Target Bosnia: Integrating Information Activities in Peace Support Operations
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Expo: 20 Years
O - OT T A A N N A R S E • C H I V 20 Years NATO in Bosnia and Herzegovina 14 DECEMBER 1995 The Dayton Peace Agreement (formally The resulting NATO-led Implementation The NATO-led operation known as the General Framework Force (IFOR) was the Alliance’s first major in Bosnia, Operation Joint Signature of the Dayton Peace Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and crisis response operation, providing a Endeavour, was NATO’s Herzegovina) was signed on 14 December multinational peacekeeping force of first-ever ground force Agreement in Paris. 1995 at the Paris Peace Conference to mark 60,000 troops that was deployed on operation and its first-ever Front left: Slobodan Milošević, the cessation of hostilities that tore that 20 December 1995 for a one-year mission deployment “out of area”. Alija Izetbegović, country apart between 1992 and 1995. to provide military support for the civilian Franjo Tuđman. aspects of the Agreement. It was also the largest military Back left: Felipe Gonzalez, Reinforced by United Nations Security operation ever undertaken Bill Clinton, Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1031, the Peace by the Alliance, bringing Jacques Chirac, Helmut Kohl, Agreement outlined a key role for the together NATO and John Major and NATO in overseeing the military framework non-NATO countries in an Viktor Chernomyrdin. needed to establish security in the region. NATO Secretary General Javier Solana (left) and Supreme Allied unprecedented coalition for Commander Europe George Joulwan visit Sarajevo on peace involving 36 states. 11 January 1996 3 An American soldier has an IFOR armband put on his uniform after arriving at Sarajevo airport. -
Repression, Civil Conflict, and Leadership Tenure: a Case Study of Kazakhstan
Institute for International Economic Policy Working Paper Series Elliott School of International Affairs The George Washington University Repression, Civil Conflict, And Leadership Tenure: A Case Study of Kazakhstan IIEP-WP-2017-16 Susan Ariel Aaronson George Washington University September 2017 Institute for International Economic Policy 1957 E St. NW, Suite 502 Voice: (202) 994-5320 Fax: (202) 994-5477 Email: [email protected] Web: www.gwu.edu/~iiep REPRESSION, CIVIL CONFLICT, AND LEADERSHIP TENURE: A CASE STUDY OF KAZAKHSTAN Susan Ariel Aaronson, George Washington University This material is based upon work generously supported by, or in part by, the U.S. Army Research Laboratory and the U. S. Army Research Office under grant number W911NF-14-1- 0485. Table of Contents I. Kazakhstan Case Study ......................................................................................................................4 A. Overview ..........................................................................................................................................4 1. Recent History of Repression ....................................................................................................5 2. Is Kazakhstan a Dictatorship? ..................................................................................................6 II. Who are the Repressors in Kazakhstan? ......................................................................................7 III. The Role of Impunity in Kazakhstan ............................................................................................9 -
The Bosnian Train and Equip Program: a Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power by Christopher J
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 15 The Bosnian Train and Equip Program: A Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power by Christopher J. Lamb, with Sarah Arkin and Sally Scudder Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the unified com- batant commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: President Bill Clinton addressing Croat-Muslim Federation Peace Agreement signing ceremony in the Old Executive Office Building, March 18, 1994 (William J. Clinton Presidential Library) The Bosnian Train and Equip Program The Bosnian Train and Equip Program: A Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power By Christopher J. Lamb with Sarah Arkin and Sally Scudder Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 15 Series Editor: Nicholas Rostow National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. March 2014 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. -
Baku, Azerbaijan a Complex History, a Bright Future in Our Next Issue: En Route to Timbuktu
UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF STATE March 2003 StateStateMagazine Baku, Azerbaijan A Complex History, A Bright Future In our next issue: En Route to Timbuktu Women beating rice after harvest on the irrigated perimeter of the Niger River. Photo Trenkle Tim by State Magazine (ISSN 1099–4165) is published monthly, except State bimonthly in July and August, by the U.S. Department of State, Magazine 2201 C St., N.W., Washington, DC. Periodicals postage paid at Carl Goodman Washington, D.C., and at additional mailing locations. POSTMAS- EDITOR-IN-CHIEF TER: Send changes of address to State Magazine, HR/ER/SMG, Dave Krecke SA-1, Room H-236, Washington, DC 20522-0108. State Magazine WRITER/EDITOR is published to facilitate communication between management Paul Koscak and employees at home and abroad and to acquaint employees WRITER/EDITOR with developments that may affect operations or personnel. Deborah Clark The magazine is also available to persons interested in working DESIGNER for the Department of State and to the general public. State Magazine is available by subscription through the ADVISORY BOARD MEMBERS Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Florence Fultz Washington, DC 20402 (telephone [202] 512-1800) or on the web at CHAIR http://bookstore.gpo.gov. Jo Ellen Powell For details on submitting articles to State Magazine, request EXECUTIVE SECRETARY our guidelines, “Getting Your Story Told,” by e-mail at Sylvia Bazala [email protected]; download them from our web site Cynthia Bunton at www.state.gov/m/dghr/statemag;or send your request Bill Haugh in writing to State Magazine, HR/ER/SMG, SA-1, Room H-236, Bill Hudson Washington, DC 20522-0108. -
IFOR: Mission Accomplished S •• SFOR: Mission Goes on F Ner
I F 0 R Published in the interest of the Implementation Forces Wednesday, December 18, 1996 Vol. I, N0 23 INSIDE 'Almeria' Brigade arrives ... Page 3 /FOR Soldiers fi·om Norway, United Kingdom, United States, Germany, Uhraine, France, Portugal, Turleey, Rom.ania, .Italy, Sweden, Belgium, Spain and a Swiss OSCE membe1; join together to give the thumbs up to the success/iLl end of /FOR's mission on be hall of their countries and all the other contributing nations. Photo: CPIC, Sarajevo Superman fights mines P{/ge 5 IFOR: mission accomplished s •• SFOR: mission goes on F ner. " Most significantly, he Less than 90 days from D was able to refer to the skills elay, Lt. Gen. Sir Michael 0 of the first IFOR troops as Walker, Commander of the "making the nearly impossi ACE Rapid Reaction Corps, R ble seem routine." speaking as commander of These statements were IFOR Land Forces, was able made against a backdrop of to comment upon his forces' David Taylor daily, world-wide media cov success as they prepared for erage that showed the first the final days of implement brave men and women of Getting l\1ostar airport NATO-led, multi-national ing what would become the Europe, the U.S., and around ready l'm:e 7 ednesday, Feb. 14, deployment - almost 60,000 Inter Entity Boundary Line the world, are striving to 1996 - Barely two troops from more than 30 (IEBL) and ensuring that make every moment of their Wmonths after h._. contributing nations Faction troops continued time here count for some signing of the Dayton Peat L 1 ollm~ powerfully and withdrawal to their bar thing; to leave a legacy. -
Never Again: International Intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina1
Never again: 1 International intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina July 2017 David Harland2 1 This study is one of a series commissioned as part of an ongoing UK Government Stabilisation Unit project relating to elite bargains and political deals. The project is exploring how national and international interventions have and have not been effective in fostering and sustaining political deals and elite bargains; and whether or not these political deals and elite bargains have helped reduce violence, increased local, regional and national stability and contributed to the strengthening of the relevant political settlement. This is a 'working paper' and the views contained within do not necessarily represent those of HMG. 2 Dr David Harland is Executive Director of the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue. He served as a witness for the Prosecution at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in the cases of The Prosecutor versus Slobodan Milošević, The Prosecutor versus Radovan Karadžić, The Prosecutor versus Ratko Mladić, and others. Executive summary The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was the most violent of the conflicts which accompanied the break- up of Yugoslavia, and this paper explores international engagement with that war, including the process that led to the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Sarajevo and Srebrenica remain iconic symbols of international failure to prevent and end violent conflict, even in a small country in Europe. They are seen as monuments to the "humiliation" of Europe and the UN and the -
The Gulf States and the Middle East Peace Process: Considerations, Stakes, and Options
ISSUE BRIEF 08.25.20 The Gulf States and the Middle East Peace Process: Considerations, Stakes, and Options Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, Ph.D, Fellow for the Middle East conflict, the Gulf states complied with and INTRODUCTION enforced the Arab League boycott of Israel This issue brief examines where the six until at least 1994 and participated in the nations of the Gulf Cooperation Council— oil embargo of countries that supported 1 Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Israel in the Yom Kippur War of 1973. In Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates 1973, for example, the president of the (UAE)—currently stand in their outlook and UAE, Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, approaches toward the Israeli-Palestinian claimed that “No Arab country is safe from issue. The first section of this brief begins by the perils of the battle with Zionism unless outlining how positions among the six Gulf it plays its role and bears its responsibilities, 2 states have evolved over the three decades in confronting the Israeli enemy.” In since the Madrid Conference of 1991. Section Kuwait, Sheikh Fahd al-Ahmad Al Sabah, a two analyzes the degree to which the six brother of two future Emirs, was wounded Gulf states’ relations with Israel are based while fighting with Fatah in Jordan in 3 on interests, values, or a combination of 1968, while in 1981 the Saudi government both, and how these differ from state to offered to finance the reconstruction of state. Section three details the Gulf states’ Iraq’s Osirak nuclear reactor after it was 4 responses to the peace plan unveiled by destroyed by an Israeli airstrike. -
Nato's Role in Bosnia and Herzegovina
PRESS - INFO - PRESS NATO’S ROLE IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA One of NATO’s biggest challenges this decade has been to help keep the peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina by leading a multinational military force there. The Stabilisation Force (SFOR), which now numbers around 32,000 troops drawn from 38 nations, supports the efforts of the international community and the United Nations aimed at: ■ implementing the peace agreement in Bosnia ■ preventing the conflict spreading ■ ending the humanitarian crisis and ■ helping create conditions for the country to rebuild itself. NATO’s priorities in Bosnia in 1999 are as follows: ■ maintaining a continued military presence to deter hostilities and providing a secure environment and support for civil implementation; ■ achieving progress in returning displaced persons to their homes in 1999; ■ taking steps to promote reconciliation between the armed forces of the Bosniac-Croat Federation and the Republika Srpska, and to develop the role of the Standing Committee on Military Matters established under the Dayton Peace Agreements, as an effective, centralised defence institution for the country as a whole. From 1992 until the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement at the end of 1995, the Alliance supported United Nations objectives in the former Yugoslavia through various maritime and air operations including: ■ the monitoring and enforcement of U.N. sanctions by NATO naval forces in the Adriatic (in conjunction with the Western European Union (WEU)); ■ the monitoring and enforcement of the U.N. no-fly zone over Bosnia by NATO air forces; ■ providing close air support to the U.N. Protection Force(UNPROFOR) in Bosnia; ■ carrying out air strikes to relieve the siege of Sarajevo. -
Remarks to the Troops in Tuzla, Bosnia-Herzegovina December 22
Administration of William J. Clinton, 1997 / Dec. 22 2099 Croats, and Serbs. Well, they're still here, guished military officials and officials from and they're still Muslims, Croats, and Serbs. the White House; and a truly astonishing del- And to tell you the truth, I know the tuba egation from Congress, of both Democrats players from the violinists, but I can't tell the and Republicans together. Muslims from the Croats from the Serbs. We have Senator Ted Stevens of Alaska; The harmony of their disparate voicesÐthe Senator Joe Biden of Delaware; Senator Joe harmony of their disparate voicesÐis what Lieberman of Connecticut; Senator Dan I hear. It reminds me of Bosnia's best past, Coats of Indiana; Representative John Kasich and it should be the clarion call to your fu- of Ohio; Representative Jack Murtha of ture. Pennsylvania; Representative Ike Skelton of Here at the dawn of the new millennium, Missouri; Representative Elijah Cummings let us recall that the century we are leaving of Maryland; Representative Mac Collins of began with the sound of gunfire in Sarajevo. GeorgiaÐanybody from Georgia? [Cheers] And let us vow to start the new century with Representative John Boehner of Ohio and the music of peace in Sarajevo. Representative Steve Buyer of IndianaÐany- To the people of Bosnia I say, you have body here from Indiana? [Cheers] I'm proud seen what war has wrought; now you know of all of them. what peace can bring. So seize the chance And let me say, we came here for two rea- before you. You can do nothing to change sons today. -
Azb3thesispdf.Pdf (3.520Mb)
POST-SOCIALIST DREAMWORLDS: HOUSING BOOM AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT IN KAZAKHSTAN Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy By Alima Bissenova January 2012 © 2012 Alima Bissenova ii POST-SOCIALIST DREAMWORLDS: HOUSING BOOM AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT IN KAZAKHSTAN Bissenova Alima, Ph.D. Cornell University 2012 This dissertation is based on 26 months, between 2007 and 2010, of official non- continuous ethnographic fieldwork in real estate development in Kazakhstan. During this time, I investigated the institutionalization of new housing “dreamworlds” and new modes of being urban in relation to the practices of government bureaucracy, the practices of the construction industry, and the housing strategies of residents. Even before the commencement of my fieldwork, I had personally socialized with people who moved into and made their homes in the newly built housing complexes of Astana. Drawing on my participant observations, research, and personal engagements with policy-makers, businessmen, and residents, I have written what can be called an anthropology of the boom (an exploration into the socio-economic conditions and forces behind the recent housing boom in Kazakhstan) an anthropology of the emergence of a new material environment, as well as an anthropology of the new social configurations and normative framework arising from the new material conditions. I have also followed some of the institutional developments that took place during the period of my fieldwork and earlier – during the “boom” period of the first decade of the 21st century. These developments chiefly include the planning and building of the new capital, Astana, the housing boom and post-crisis management of the construction, the rise and fall of construction companies, and the trajectories of state housing policies of that period. -
The New Yorker 11/9/20, 9:20 PM
Utopian for Beginners | The New Yorker 11/9/20, 9:20 PM Annals of Linguistics December 24 & 31, 2012 Issue Utopian for Beginners An amateur linguist loses control of the language he invented. By Joshua Foer December 17, 2012 here are so many ways for speakers of English to see the world. We can glimpse, glance, visualize, view, look, spy, or T ogle. Stare, gawk, or gape. Peek, watch, or scrutinize. Each word suggests some subtly different quality: looking implies volition; spying suggests furtiveness; gawking carries an element of social judgment and a sense of surprise. When we try to describe an act of vision, we consider a constellation of available meanings. But if thoughts and words exist on different planes, then expression must always be an act of compromise. Languages are something of a mess. They evolve over centuries through an unplanned, democratic process that leaves them teeming with irregularities, quirks, and words like “knight.” No one who set out to design a form of communication would ever end up with anything like English, Mandarin, or any of the more than six thousand languages spoken today. “Natural languages are adequate, but that doesn’t mean they’re optimal,” John Quijada, a "fty-three-year-old former employee of the California State Department of Motor Vehicles, told me. In 2004, he published a monograph on the Internet that was titled “Ithkuil: A Philosophical Design for a Hypothetical Language.” Written like a linguistics textbook, the fourteen-page Web site ran to almost a hundred and sixty thousand words. It documented the Quijada’s invented language has two grammar, syntax, and lexicon of a language that Quijada had spent seemingly incompatible ambitions: to be three decades inventing in his spare time. -
Bombs Over Bosnia the Role of Airpower in Bosnia-Herzegovina
Bombs over Bosnia The Role of Airpower in Bosnia-Herzegovina MICHAEL O. BEALE, Major, USAF School of Advanced Airpower Studies THESIS PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE SCHOOL OF ADVANCED AIRPOWER STUDIES, MAXWELL AIR FORCE BASE, ALABAMA, FOR COMPLETION OF GRADUATION REQUIREMENTS, ACADEMIC YEAR 1995–96. Air University Press Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama August 1997 DISCLAIMER Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the author(s), and do not necessarily represent the views of Air University, the United States Air Force, the Department of Defense, or any other US government agency. Cleared for public release: distribution unlimited. ii Contents Chapter Page DISCLAIMER . ii ABSTRACT . v ABOUT THE AUTHOR . vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . ix 1 A HISTORY OF DIVISION AND CONFLICT . 1 2 THE DEATH OF YUGOSLAVIA ACCELERATES . 9 3 DENY FLIGHT: THE DETERRENT USE OF AIRPOWER . 19 4 OPERATION DELIBERATE FORCE . 31 5 CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS . 43 BIBLIOGRAPHY . 53 iii iv Abstract The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) initiated Operation Deny Flight at the request of the United Nations (UN) Security Council in April 1993, in response to the ongoing war in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Two and one-half years later, in December 1995, Deny Flight officially ended after an almost continuous 970-day aerial presence constituting over 100,000 aircraft sorties. In that time, NATO aircraft dropped more than 3,000 bombs while participating in combat operations for the first time in alliance history. Deny Flight’s initial mission was to enforce a UN Security Council mandated no-fly zone over Bosnia. This mission expanded in the ensuing months to include close air support when requested for UN protection forces (UNPROFOR) on the ground and to deter Serb aggression against six UN-designated safe areas.