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U.S.-Japan Approaches to Democracy Promotion
U.S. JAPAN APPROACHES TO DEMOCRACY PROMOTION U.S. JAPAN Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA 1819 L St NW #300 Washington, DC 20036 [email protected] U.S.-JAPAN APPROACHES TO DEMOCRACY SASAKAWA USA SASAKAWA PROMOTION Edited by Michael R. Auslin and Daniel E. Bob ISBN 9780996656764 51000 > 9 780996 656764 U.S.-JAPAN APPROACHES TO DEMOCRACY PROMOTION Edited by Michael R. Auslin Daniel E. Bob Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA is an independent, American non-profit and non- partisan institution devoted to research, analysis and better understanding of the U.S.-Japan relationship. Sasakawa USA accomplishes its mission through programs that benefit both nations and the broader Asia Pacific region. Our research programs focus on security, diplomacy, economics, trade and technology, and our education programs facilitate people-to-people exchange and discussion among American and Japanese policymakers, influential citizens and the broader public in both countries. ISBN: 978-0-9966567-6-4 Printed in the United States of America. © 2017 by Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA LCCN Number applied for Sasakawa USA does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views expressed herein are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect the views of Sasakawa USA, its staff or its board. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by and means without permission in writing from Sasakawa USA. Please direct inquiries to: Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA Research Department 1819 L Street, N.W. Washington, DC 20036 P: +1 202-296-6694 This publication can be downloaded at no cost at http://spfusa.org/ Cover photo: © EPA/Barbara Walton Contents Preface .............................................................................................................................v Dennis Blair and Yasushi Akashi INTRODUCTION U.S.-Japan Approaches to Democracy Promotion ............................................ -
MEDIA POLARIZATION “À LA FRANÇAISE”? Comparing the French and American Ecosystems
institut montaigne MEDIA POLARIZATION “À LA FRANÇAISE”? Comparing the French and American Ecosystems REPORT MAY 2019 MEDIA POLARIZATION “À LA FRANÇAISE” MEDIA POLARIZATION There is no desire more natural than the desire for knowledge MEDIA POLARIZATION “À LA FRANÇAISE”? Comparing the French and American Ecosystems MAY 2019 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY In France, representative democracy is experiencing a growing mistrust that also affects the media. The latter are facing major simultaneous challenges: • a disruption of their business model in the digital age; • a dependence on social networks and search engines to gain visibility; • increased competition due to the convergence of content on digital media (competition between text, video and audio on the Internet); • increased competition due to the emergence of actors exercising their influence independently from the media (politicians, bloggers, comedians, etc.). In the United States, these developments have contributed to the polarization of the public square, characterized by the radicalization of the conservative press, with significant impact on electoral processes. Institut Montaigne investigated whether a similar phenomenon was at work in France. To this end, it led an in-depth study in partnership with the Sciences Po Médialab, the Sciences Po School of Journalism as well as the MIT Center for Civic Media. It also benefited from data collected and analyzed by the Pew Research Center*, in their report “News Media Attitudes in France”. Going beyond “fake news” 1 The changes affecting the media space are often reduced to the study of their most visible symp- toms. For instance, the concept of “fake news”, which has been amply commented on, falls short of encompassing the complexity of the transformations at work. -
THE UNREALIZED MAHATHIR-ANWAR TRANSITIONS Social Divides and Political Consequences
THE UNREALIZED MAHATHIR-ANWAR TRANSITIONS Social Divides and Political Consequences Khoo Boo Teik TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA ISSN 0219-3213 TRS15/21s ISSUE ISBN 978-981-5011-00-5 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace 15 Singapore 119614 http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg 9 7 8 9 8 1 5 0 1 1 0 0 5 2021 21-J07781 00 Trends_2021-15 cover.indd 1 8/7/21 12:26 PM TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA 21-J07781 01 Trends_2021-15.indd 1 9/7/21 8:37 AM The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous organization established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are grouped under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Singapore APEC Study Centre and the Temasek History Research Centre (THRC). ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world. 21-J07781 01 Trends_2021-15.indd 2 9/7/21 8:37 AM THE UNREALIZED MAHATHIR-ANWAR TRANSITIONS Social Divides and Political Consequences Khoo Boo Teik ISSUE 15 2021 21-J07781 01 Trends_2021-15.indd 3 9/7/21 8:37 AM Published by: ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 [email protected] http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg © 2021 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore All rights reserved. -
Brésil Selon Le Monde Diplomatique Et Le Courrier International
i Uaiversite Lumiere Lyon II : MEMCMHE DE DEA Sciences de Flttformation et de la Communication )n ; Langage et symboliques de la commtiiiicatien et des medias LE BRESIL SELON LE MONDE DIFLOMATIQUE ET LE COURRIER INTERNATIONAI, Les sources d,$'nformati.on et ieur paroie dans la formation de 1'opiiiion Marcio Augusto FLEXA SANTOS Sous la direction de : Jean-Fmngois' Titu DE L ENSSIB \ Septembre 1999 812411 Jmverswc lumiere leole Natieaak Seperieere Urthe.^de Jese. Mmlia ? Des Seieneeti d« rlBferraatitta Lyoa 3 et cies Eibiieteques B-mmb Universite Lumiere Lyon II MEMOIRE DE DEA Sciences de 1'Information et de la Communication Option : Langage et symboliques de la communication et |< ^O/c,l 1,-B ' des medias % • LE BRESIL SELON LE MONDE DIPLOMATIQUE ET LE COURRIER INTERNATIONAL Les sources d'information et leur parole dans la formation de 1'opinion Marcio Augusto FLEXA SANTOS Sous la direction de : Jean-Frangois Tetu Septembre 1999 Universite lumiere Ecole Nationaie Superieure Universite Jean Moulin Lvon 2 Des Sciences de i'Information Lvon 3 et des Bibiioteques O C? Q Enssib 'X £ H z, J Universite Lumiere Lyon II MEMOIRE DE DEA Sciences de 1'Information et de la Communicatlon Option : Langage et symboliques de la communication et des medias LE BRESIL SELON LE MONDE DIPLOMATIQUE ET LE COURRIERINTERNATIONAL Les sources d'information et leur parole dans la formation de 1'opinion Marcio Augusto FLEXA SANTOS Sous la direction de: Jean-Frangois Tetu Septembre 1999 Universite lumiere Ecole Nationale Superieure Universite Jean Moulin Lyon 2 Des Sciences de l'Information Lyon 3 et des Biblioteques Enssib REMERCIEMENTS Ce travail n 'aurait pu voir le jour sans le soutien constant et les encouragements de M. -
Organization Signatory HQ Country
Organization Signatory HQ Country African Movement for Democracy Ateki Caxton, Advisory Council Member Cameroon African Network of Constitutional Lawyers (ANCL) Enyinna Nwauche, Chair South Africa Alinaza Universitaria Nicaraguense (AUN) Max Jerez, Political Coordinator Nicaragua Al-Kawakibi Democracy Transition Center Amine Ghali, Director Tunisia Alliance of Democracies Foundation Jonas Parello-Plesner, Executive Director Denmark Asia Democracy Network Ichal Supriadi, Secretary-General South Korea Asian Network For Free Elections (ANFREL) Chandanie Watawala, Executive Director Thailand Association Béninoise de Droit Constitutionnel (ABDC) Federic Joel Aivo, Chair Benin Association for Participatory Democracy (ADEPT) Igor Botan, Executive Director Moldova Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE) Andrew Wilson, Executive Director USA Christian Democratic International Center Edvard Agrell, Secretary-General Sweden Coalition for Dialogue in Africa (CODA) Souad Aden-Osman, Executive Director Ethiopia Colectivo Ciudadano Ecuador Wilson Moreno, President Ecuador Council for Global Equality Mark Bromley, Executive Director USA Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA) Godwin Murunga, Executive Secretary Senegal Democracy International Eric Bjornlund, President USA Democracy Reporting International (DRI) Michael Meyer-Resende, Executive Director Germany European Endowment for Democracy Jerzy Pomianowski, Executive Director Belgium European Network of Political Foundations (ENoP) Mana Livardjani, Executive -
BECOMING PAN-EUROPEAN? Transnational Media and the European Public Sphere
The International Communication Gazette © The Author(s), 2009. Reprints and permissions: http://www.sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav the International Communication Gazette, 1748-0485; Vol. 71(8): 693–712; DOI: 10.1177/1748048509345064 http://gaz.sagepub.com BECOMING PAN-EUROPEAN? Transnational Media and the European Public Sphere Michael Brüggemann and Hagen Schulz-Forberg Abstract / Research about the European public sphere has so far mainly focused on the analysis of national media, neglecting a dimension of transnational communication, namely transnational media. These media could serve as horizontal links between the still nationally segmented public spheres and they could be platforms of a transnational European discourse. Four ideal-types of transnational media can be distinguished: (1) national media with a transnational mission, (2) inter- national media, (3) pan-regional media and (4) global media. Within this framework the article analyses transnational media in Europe, showing that a multitude of transnational media have developed in Europe. They have acquired a small but growing and influential audience. Whether transnational media fulfil the normative demands related to the concept of a transnational public sphere remains an open question as some of these media heavily depend on government subsidies and there is a clear lack of research on the European discourses represented in these media. Keywords / EU / European media / European integration / international communication / public sphere / transnational communication / transnational media Introduction: Transnational Media and the European Public Sphere Current research on the European public sphere focuses mainly on the European- ization of national public spheres as opposed to transnational spaces of communi- cation. This approach developed out of research proposals and projects beginning in the 1990s and early 2000s that operationalized a nation-based media analysis in order to understand the public sphere’s development in the EU. -
Reverse-Engineering Twitter's Content Removal
“We Believe in Free Expression...” Reverse-Engineering Twitter’s Content Removal Policies for the Alt-Right The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:38811534 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Contents The Problem & The Motivation .............................................................................. 4 Free Speech: Before and After the Internet ......................................................... 5 Speech on Twitter .............................................................................................. 11 Defining the Alt-Right ....................................................................................... 13 The Alt-Right on Social Media ......................................................................... 14 Social Media Reaction to Charlottesville .......................................................... 17 Twitter’s Policies for the Alt-Right ................................................................... 19 Previous Work ................................................................................................... 21 Structure of this Thesis ..................................................................................... -
The Six Day War and the French Press, 1967
Three Visions of Conflict: The Six Day War and the French Press, 1967 Robert Isaacson The George Washington University Abstract: Examination of the journalistic coverage of the 1967 Arab-Israeli Six Day War by the French mainstream media reveals the centrality of the war experience as a turning point in French public discourse on Israel. Shared assumptions about Israel's vulnerability were replaced by diverse and often contradictory discourses of religious triumphalism, territorial revisionism, and ideological anti-imperialism. This analysis shows that French President Charles de Gaulle's interpretation of the war was far from dominant, and indicates that French public discourse on Israel was fractured and diverse, responsive to different events, and far from the monolith that polling that would suggest. In November 1967, five months after Israel's dramatic victory in the June 5 to June 10 Six Day War, French President Charles de Gaulle publically ended the "tacit alliance" that had existed between France and Israel since the early 1950s.1 In a nationally broadcast speech, de Gaulle expressed his frustration with Israel by critiquing Jews broadly, calling them "an elite people, sure of themselves and domineering...charged [with] burning and conquering ambition," and blamed the war on Israeli territorial aspirations.2 These statements were a far cry from those de Gaulle had made only a decade prior, when he told then-Herut Party chairman, Menachem Begin, "Don't let go of Gaza. It is a sector essential for your security."3 The November remarks drew fire from critics in France and Israel who saw the words as antisemitic and cementing his "betrayal" of Israel on the eve of the Six Day War by adopting a policy of "active neutrality."4 This policy, itself a gesture meant to boost relations with the Arab world, threatened condemnation on whichever party initiated hostilities, and preemptively moved to cut off arms shipments to Israel. -
CAROLINE Imbertfine
CAROLINE IMBERT Fine Art JEAN PLANTU(Paris 1951) "Pompidou" Signed lower right: Plantu Black felt-tip: 19.5 x 9 cm Artist Biography: All rights reserved 1951: Jean Plantureux, known as Plantu, is born in Paris. 1969: Plantu passes his baccalauréat after studying at the Lycée Henri IV in Paris 1971: He abandons his medical training and leaves for Brussels where he attends drawing classes at The Academy of St. Luke founded by Hergé. 1972: He returns to Paris and shows his drawings to several newspaper editors before starting at Le Monde. On 1st October Bernard Lauzanne, editor of Le Monde, publishes a drawing by Plantu (relating to the Vietman War) for the first time. 1974: Claude Julien, director of Le Monde Diplomatique commissions Plantu to produce a monthly drawing on the theme of the Third World. 1980: Plantu begins to work with the newspaper Phosphore - he continues to provide them with illustrations until 1986. 1982: André Laurens, director of Le Monde, and Claude Lamotte, editor, ask Plantu to make a drawing for the front page every Saturday. He takes part in the programme Droit de Réponse on TFI (French television). 1985: The director of publication, André Fontaine, established the practise of showing a Plantu drawing every day on the front page of the newspaper in order "to rivive the French tradition to political drawing" 1988: Winner of the Mumm Champagne Award 1989: Winner of the prize for black humour 1991: He joins the weekly magazine L'Express. At an exhibition of his work in Tunis in November of the same year Plantu meets Yasser Arafat and invites him to comment on his drawings. -
Les Usages Militants De La Lecture Et De L'écriture. L'exemple Du Monde Diplomatique
Colloque "Les mobilisations altermondialistes" 3-5 décembre 2003 Maxime Szczepanski-Huillery Doctorant en science politique Curapp/Cnrs (umr 6054) Université de Picardie 77, avenue de la République 92 120 Montrouge [email protected] Les usages militants de la lecture et de l’écriture. L’exemple du Monde diplomatique. Résumé Journal mensuel né en 1954, le Monde diplomatique a joué un rôle important dans la genèse de la contestation anti/altermondialiste en France. S’appuyant sur une enquête de terrain menée auprès de l’association des lecteurs du mensuel, cette contribution vise, par le biais de l’étude de l’évolution de la ligne éditoriale et des usages du Monde diplomatique par certains lecteurs, à cerner les facteurs expliquant la position actuelle de ce journal au sein de cette nébuleuse contestataire. Il semble que les ressorts de cette position spécifique plongent leurs racines à la fois dans les trajectoires des journalistes, qui cumulent des ressources propres à différents espaces (journalistiques, militants, universitaires), et dans le statut du mensuel qui incarne, aux yeux de certains lecteurs, une lecture de salut. A partir d’une étude réalisée auprès d’une petite partie du lectorat du mensuel le Monde diplomatique, cette contribution voudrait apporter quelques éléments de réflexion sur les modalités d’action et d’engagement d’un journal, et plus exactement de ses journalistes et de ses lecteurs, au sein de la nébuleuse anti/altermondialiste1 en France. L’intérêt d’une approche centrée sur ce journal est multiple. Elle permet d’abord de se pencher sur l’implication concrète, connue mais rarement détaillée, de l’équipe et d’une partie du lectorat du Monde diplomatique dans l’apparition et l’essor d’un certain nombre de mouvements qui se qualifient désormais d’« altermondialistes » – au premier rang desquels A.T.T.A.C2. -
Neoconservatism Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative Hberkc Ch5 Mp 104 Rev1 Page 104 Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative Hberkc Ch5 Mp 105 Rev1 Page 105
Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_103 rev1 page 103 part iii Neoconservatism Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_104 rev1 page 104 Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_105 rev1 page 105 chapter five The Neoconservative Journey Jacob Heilbrunn The Neoconservative Conspiracy The longer the United States struggles to impose order in postwar Iraq, the harsher indictments of the George W. Bush administration’s foreign policy are becoming. “Acquiring additional burdens by engag- ing in new wars of liberation is the last thing the United States needs,” declared one Bush critic in Foreign Affairs. “The principal problem is the mistaken belief that democracy is a talisman for all the world’s ills, and that the United States has a responsibility to promote dem- ocratic government wherever in the world it is lacking.”1 Does this sound like a Democratic pundit bashing Bush for par- tisan gain? Quite the contrary. The swipe came from Dimitri Simes, president of the Nixon Center and copublisher of National Interest. Simes is not alone in calling on the administration to reclaim the party’s pre-Reagan heritage—to abandon the moralistic, Wilsonian, neoconservative dream of exporting democracy and return to a more limited and realistic foreign policy that avoids the pitfalls of Iraq. 1. Dimitri K. Simes, “America’s Imperial Dilemma,” Foreign Affairs (Novem- ber/December 2003): 97, 100. Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_106 rev1 page 106 106 jacob heilbrunn In fact, critics on the Left and Right are remarkably united in their assessment of the administration. Both believe a neoconservative cabal has hijacked the administration’s foreign policy and has now overplayed its hand. -
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Hans-Joachim Spanger Between Ground Zero and Square One How George W. Bush failed on Russia PRIF Reports No. 82 Translation: Katharine Hughes © Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (PRIF) 2008 Correspondence to: HSFK x Leimenrode 29 x 60322 Frankfurt am Main x Germany Telephone: +49 (0)69 95 91 04-0 x Fax: +49 (0)69 55 84 81 E-mail: [email protected] x Website: www.prif.org ISBN: 978-3-937829-68-5 Euro 10,– Summary Towards the end of George W. Bush’s administration, relations between Washington and Moscow are back to the point where they started, the Cold War. Public debate has clear ideas about where to attribute the blame: to Putinism with its emphasis on an authoritar- ian and interventionist state and the overweening self-confidence of the energy bully, on the one hand, and to Bushism with its militarized endeavours to mould a world in its own democratic image, on the other. However both these represent an inadequate simplifica- tion of the actual complexity, which does not sufficiently take into account the vacillations of the Bush administration, swinging between the realism of Bush’s father and the liberal internationalism of his predecessor turned neo-conservative, or the interaction between Washington and Moscow. This swing towards emphasizing democratic values may well make the increasing es- trangement appear more plausible. But in actual fact Bush’s policy towards Moscow, just as Clinton’s before him, consisted of a contradictory and changeable amalgam of values and interests. The most obvious constant feature in the Bush administration, in contrast to Clinton’s, is the malign neglect of Russia.