Is Writing As Much Phonological As Speaking?: Homophone Usage Across Speaking and Writing
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Psychologia, 2004, 47, 1–9 IS WRITING AS MUCH PHONOLOGICAL AS SPEAKING?: HOMOPHONE USAGE ACROSS SPEAKING AND WRITING Chang H. LEE1), Kichun NAM2) 1)Pusan National University, Korea, 2)Korea University, Korea and James W. PENNEBAKER3) 3)University of Texas at Austin, U.S.A. Homophone usage was compared between speaking and writing across two sets of experiments. In the first set of studies 101 introductory students talked into a video camera about an emotional attitudinal issue – once in a way that supported their view and another time that was opposite to their view. In a different session, 44 different students performed the same task but wrote their views on paper. In the second set of studies, individuals interacted with a person whom they had never met either orally in person (N=62) or on a computer chat system where they typed to one another (N=124). Similar amounts of homophones were used across the two verbal processes, although more high frequency homophones were used in speaking than in writing. These results suggest that phonological processing do play a major role in writing. Key words: homophone, speaking, writing, lexical selection, context, LIWC When we are writing, we sometimes phonologically preactivate and rehearse the text to be written. This conscious phenomenon is especially true when writing demands delicate composition. The product of writing itself, however, is an orthographic form. Thus, the question that naturally arises about the writing process is what the role of phonological information is, and which form of information plays the main role in writing. This question is related to the traditionally important question about the role of phonology in language, and especially in reading. There have been debates on whether the main process of reading is phonological, orthographic, or both. Researchers supporting the phonological recoding hypothesis argue that phonological information is necessary to access the meaning of a word and is dominant over the orthographic information in word recognition (e.g., Lee & Turvey, 2003; Lukatela, Eaton, Lee, & Turvey, 2001; Lukatela, Frost, & Turvey, 1999; Lukatela & Turvey, 1991, 1993, 1994, 2000; Perfetti & Bell, 1991). The researchers supporting the dual-route hypothesis argue Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Chang H. Lee, Department of Psychology, Pusan National University, 30 Changjeon-Dong, Keumjeong-Ku, Pusan, 609-735, South Korea (e-mail: [email protected]) or Kichun Nam, Department of Psychology, Korea University, 5 Anam-Dong, SungBuk-Ku, 136-100, South Korea ([email protected]). Preparation of this manuscript was made possible by a grant from the National Institutes of Health, U.S.A. (MH59321). 1 2 LEE, NAM, & PENNEBAKER that all but very low frequency words are processed orthographically and that the orthographic information is dominant over the phonological information (e.g., Coltheart, 1978; Coltheart, Curtis, Atkins, & Haller, 1993, Rastle & Coltheart, 1999; Seidenberg, Waters, Barnes, Tanenhaus, 1984). Because reading and writing are like opposite sides of a coin, either type of processing would be the main form of information in writing. Researchers have used homophones (e.g., break and brake) as the main stimuli when investigating whether reading is done by the phonological or orthographical basis. The confusion across the two types of homophones in the semantic categorization and the facilitation of one homophone by the other counterpart has been regarded as the main evidence supporting the phonological recoding in reading. Since homophones were used as the main stimuli to investigate the role of phonology in reading, their usage in writing could be used as a clue for the role of phonology in writing. Because homophones elicit confusion when only the phonological form is activated, the use of homophones in writing would be discouraged to the degree that phonology plays a major role. In contrast, if orthographic information plays a dominant role in comparison with phonological information, the use of homophones in writing – as opposed to speaking – would be no problem because of the different orthographic forms between two possible forms of homophones. A simple test of the phonological basis of homophones would be to compare their usage in natural spoken language versus written language. If orthographic information plays a significant role in writing, homophone usage would be no obstacle in writing, allowing more homophone usage in writing than in speaking. This is because homophones have different spelling, making them no difficulty in writing if writing depends on orthographic processing. In contrast, if phonological information plays a significant role in writing, the base rates of homophone usage in writing would be fewer than in speaking. This hypothesis is based on the assumption that the phonological recoding is automatically executed in writing as well as in reading. The homophone would elicit phonological confusion in writing, reducing the usage of that kind of words. The current study attempts to count out the number of homophones in various speaking and writing sample to address the question of information in these two verbal processes. Obviously, homophones can be divided into high frequency and low frequency usage homophones. The pairs of homophones in which both members of homophones are high frequency (e.g., their and there) are the central focus of our study because two members would create significant competition. In contrast, when one member of a homophone pair is low frequency (e.g., air and heir), usage of the high frequency homophone (i.e., air) would not be relatively difficult because of less competition between the two members. In addition, there is the possibility that people might not even know the low frequency homophone (Star & Fleming, 2001), eliciting scarce use of this type of homophones in daily life. In the present study, data from previously conducted experiments were reanalyzed to determine the base rates of homophone usage in writing versus speaking. The permission of reanalyzing the data came from Dr. Pennebaker, who has the copyright and is one of the authors in the previous studies. In the first pair of studies, separate groups of students HOMOPHONE USAGE IN SPEAKING AND WRITING 3 were asked to either write about their true and false views on a controversial topic (abortion) or were asked to talk aloud about the same topic to another person while they were videotaped. Both groups of students, then, were addressing the same topics and only differed in writing versus speaking them. In the second pair of studies, college students who had never met interacted with one another orally or over a laboratory-based computer chat system. The pairs of participants then only differed in their getting-to-know each other by talking (and seeing each other) or by writing. For the present study, the percentage of homophones used as a function of total number of words written or spoken were calculated using a computerized text analysis program, Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count, or LIWC (Pennebaker, Francis, & Booth, 2001). In addition to overall homophone usage, six categories of homophone subtypes were also designated. Specifically, homophones could be divided into different categories by their relative frequency, and by their orthographic similarity. In terms of their relative frequency, frequency of the two possible homophones can be both high frequency words, or one is low frequency and the other is high frequency, or both low frequency words. Overall, 128 homophones are selected from a corpus of 3625 homophones constructed by Hobbs (1993). Another criterion was that only the homophones that were used in the previous language researches were selected. The range of low frequency homophone was set to frequencies of less than 32 per million (Pexman, Lupker, & Jared, 2001), and the frequency count were based on the Kucera and Francis’ word frequency count (1967). The range of high frequency homophone was set to frequencies of more than 64 per million. Four different categories of homophones were created according to their relative frequency. In terms of orthographic similarity, some homophones are one letter different from each other (e.g., feet and feat), whereas other homophones are two or more letters different from each other (e.g., way and weigh). It was expected that if orthographic information played a dominant role in writing, then it would be probable that this might encourage a greater usage of two-letter different homophones than one-letter different ones. STUDY 1: ATTITUDES ABOUT ABORTION IN WRITING AND IN SPEAKING For the present study, data from a project on the detection of deception were reanalyzed (Newman, Pennebaker, Berry, & Richards, 2003). In the original project, participants from two separate experiments were asked to either talk about or write about their true attitudes as well as their false attitudes about abortion. Method Participants: In the first of two studies (the talking study), 101 introductory psychology students (54 males, 47 females) participated as part of an extra credit option. Overall, approximately 75% favored abortion. In the second experiment – the writing study – which was run one year later, 44 introductory psychology students (18 males and 26 females, approximately 70% reported favoring abortion) participated as part of a similar extra credit option. No one participated in both studies. Linguistic data from all participants are included in the analyses. 4 LEE, NAM, & PENNEBAKER Table 1. The Mean Percentage and Standard Deviations for the Six Homophone Categories Across Speaking and Writing in Study 1 Speaking Writing Mean (SD) Mean (SD) Homophone 3.96 (2.34) 3.79 (1.73) H-H Frequency 3.37 (2.20) 2.75 (1.54) H-L Frequency 1< 1< L-H Frequency 1< 1< L-L Frequency 1< 1< 1 Letter differ 1< 1< 2 Letter differ 2.67 (2.01) 2.04 (1.31) Procedure: Students in the talking study volunteered for a study dealing with attitudes among college students.