for 45 minutes.4 “They started shooting at us and there was nowhere for us to go and no place to take cover. -
JP 2-02 National Intelligence Support to Joint Operations
Joint Pub 2-02 National Intelligence Support to Joint Operations 28 September 1998 PREFACE 1. Scope from organizing the force and executing the mission in a manner the JFC deems most This joint publication describes national appropriate to ensure unity of effort in the intelligence organizations and their support accomplishment of the overall mission. to joint military operations. Also addressed is the special support and augmentation 3. Application available for joint operations by national joint elements such as the Military Intelligence a. Doctrine and guidance established in this Board, the National Military Joint Intelligence publication apply to the commanders and Center, and National Intelligence Support intelligence staff of combatant commands, Teams. This joint publication covers Service subordinate unified commands, joint task forces, intelligence organizations and centers, as combat support agencies, and subordinate well as nonmilitary agencies and components of these commands. These nongovernmental organizations. The principles and guidance also may apply when recommended target audience for this joint significant forces of one Service are attached to publication is commanders and intelligence forces of another Service or when significant staffs of combatant commands, subordinate forces of one Service support forces of another unified commands, joint task forces, combat Service. support agencies, and supporting Service components. b. The guidance in this publication is authoritative; as such, this doctrine (or JTTP) 2. Purpose will be followed except when, in the judgment of the commander, exceptional circumstances This publication has been prepared under dictate otherwise. If conflicts arise between the the direction of the Chairman of the Joint contents of this publication and the contents of Chiefs of Staff.