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Administrative Proliferation in Kerinci Valley, Jambi Province, Sumatra, Indonesia

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Administrative Proliferation in Kerinci Valley, Jambi Province, Sumatra, Indonesia THE SECRET VALLEY DIVIDED: ADMINISTRATIVE PROLIFERATION IN KERINCI VALLEY, JAMBI PROVINCE, SUMATRA, INDONESIA Keith Andrew Bettinger1* 1Department of Geography, University of Hawaii, United States * Corresponding Author. Email: [email protected] Received: 09th July 2013; Accepted: 19th November 2013 ABSTRACT After the fall of president Suharto Indonesia implemented sweeping decentralization reforms with the goal of rebalancing powers and responsibilities between the central government and the regions. Among the raft of new laws was legislation that allowed for increased proliferation (pemekaran) at the district/municipality and provincial level. In theory administrative proliferation would increase citizen participation and efficiency in governance. After 12 years the number of districts in Indonesia has nearly doubled, but there are indications that the performance of new regions is not living up to expectations. This paper examines one case: the creation of the administrative municipality of Sungai Penuh, which was split off from Kerinci District, Jambi Province, Sumatra, in 2009. I find that the process of new region creation in Kerinci has been dominated by local elites and has actually decreased unity within the district and has given rise to a movement to further sub-divide the district. The implementation of pemekaran created new tensions, and very likely will undermine the medium and long-term prospects for development in the region. © 2013 Journal of Rural Indonesia [JoRI] IPB. All rights reserved. Keywords: administrative proliferation; decentralization; indonesia; elite capture; reformasi Introduction abundant natural resources, including coal Kerinci valley in central Sumatra has and gold deposits as well as geothermal long been known for its scenic beauty, resources. The area is also known for its cultural diversity, and agricultural history of interethnic conflicts (Andaya productivity. The "Secret Valley" of 1993, Kathirithamby-Wells 1986, Watson Sumatra (Natividad and Neidel, 2003) is 1984) and its fractious and corrupt politics, located between two branches of the Bukit but in the past few years things seem to Barisan mountains, a volcanic range that have taken a turn for the worse. The bisect the island. The valley is blessed by district's recent birthday celebration was fertile volcanic soils, cool climate, and marked by student protests demanding an Copyright © 2013, JoRI: Journal of Rural Indonesia ISSN: 2356-1890 | E-ISSN: 2356-1882 Journal of Rural Indonesia, 1 (1), 2013, 68 - 86 end to corruption, collusion, and nepotism administrative municipalities (Firman 2009) and the district's executive headman over the course of a decade, and in late (bupati) has recently been reported to the 2012 the central government's moratorium central government's Corruption on the creation of new regions was lifted, Eradication Commission (Komisi opening the door for a new round of Pemberantasan Koropsi, KPK) for misuse administrative proliferation. of funds intended to aid disaster victims. This article examines explores one case The politics of Kerinci kabupaten are a of pemekaran: the establishment of kota capsule of all of the growing pains Sungai Penuh, which was split off from its associated with Indonesia's ongoing "mother district" (kabupaten induk) of decentralization experiment. Though Kerinci in 2009. Though the official decentralization was meant to improve justification for the split was to increase the accountability, decrease corruption, and efficiency and provision of public services, give citizens more control of their political the process has been marked by charges of destinies, the results have been the opposite corruption, collusion, and nepotism. in many places, including Kerinci. One Furthermore the resulting split has caused particular aspect of decentralization, far more problems than it has solved; administrative proliferation (pemekaran), Kerinci kabupaten has experienced an has played a key role in providing new increase in rent-seeking while the capacity opportunities for the emergence of local of the government to serve its citizens has political machines and rent seeking as well actually decreased. Old ethnic rivalries as causing old inter-ethnic rivalries to come have resurfaced due to the fact that the to the surface. political spoils of pemekaran have been Since the onset of decentralization, unevenly distributed, and the door has been pemekaran has played a major role in the opened for still more administrative redrawing of the Indonesian political proliferation despite efforts on the part of landscape. The national law facilitating the central government to reign in new pemekaran (Government Regulation district formation. I use media accounts, a 129/2000) was part of the aforementioned review of policy documents, interviews series of decentralization reforms passed with key actors in government as well as shortly after the end of Suharto's predatory the media and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and basic statistics Orde Baru (New Order) regime. The new regulation led to a mushrooming of new to make the argument that pemekaran has polities in Indonesia; pemekaran was so run counter to the goals and aims of rampant that beginning in 2004 the central reformasi. government took steps to limit the The broader conclusion is that turning expanding powers of the regions and to to the local cannot be an end in itself, and slow the establishment of new regions decentralizing political and administrative (Bunte 2009). However by 2009 there were control is not sufficient to guarantee the 33 provinces (propinsi) and 405 districts outcomes hoped for by decentralization (kabupatens) and 97 administrative optimists. Decentralization is municipalities (kotas1), an increase of 7 fundamentally a realignment of power provinces, 153 districts, and 31 relations2. Decentralization changes who is Copyright © 2013, JoRI: Journal of Rural Indonesia ISSN: 2356-1890 | E-ISSN: 2356-1882 Journal of Rural Indonesia, 1 (1), 2013, 69 - 86 in charge, who makes the rules, who different than anticipated. Nowhere are the enforces them, and who benefits from them. unintended results of decentralization more Indonesia is an ideal “laboratory” for apparent than the Kerinci Valley. testing ideas on decentralization since the Over the years scholars have debated move to decentralize there has been so the positives and negatives of extreme, and the new political landscape of decentralization. Proponents of Kerinci kabupaten and kota Sungai Penuh decentralization argue that it can increase are an instructive case study offering efficiency in governance and public lessons for improving the decentralization participation whereas critics of the reforms. Moreover, it has been more than a decentralization trend argue that there is decade since the implementation of scant evidence to suggest that decentralization reforms was initiated; this decentralization reforms deliver what they article expands on theoretical arguments promise. More nuanced views suggest that and prognostications to examine whether the success of decentralization reforms the promises of reformasi have been depends on numerous factors at different fulfilled. scales from the national to the local. Based Background on theoretical literature and empirical Desentralisasi is the Indonesian studies, several general prerequisites to expression describing the raft of legislative, successful decentralization have emerged. fiscal, and administrative reforms forged in One of these is that decentralization must an attempt to create a new system of ensure downward accountability, i.e. those governance. The vertically-articulated empowered by decentralization reforms networks of patronage that typified the must be accountable to their constituents Suharto regime have been targeted, and rather than to those in higher echelons of now, with the help of landmark legislation, government (Agrawal and Ribot, 1999). Indonesia’s 400-plus kabupatens and kotas Rondinelli and Nellis (1986) assert that all are theoretically freer and more responsive levels of government must support the to their constituents. But though the fall of decentralization measures. This includes Suharto had been a long time in coming, the not only the legislative branch, which is endgame was abrupt and caught many responsible for passing the enabling laws, unprepared (Hadiz, 2004). Capacity but also the executive branch, which must building at the kabupaten level to prepare carry out the laws, and the judiciary, which for new powers and responsibilities was is tasked with interpreting the law and negligible (Thornburn, 2002), and mediating conflicts. They write that a confusion as to the extent of the laws tradition of local autonomy is an important implementing decentralization marked factor as well. Lowry (2001) suggests that reformasi's first few years. Thus "implementation gaps" caused by friction Indonesia’s decentralization experiment is between central and regional governments unique in that it is in essence a reaction can lead to inefficiency in decentralization against decades of authoritarianism and reforms, and so effective mechanisms to corruption. More cathartic cleansing than ensure good inter-governmental relations charted course for reform the must be a central consideration in implementation of the reforms has been less decentralization. Guess (2005) underscores than smooth, and the results have been Copyright © 2013, JoRI: Journal of Rural Indonesia ISSN: 2356-1890 | E-ISSN: 2356-1882
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