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Van Islamitisch Kalifaat Naar Ideologie Zonder Staat

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Van Islamitisch Kalifaat Naar Ideologie Zonder Staat Van islamitisch kalifaat naar ideologie zonder staat De transitie van islamitisch fundamentalisme naar jihadisme Lysanne Leeuwenburg 11012692 Masterscriptie MA Midden-Oostenstudies - Eindversie Universiteit van Amsterdam Begeleider: Dr. R.L.A. van Leeuwen Tweede lezer: Dr. R.A.F.L. Woltering Aantal woorden: 22.644 29 juni 2017 2 Inhoudsopgave English Abstract 4 Inleiding 5 Hoofdstuk 1: Koude Oorlog en globalisering 9 §1.1. Koude Oorlog en de Derde Wereld in vogelvlucht 9 §1.2. Globalisering 12 Hoofdstuk 2: Transitie van islamitisch fundamentalisme naar jihadisme 18 §2.1. Samuel Huntington: globalisering en de clash of civilizations 18 §2.2. Faisal Devji en Olivier Roy 21 Hoofdstuk 3: Islamitisch fundamentalisme 26 §3.1. Salafisme 26 §3.2. Kalifaat vs. natiestaat 28 §3.2.1. Ahmad ibn Taymiyya en Ibn al-Qayyim al-Jawziyya 29 §3.2.2. Mohammed `Abduh en Mohammed Rashid Rida 31 §3.2.3. Ali Abd al-Raziq 33 §3.2.4. Abul `Ala’ Mawdudi 35 §3.2.5. Moslimbroederschap 36 §3.2.6. Conclusie debat kalifaat vs. natiestaat 38 §3.3. Islamitische Republiek Iran: sjiitisch fundamentalisme 39 Hoofdstuk 4: Jihadisme en deterritorialisatie 41 §4.1. Abdullah `Azzam: ‘Godfather of the Jihad’ 41 §4.2. E-jihad 44 Hoofdstuk 5: Casus I: Al-Qaeda 46 §5.1. Opkomst en groei van al-Qaeda 46 §5.2. Al-Qaeda’s ideologie: jihadisme 49 Hoofdstuk 6: Casus II: Islamitische Staat 56 §6.1. Opkomst en groei van Islamitische Staat (IS) 56 §6.2.1. IS’ ideologie enerzijds: islamitisch fundamentalisme 58 §6.2.2. IS’ ideologie anderzijds: jihadisme 66 3 Conclusie 71 Bibliografie 74 Afbeeldingenlijst 81 Bijlagen 82 Bijlage 1: Emailcorrespondentie Aymenn Jawwad al-Tamimi 82 Bijlage 2: Tabel benamingen ‘het Westen’ door IS in Dabiq 83 4 English abstract In his book Landscapes of the Jihad, Faisal Devji has argued that since the end of the Cold War a transition is going on from Islamic fundamentalism to jihadism. Because of globalization the idea of an Islamic state as a territory became too weak to perform. Instead of this, deterritorialization occured and the jihad transformed into a more ethical or moral issue. This has resulted in a metaphysical battle between Muslims, Jews and Christians and, according to some radicals of the first group, in the end Islam will be the only monotheistic religion left in the world. In practice we can see this metaphysical battle with lone wolf attacks on the West. Faisal Devji wrote his book in 2005, and it is interesting to investigate whether Landscapes of the Jihad is still usable anno 2017. It seems that al-Qaeda fits the theory of Devji. This organization does not have specific plans for the establishment of an Islamic state and encourages lone wolves in the West to perform attacks on non-Muslims and other non- believers. It is however interesting to look at the most on-news terrorist organization ISIS, or the Islamic State (IS). ISIS contains the jihadist aspect with those terror attacks performed by an individual, but, instead of Devji’s hypothesis, has also created an Islamic State in Syria and Iraq, and thus has a territory to defend. The organization of this State is very strict with the implementation of shari`a and hudud punishments. ISIS also set up public services like schools and healthcare. In their online magazine Dabiq they are calling Muslims in the West to join the Caliphate. On the other hand, when defending the Islamic territory became more and more difficult, ISIS shifted the focus towards the jihadist aspect. In their online magazine Rumiyah, which was published after Dabiq, a transition is notable with calls for lone wolf attacks on the West. A very important aspect of these calls and other propaganda of ISIS is their media strategy, in which it uses social media to reach their followers. With this knowledge in mind I want to argue that the ‘deterritorialization-theory’ of Faisal Devji is still usable these days. Al-Qaeda fits the description of it, and ISIS can be seen as a modern illustration of the theory. They started with Islamic fundamentalism and the creation of a Caliphate, but after some backlashes ISIS turned to jihadism. Therefore Devji’s hypotheses is still applicable on today’s developments, but maybe not in its original form of a transition since the end of the Cold War. 5 Inleiding In oktober 2001 had Tayseer Alouni, correspondent bij Al-Jazeera, een interview met Osama Bin Laden. Een van de vragen in dit interview over de aanslagen op 11 september 2001 in New York luidde: “What is your assessment of the Arabic reaction and the effects on the Islamic world? Some were joyous. Others said, ‘We can’t accept this. This is terrorism, not 1 Islam.” Hierop antwoordde Bin Laden: “The events proved the extent of terrorism that America exercises in the world. Bush stated that the world has to be divided in two: Bush and his supporters, and any country that doesn’t get into the global crusade is with the terrorists. What terrorism is clearer than this? Many governments were forced to support this ‘new terrorism.’ They had to go along with this although they knew that we are defending our brothers and defending our sacred values (…). Just as they're killing us, we have to kill them so that there will be a balance of terror. This is the first time the balance of terror has been close between the two parties, between Muslims and Americans, in the modern age. American politicians used to do whatever they wanted with us.”2 Bin Laden doelde met de ‘global crusade’ op de zogenaamde War on Terror, uitgeroepen door President George W. Bush naar aanleiding van de aanslagen door al-Qaeda op de Twin Towers op 11 september 2001. De War on Terror behelsde de nationale veiligheidspolitiek van de Verenigde Staten en leidde uiteindelijk tot de Amerikaanse invallen in Afghanistan, ‘Operation Enduring Freedom’ in 2001, en in Irak, ‘Operation Iraqi Freedom’, in 2003.3 Irak werd als geografische thuisbasis gezien voor de terroristen achter 11 september.4 Daarnaast was President Bush van mening dat Saddam Hussein al-Qaeda en andere terroristische organisaties zou steunen en zo een bedreiging voor de Amerikaanse veiligheid vormde. Door Irak binnen te vallen en het regime van Hussein ten val te brengen, zou dit gevaar geweken zijn5: “The United States would punish not just the perpetrator of the attacks, but also those who harbored them”, zoals beschreven staat in The 9/11 Commission Report.6 President Bush had met de War on Terror als doel voor ogen elke terroristische organisatie die een bedreiging voor de Verenigde Staten vormde uit te schakelen, te beginnen met al-Qaeda: “Our war on terror begins with al Qaeda, but it does not end there. It will not end until every terrorist group 1 http://edition.cnn.com/2002/WORLD/asiapcf/south/02/05/binladen.transcript/index.html. 2 Ibidem. 3 S.D. Reese en S.C. Lewis, ‘Framing the War on Terror: The internationalization of policy in the US press’, in Journalism 10/6 (2009), 777. 4 Ibidem, 779. 5 W.A. Murray en G. Parker, ‘The Post-War World 1945-2007’, in G. Parker, Cambridge Illustrated History of Warfare – Revised and Updated (Cambridge 2012), 378. 6 9/11 Commission, The 9/11 Commission Report: The Attack From Planning To Aftermath, 454. 6 of global reach has been found, stopped, and defeated.”7 Magnus Ranstorp en Graeme P. Herd omschrijven de War on Terror als een schaduwoorlog zonder duidelijke fysieke grenzen. Er zou in plaats daarvan sprake zijn van een ideologisch strijdfront.8 Dit front zou men te lijf willen gaan door de rol van religieuze leiders en figuren die extremisme prediken te beperken, banden tussen deze (sleutel)figuren en de aanhangers te verbreken, en gematigde tegenstanders van deze extremisten te steunen. Ook moest het publiek van het extreme gedachtegoed geïsoleerd worden.9 Volgens Olivier Roy, auteur van het boek Globalized Islam dat in 2004 werd gepubliceerd, wordt de strijd tegen het terrorisme echter nog altijd begrepen in termen van grondgebied en staten. Hoewel internationale terroristische of jihadistische groeperingen geen nationaal gebied te verdedigen hebben, wordt een regulier leger in de War on Terror wel ingezet om een gebied in te nemen of een staat te vernietigen. Dit zou volgens Roy zijn om het gebied om te vormen tot een democratische staat waarmee uiteindelijk door militaire interventie een domino-effect in de regio zou ontstaan. Hiermee zou er in het Midden-Oosten vrede kunnen komen en de steun voor terrorisme ingeperkt worden. Roy betoogt dat in de strategie van de War on Terror het territoriale element ontbreekt: “The concept of a world Muslim ummah10 as a geostrategic actor is nonsense”.11 Doordat er geen territorium voor de strijd is, is het ook lastig om de vijand te verslaan: “It is not an external or territorial foe to be dealt with by military action but rather the object of police action and internal security.”12 Al lang vóór het uitroepen van de War on Terror was er sprake van een soort strijd tussen de islam en ‘het Westen’. Samuel Huntington beschreef deze strijd aan het einde van de Koude Oorlog als een clash of civilizations. De traditionele conventionele manier van oorlogvoering, waarbij twee legers op een slagveld tegenover elkaar stonden, ging hierbij niet meer op; in plaats daarvan was er geen vast conflictgebied, noch een uitgesproken en herkenbare vijand waartegen gevochten werd. Bepaalde fundamentele islamitische groeperingen, waaronder al-Qaeda, voerden al langer zo’n metafysische strijd, ook wel de ‘geglobaliseerde jihad’ genoemd. In het boek Landscapes of the Jihad beschrijft Faisal Devji (1964-) op een kernachtige manier het concept van deze geglobaliseerde jihad.
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