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U.S.-Japan Approaches to Democracy Promotion
U.S. JAPAN APPROACHES TO DEMOCRACY PROMOTION U.S. JAPAN Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA 1819 L St NW #300 Washington, DC 20036 [email protected] U.S.-JAPAN APPROACHES TO DEMOCRACY SASAKAWA USA SASAKAWA PROMOTION Edited by Michael R. Auslin and Daniel E. Bob ISBN 9780996656764 51000 > 9 780996 656764 U.S.-JAPAN APPROACHES TO DEMOCRACY PROMOTION Edited by Michael R. Auslin Daniel E. Bob Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA is an independent, American non-profit and non- partisan institution devoted to research, analysis and better understanding of the U.S.-Japan relationship. Sasakawa USA accomplishes its mission through programs that benefit both nations and the broader Asia Pacific region. Our research programs focus on security, diplomacy, economics, trade and technology, and our education programs facilitate people-to-people exchange and discussion among American and Japanese policymakers, influential citizens and the broader public in both countries. ISBN: 978-0-9966567-6-4 Printed in the United States of America. © 2017 by Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA LCCN Number applied for Sasakawa USA does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views expressed herein are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect the views of Sasakawa USA, its staff or its board. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by and means without permission in writing from Sasakawa USA. Please direct inquiries to: Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA Research Department 1819 L Street, N.W. Washington, DC 20036 P: +1 202-296-6694 This publication can be downloaded at no cost at http://spfusa.org/ Cover photo: © EPA/Barbara Walton Contents Preface .............................................................................................................................v Dennis Blair and Yasushi Akashi INTRODUCTION U.S.-Japan Approaches to Democracy Promotion ............................................ -
THE UNREALIZED MAHATHIR-ANWAR TRANSITIONS Social Divides and Political Consequences
THE UNREALIZED MAHATHIR-ANWAR TRANSITIONS Social Divides and Political Consequences Khoo Boo Teik TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA ISSN 0219-3213 TRS15/21s ISSUE ISBN 978-981-5011-00-5 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace 15 Singapore 119614 http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg 9 7 8 9 8 1 5 0 1 1 0 0 5 2021 21-J07781 00 Trends_2021-15 cover.indd 1 8/7/21 12:26 PM TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA 21-J07781 01 Trends_2021-15.indd 1 9/7/21 8:37 AM The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous organization established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are grouped under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Singapore APEC Study Centre and the Temasek History Research Centre (THRC). ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world. 21-J07781 01 Trends_2021-15.indd 2 9/7/21 8:37 AM THE UNREALIZED MAHATHIR-ANWAR TRANSITIONS Social Divides and Political Consequences Khoo Boo Teik ISSUE 15 2021 21-J07781 01 Trends_2021-15.indd 3 9/7/21 8:37 AM Published by: ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 [email protected] http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg © 2021 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore All rights reserved. -
Kaedah Rehabilitasi Berbanding Kaedah Punitif
KAEDAH REHABILITTASI BERBANDING KAEDAH PUNITIF : PRO DAN KONTRA Definisi Rehabilitasi • Proses membantu mereka yang telah melakukan kesalahan seperti jenayah militan atau kesesatan agama melalui kaedah rawatan pemulihan untuk kembali ke pangkuan keluarga dan masyarakat. Definisi Punitif • Suatu hukuman terhadap individu atau kumpulan sebagai balasan kepada pelanggaran peraturan atau arahan yang telah dilakukan mengikut peruntukan undang-undang sesebuah negara berperlembagaan. Kaedah Punitif Berbanding Deteren • Merupakan hukuman • Merupakan satu peringatan terhadap seseorang individu terhadap individu untuk disebabkan oleh kesalahan menjauhi sesuatu yang telah dilakukan. larangan/perintah. • Dalil al-Qur'an berkaitan • Dalil al-Qur'an berkaitan Punitif punitif: Lelaki dan perempuan deteren: Jangan kamu yang mencuri, potonglah Deteren hampiri zina, sesungguhnya tangan mereka sebagai zina itu adalah suatu balasan terhadap apa yang perbuatan yang keji dan suatu mereka kerjakan dan sebagai jalan yang jahat (yang siksaan dari Allah. membawa kerosakan). (Surah Al-Maa'idah ; 5: 38). (Surah Al-Israa'; 17:32). • Berdasarkan contoh di atas, • Berdasarkan contoh di atas, hukuman memotong tangan kerajaan boleh mengambil bagi negara yang langkah untuk memisahkan melaksanakan hukuman lelaki dan perempuan di hudud adalah contoh kepada masjid dan tempat awam hukuman punitif. bagi mencegah penzinaan. • Hukuman bagi kesalahan khalwat adalah deteren bagi mengelakkan penzinaan. 1 Jenis-jenis Jenayah Militan Tindakan umat Islam yang telah ataupun ingin berjuang -
Liberation Technology Conference Bios
1 Liberation Technology in Authoritarian Regimes October 11‐12, 2010 Bechtel Conference Center, Encina Hall, Stanford University Conference Attendees’ Bios Esra’a Al Shafei, MideastYouth.com Esra'a Al Shafei is the founder and Executive Director of MideastYouth.com, a grassroots, indigenous digital network that leverages the power of new media to facilitate the struggle against oppression in the Middle East and North Africa. She is a recipient of the Berkman Award from Harvard University's Berkman Center for Internet and Society for "outstanding contributions to the internet and its impact on society," and is currently a TED Fellow and an Echoing Green Fellow. Most recently, her project won a ThinkSocial Award for serving as a "powerful model for how social media can be used to address global problems." Walid Al‐Saqaf, Yemen Portal Walid AL‐SAQAF is a Yemeni activist, software engineer and scholar concerned with studying Internet censorship around the world, but with a special focus on the Middle East. During 1999‐ 2005, he held the position of publisher and editor‐in‐chief of Yemen Times, which was founded by his father in 1990 and since 2009, he has been a PhD candidate at Örebro University in Sweden, where he also teaches online investigative journalism. In 2010, he won a TED fellowship and the Democracy award of Örebro University for his research and activism in promoting access to information and for fighting cyber censorship. Among his notable works is Yemen Portal (https://yemenportal.net), which is a news aggregator focused on content on Yemen and alkasir (https://alkasir.com), a unique censorship circumvention software solution that allows Internet users around the world to access websites blocked by regimes. -
Organization Signatory HQ Country
Organization Signatory HQ Country African Movement for Democracy Ateki Caxton, Advisory Council Member Cameroon African Network of Constitutional Lawyers (ANCL) Enyinna Nwauche, Chair South Africa Alinaza Universitaria Nicaraguense (AUN) Max Jerez, Political Coordinator Nicaragua Al-Kawakibi Democracy Transition Center Amine Ghali, Director Tunisia Alliance of Democracies Foundation Jonas Parello-Plesner, Executive Director Denmark Asia Democracy Network Ichal Supriadi, Secretary-General South Korea Asian Network For Free Elections (ANFREL) Chandanie Watawala, Executive Director Thailand Association Béninoise de Droit Constitutionnel (ABDC) Federic Joel Aivo, Chair Benin Association for Participatory Democracy (ADEPT) Igor Botan, Executive Director Moldova Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE) Andrew Wilson, Executive Director USA Christian Democratic International Center Edvard Agrell, Secretary-General Sweden Coalition for Dialogue in Africa (CODA) Souad Aden-Osman, Executive Director Ethiopia Colectivo Ciudadano Ecuador Wilson Moreno, President Ecuador Council for Global Equality Mark Bromley, Executive Director USA Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA) Godwin Murunga, Executive Secretary Senegal Democracy International Eric Bjornlund, President USA Democracy Reporting International (DRI) Michael Meyer-Resende, Executive Director Germany European Endowment for Democracy Jerzy Pomianowski, Executive Director Belgium European Network of Political Foundations (ENoP) Mana Livardjani, Executive -
Jemaah Islamiyah (JI)
Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) Name: Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) Type of Organization: Insurgent non-state actor religious terrorist transnational violent Ideologies and Affiliations: Islamist jihadist Qutbist Salafist Sunni takfiri Place of Origin: Indonesia Year of Origin: 1993 (formal establishment) Founder(s): Abu Bakar Bashir and Abdullah Sungkar Places of Operation: Indonesia (primary operations); Malaysia and Singapore (cells); the Philippines, Cambodia, and Thailand (possible operations) Overview As Known As: • Islamic Organization1 • Jema’a Islamiyyah7 • Jemaa Islamiyah2 • Jemaah Islamiah8 • Jema’a Islamiyah3 • Jemaah Islamiya9 • Jemaa Islamiyya4 • Jema’ah Islamiyah10 • Jema’a Islamiyya5 • Jemaah Islamiyyah11 • Jemaa Islamiyyah6 • Jema’ah Islamiyyah12 Executive Summary: Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) is a jihadist group in Southeast Asia that seeks to establish a caliphate in the region through violent means. The group is led by its co-founder, Abu Bakar Bashir, who pledged loyalty to ISIS in July 2014. JI first raised its global profile after carrying out bombings in Bali in 2002 and 2005, killing 202 and 20 people (mostly foreign tourists), respectively.13 Among other violent operations, JI is known for its links to the 1993 World Trade Center bombing as well as the 1995 failed “Bojinka” plot, an attempt to bomb 12 U.S. commercial airlines in the span of two days.14 JI has links to al- Qaeda and the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG), a Philippines-based terrorist organization.15 1 Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) Analyst J.M. Berger has stated that JI is defunct.16 Nevertheless, the group remains a threat given its extensive network and ties to both ISIS and the Nusra Front. Australian authorities in particular have expressed concern about JI foreign fighters returning to the region. -
Neoconservatism Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative Hberkc Ch5 Mp 104 Rev1 Page 104 Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative Hberkc Ch5 Mp 105 Rev1 Page 105
Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_103 rev1 page 103 part iii Neoconservatism Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_104 rev1 page 104 Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_105 rev1 page 105 chapter five The Neoconservative Journey Jacob Heilbrunn The Neoconservative Conspiracy The longer the United States struggles to impose order in postwar Iraq, the harsher indictments of the George W. Bush administration’s foreign policy are becoming. “Acquiring additional burdens by engag- ing in new wars of liberation is the last thing the United States needs,” declared one Bush critic in Foreign Affairs. “The principal problem is the mistaken belief that democracy is a talisman for all the world’s ills, and that the United States has a responsibility to promote dem- ocratic government wherever in the world it is lacking.”1 Does this sound like a Democratic pundit bashing Bush for par- tisan gain? Quite the contrary. The swipe came from Dimitri Simes, president of the Nixon Center and copublisher of National Interest. Simes is not alone in calling on the administration to reclaim the party’s pre-Reagan heritage—to abandon the moralistic, Wilsonian, neoconservative dream of exporting democracy and return to a more limited and realistic foreign policy that avoids the pitfalls of Iraq. 1. Dimitri K. Simes, “America’s Imperial Dilemma,” Foreign Affairs (Novem- ber/December 2003): 97, 100. Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_106 rev1 page 106 106 jacob heilbrunn In fact, critics on the Left and Right are remarkably united in their assessment of the administration. Both believe a neoconservative cabal has hijacked the administration’s foreign policy and has now overplayed its hand. -
Counter Terrorist Trends and Analysis ISSN 2382-6444 | Volume 7, Issue 4 | May 2015
Counter Terrorist Trends and Analysis www.rsis.edu.sg ISSN 2382-6444 | Volume 7, Issue 4 | May 2015 A JOURNAL OF THE INTERNATIONAL CENTRE FOR POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND TERRORISM RESEARCH The Call of ISIS: The Medium and the Message Attracting Southeast Asians ANTON CHAN Myanmar at The Crossroads: The Shadow of Jihadist Extremism LAURA STECKMAN The Road to ISIS: How Indonesian Jihadists Travel to Syria and Iraq MUH TAUFIQURROHMAN Impact of ISIS’ Online Campaign in Southeast Asia NUR AZLIN MOHAMED YASIN Counter Terrorist Trends and Analysis Volume 7, Issue 4 | May 2015 1 Building a Global Network for Security Editorial Note Southeast Asia Focus e are pleased to release Volume 7, Issue 4 (May 2015) of the Counter Terrorist Trends and Analysis (CTTA) at www.rsis.edu.sg/research/icpvtr/ctta (ISSN 2382-6444) by the International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. W TheW threat of the Islamic State of Iraq and Greater Syria (ISIS) has reverberated in Southeast Asia, from where individuals, including young women and individuals with families, have travelled to conflict zones in Syria and Iraq. The seriousness of the threat of ISIS however, comes from Southeast Asian fighters who will return home from battle with fresh combat skills, radical ideologies and extensive networks. The potential for these Southeast Asian terrorist returnees to mount attacks and to further radicalise and recruit other individuals, is therefore, of notable concern to governments in this region. In this issue, Anton Chan discusses the medium and the message used by ISIS that has appealed to its legions of supporters in Southeast Asia. -
Download Publication
Hans-Joachim Spanger Between Ground Zero and Square One How George W. Bush failed on Russia PRIF Reports No. 82 Translation: Katharine Hughes © Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (PRIF) 2008 Correspondence to: HSFK x Leimenrode 29 x 60322 Frankfurt am Main x Germany Telephone: +49 (0)69 95 91 04-0 x Fax: +49 (0)69 55 84 81 E-mail: [email protected] x Website: www.prif.org ISBN: 978-3-937829-68-5 Euro 10,– Summary Towards the end of George W. Bush’s administration, relations between Washington and Moscow are back to the point where they started, the Cold War. Public debate has clear ideas about where to attribute the blame: to Putinism with its emphasis on an authoritar- ian and interventionist state and the overweening self-confidence of the energy bully, on the one hand, and to Bushism with its militarized endeavours to mould a world in its own democratic image, on the other. However both these represent an inadequate simplifica- tion of the actual complexity, which does not sufficiently take into account the vacillations of the Bush administration, swinging between the realism of Bush’s father and the liberal internationalism of his predecessor turned neo-conservative, or the interaction between Washington and Moscow. This swing towards emphasizing democratic values may well make the increasing es- trangement appear more plausible. But in actual fact Bush’s policy towards Moscow, just as Clinton’s before him, consisted of a contradictory and changeable amalgam of values and interests. The most obvious constant feature in the Bush administration, in contrast to Clinton’s, is the malign neglect of Russia. -
State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations for Fiscal Year 2018
STATE, FOREIGN OPERATIONS, AND RELATED PROGRAMS APPROPRIATIONS FOR FISCAL YEAR 2018 TUESDAY, MAY 9, 2017 U.S. SENATE, SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE COMMITTEE ON APPROPRIATIONS, Washington, DC. The subcommittee met at 2:30 p.m., in room SD–192, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Lindsey Graham (chairman) pre- siding. Present: Senators Graham, Moran, Boozman, Daines, Leahy, Durbin, Shaheen, Coons, Murphy and Van Hollen. UNITED STATES DEMOCRACY ASSISTANCE STATEMENTS OF: HON. MADELEINE ALBRIGHT, CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD, THE NA- TIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE HON. STEPHEN HADLEY, CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD, THE UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE HON. VIN WEBER, CO-VICE CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD, THE NA- TIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR DEMOCRACY HON. JAMES KOLBE, VICE CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD, THE INTER- NATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE TESTIMONY FROM DEMOCRACY PROGRAM BENEFICIARIES OUTSIDE WITNESS TESTIMONY SUBMITTED SUBSEQUENT TO THE HEARING OPENING STATEMENT OF SENATOR LINDSEY GRAHAM Senator GRAHAM. Thank you all. The subcommittee will come to order. Today, our hearing is on United States Democracy Assist- ance. I would like to welcome our witnesses who deserve long, glowing introductions—but you’re not going to get one because we got to get on one with the hearing. We’ve got Madeleine Albright, Chairman of the Board of the Na- tional Democratic Institute and former Secretary of State. Wel- come, Ms. Albright. James Kolbe, Vice-Chairman of the Board of the International Republican Institute. Jim, welcome. Vin Weber, Co-Vice Chairman of the Board of the National En- dowment for Democracy, all around good guy, Republican type. Stephen Hadley, Chairman of the Board of the United States In- stitute of Peace. -
Board of Directors
Albert Shanker Institute THE CHALLENGES FOR DEMOCRACY IN THE MIDDLE EAST: THE ART OF THE POSSIBLE February 6-7, 2007 PRESENTERS/MODERATORS Antonia Cortese Toni Cortese, executive vice president of the American Federation of Teachers, is a former officer of the New York State United Teachers (NYSUT). She was elected NYSUT second vice president in 1973, a position she held until 1985, when she was elected first vice president. Among her many professional activities, Cortese has served on the AFT executive committee and as a member of the National Board for Professional Teaching Standards, which develops and administers assessments leading to the certification of accomplished teachers. She has served as an appointee of the U.S. Department of Education to the National Assessment Governing Board which is responsible for the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP). A vice president of the national AFT for many years, she also serves as an AFT representative to the Learning First Alliance, a national coalition of major education organizations. David N. Dorn David Dorn is International Affairs Director at the American Federation of Teachers (AFT) where he has supervised the expansion of AFT international work on behalf of human and teachers’ union rights and its support for the development of democratic teachers unions in emerging democracies in Eastern and Central Europe, Russia and Central America. He has overall responsibility for the development and implementation of Education for Democracy/International (ED/I) projects which promote educational activities that improve the teaching of democracy and civics throughout the world Heba F. El-Shazli Heba El-Shazli is the Regional Program Director for the Middle East and North Africa programs at the Solidarity Center, AFL-CIO since September 2004. -
Reassessing U. S. International Broadcasting
REASSESSING U. S. INTERNATIONAL BROADCASTING S. ENDERS WIMBUSH ELIZABETH M. PORTALE MARCH 2015 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .......................................................................................................................... 3 I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................... 7 II. THE WORLD TODAY AND THE CHANGED MEDIA ENVIRONMENT ............................. 16 III. MISSION ........................................................................................................................................ 21 IV. THE GREAT DIVIDE: PUBLIC DIPLOMACY AND SURROGATE BROADCASTING ..... 25 V. AMERICAN VALUES .................................................................................................................... 29 VI. TELLING AMERICA’S STORY ................................................................................................... 33 VII. AUDIENCES ................................................................................................................................. 38 VIII. NETWORK INDEPENDENCE, OBJECTIVE JOURNALISM AND FIREWALLS ............ 42 IX. DOES BROADCASTING CONNECT TO U.S. FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGIES? ............ 46 X. CAN IT BE FIXED? POSSIBLE NEW MODELS ....................................................................... 52 XI. WHY NOT START OVER: A NEW PARADIGM ..................................................................... 55 APPENDIX: INTERVIEWEES ............................................................................................................