STATE, FOREIGN OPERATIONS, AND RELATED PROGRAMS APPROPRIATIONS FOR FISCAL YEAR 2018 TUESDAY, MAY 9, 2017 U.S. SENATE, SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE COMMITTEE ON APPROPRIATIONS, Washington, DC. The subcommittee met at 2:30 p.m., in room SD–192, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Lindsey Graham (chairman) pre- siding. Present: Senators Graham, Moran, Boozman, Daines, Leahy, Durbin, Shaheen, Coons, Murphy and Van Hollen. UNITED STATES DEMOCRACY ASSISTANCE STATEMENTS OF: HON. MADELEINE ALBRIGHT, CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD, THE NA- TIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE HON. STEPHEN HADLEY, CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD, THE UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE HON. VIN WEBER, CO-VICE CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD, THE NA- TIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR DEMOCRACY HON. JAMES KOLBE, VICE CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD, THE INTER- NATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE TESTIMONY FROM DEMOCRACY PROGRAM BENEFICIARIES OUTSIDE WITNESS TESTIMONY SUBMITTED SUBSEQUENT TO THE HEARING OPENING STATEMENT OF SENATOR LINDSEY GRAHAM Senator GRAHAM. Thank you all. The subcommittee will come to order. Today, our hearing is on United States Democracy Assist- ance. I would like to welcome our witnesses who deserve long, glowing introductions—but you’re not going to get one because we got to get on one with the hearing. We’ve got Madeleine Albright, Chairman of the Board of the Na- tional Democratic Institute and former Secretary of State. Wel- come, Ms. Albright. James Kolbe, Vice-Chairman of the Board of the International Republican Institute. Jim, welcome. Vin Weber, Co-Vice Chairman of the Board of the National En- dowment for Democracy, all around good guy, Republican type. Stephen Hadley, Chairman of the Board of the United States In- stitute of Peace. You are going to be in business for a long time. (1) 2 A lot of peace to be had out there. Former National Security Advi- sor for President Bush 43. Thank you, all. Senator Leahy is on the way. The subcommittee provides about $2.3 billion for democracy programs. I do not know what that is in terms of the total budget but perhaps one-tenth of one percent. Not much. The money is well utilized and we’re going to make a case why America should be investing in democracy. The best case I can make is I cannot remember a war between two de- mocracies. So, if you can ever get to democratic stability and demo- cratic institutions rise from the ashes of strong man rule or dicta- torships which is very hard to do, you’ll find somebody you can do business with who probably won’t kill you. A little bit about this account. We have asked people who benefit from democracy programs to give us their views of the importance of these programs. ‘‘I’ve always admired the United States for its fundamental val- ues of democracy, freedom and rule of law and so its institutions and people have the ability to help encourage the promotion of these positive principles,’’ said the Dalai Lama. ‘‘The question is what sort of world do we want? I have person- ally seen the benefits of that strong, inclusive democracies can have and I do not want to see my country, my region, my world turned back. Without the leadership of the United States, there will be others that will fill the void, others that do not share the values of freedom of speech, freedom of association, freedom to choose.’’ That is the former Foreign Minister of Mongolia whose name I cannot pronounce, but I agree with everything he said. The bottom line is I’ve got a treasure trove of validation from those who have been on the receiving end of democracy programs. North Korean human rights groups, ‘‘without the material and in- stitutional support of NED, the National Endowment for Democ- racy, the North Korean Human Rights Movements as we know it today would not have existed.’’ On and on and on. What I want the American people to know that your tax dollars are hard to come by, we’re in debt but as a nation, we need to stay involved in the world. The world will be involved with us whether we like it or not. I’d like to choose the terms of our involvement. When it comes to terrorism, the goal is to kill the idea, just not the terrorist because you kill a terrorist, you’ll get a new one. If you kill the idea, then we win and I think most people do not want to go down the road that the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, Al-Qaeda and the Taliban have charted for them. Those who are wishing to say no just need our help. I am a pretty hawkish guy, but soft power is every bit as impor- tant as hard power. How do you hold Mosul, Raqqa, et cetera, if you do not have a soft power component? We will fail and we will be right back at it again. The terrorist offer a glorious death. We need to offer a hopeful life and a hopeful life comes from being able to choose your leaders, resolve your differences in a court that’s fair and impartial and be able to speak without fear. That is what democracy programs are all about. That is why we are having this hearing. Would you like to say something, Senator Durbin, until Senator Leahy gets here? 3 Senator DURBIN. Just briefly. The question that comes to my mind, Vladimir Putin is developing some pretty effective tools for undermining democracy. What tools are we developing to under- mine authoritarianism? Senator GRAHAM. Great question and if it is okay, we will just start with our witnesses. Ladies, first. STATEMENT OF HON. MADELEINE ALBRIGHT, CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD, THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE Ms. ALBRIGHT. Thank you. Chairman Graham and when the Ranking Member Leahy gets here and distinguished members of the subcommittee, and thank you so much for holding this hearing on the importance of U.S. democracy assistance and for inviting me to testify as Chairman of the Board of the National Democratic In- stitute. And it’s my pleasure to really appear alongside some good friends. Before I begin, I really do want to pay my deepest respect and appreciation for the vital role this subcommittee has played in sus- taining and strengthening the non-military tools of American power. Experience has taught me that diplomacy, development, and democracy are as integral to our national security as defense, which Chairman Graham is really the answer to the taxpayers. In today’s uncertain and dangerous world, we weaken these na- tional security tools at our peril. Nevertheless, there are still some in Washington and elsewhere who believe that promoting democ- racy doesn’t qualify as real foreign policy. They see little connection between fostering democratic practices and hardheaded pursuit of American interests. But our wisest leaders, Democrats and Republicans alike, have always understood that American foreign policy must be shaped not solely on the basis of what we are against, but also what we are for. And our interests dictate that we should be for a world in which democracy is defended and universal values upheld. Yesterday marked 72 years since the end of World War II in Eu- rope. At the time I was 7 years old and a refugee living in London all through the Blitz and I was there with my family and I will never forget the elation that we all felt. In the decades that followed, we learned that democracy’s more than just another form of government. It’s also a powerful gener- ator of international security, prosperity and peace and that is be- cause while democracy may not provide a guarantee against ag- gression, it is the best political insurance available. Governments that are publically accountable rarely start wars while regimes that run roughshod over their own citizens are often indifferent to the rights of their neighbors. Moreover, in today’s world, destabilizing conflicts that threaten U.S. interests erupt more frequently within societies than between them. And here again, democracies have a clear advantage because they embrace pluralism, encourage tolerance and enable citizens to pursue change in a lawful and peaceful way. It’s no coincidence that the hotspots most likely to harbor terrorists and generate waves of refugees are in the areas of the world that are non-demo- 4 cratic. Meanwhile, democratic nations are more likely to support timely international action to fight terrorism, trafficking and dis- ease. Democracy also has the best record of fostering the stability, openness and dynamism required for global economic growth, which is itself another important U.S. national security interest. I’ve been in many arguments about which comes first, economic or political development. The truth is they go together. Democracy has to deliver because people want to vote and eat. For all these reasons, the health of democracy is clearly vital to America’s interest and my central message today is that promoting democracy is not just right; it is also necessary, smart and cost-ef- fective. After all, foreign assistance is only about 1 percent of the total U.S. budget and democracy assistance represents just 4 per- cent of that. The question is how to go about promoting democracy. In any so- ciety, building democracy is never easy, never fully accomplished and it’s something to be worked on, step by step, country by coun- try, day by day. And that’s precisely the philosophy that has guided the National Endowment for Democracy and our four core institu- tions—NDI, the International Republican Institute, the Center for International Private Enterprise, and the Solidarity Center.