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La Démocratie Sociale À L'épreuve De La Crise

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La Démocratie Sociale À L'épreuve De La Crise La démocratie sociale à l’épreuve de la crise Un essai de comparaison internationale Frédéric Lerais ; Jean‐Marie Pernot ; Udo Rehfeldt ; Catherine Vincent avec le concours de J. Faniel, M. Capron et B. Conter, N. Prokovas, B. Nacsa et L. Neumann Juillet 2013 Ce rapport est issu d’une commande de la CGT intitulée : « la démocratie sociale à l’épreuve de la crise en Europe et dans le monde ». Ce projet est cofinancé par l’Union européenne. DG emploi, affaires sociales et inclusion. Institut de Recherches Economiques et Sociales 16, boulevard du Mont-d’Est – 93192 NOISY-LE-GRAND CEDEX +33 (0)1 48 15 18 90 ¬ +33 (0)1 48 15 19 18 www.ires-fr.org 1 2 SOMMAIRE INTRODUCTION.................................................................................................................. 5 PARTIE I : SYNTHESE .......................................................................................................... 7 1. La démocratie sociale, une notion à contours variables................................................ 7 2. La crise de 2008 et ses répercussions dans le monde.................................................... 9 3. Europe : tendances communes et différenciations....................................................... 10 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 22 PARTIE II : MONOGRAPHIES............................................................................................... 25 ALLEMAGNE....................................................................................................................... 25 1. Les fondements de la démocratie sociale allemande.................................................... 25 2. La réactivation de la démocratie sociale dans la crise................................................... 28 Conclusion......................................................................................................................... 32 BELGIQUE........................................................................................................................... 37 1. Une concertation sociale bien établie, mais qui s’est transformée............................... 37 2. Un contexte de crises multiples...................................................................................... 39 3. 2008‐2013 : d’un accord difficile à une absence d’accord.............................................. 40 Conclusion.......................................................................................................................... 43 ESPAGNE............................................................................................................................. 47 1. La construction d’une démocratie sociale compatible avec l’Europe........................... 47 2. La crise révélatrice des faiblesses du modèle économique et social espagnol............. 50 3. Une réforme radicale de la négociation collective qui menace la pérennité de la démocratie sociale................................................................................................. 54 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 55 FRANCE.............................................................................................................................. 63 1. Un renforcement paradoxal du dialogue interprofessionnel........................................ 63 2. La négociation de branche............................................................................................ 67 3. La négociation d’entreprise, nouveau navire amiral..................................................... 69 4. Ambigüités de la démocratie sociale à la française....................................................... 71 GRECE................................................................................................................................ 77 1. Crise et châtiment......................................................................................................... 77 2. Déficit de justice et de démocratie sociales.................................................................. 85 Conclusion......................................................................................................................... 91 HONGRIE........................................................................................................................... 95 1. The reduction of social democracy and the weakening or the unions through 3 The new labour legislation............................................................................................ 96 2. The reduction of individual employee rights................................................................ 103 3. Decreasing wages due to the new law......................................................................... 106 Conclusion........................................................................................................................ 107 ITALIE............................................................................................................................... 111 1. Les fondements de démocratie sociale italienne ....................................................... 111 2. L’économie italienne dans la crise.............................................................................. 112 3. L’accord tripartite « séparé » de 2009 sur la réforme du système contractuel.......... 113 4. Le « pacte pour la croissance » de septembre 2010 : retour à l’unité syndicale........ 114 5. L’accord interconfédéral unitaire du 28 juin 2011 sur la représentativité................ 114 6. Le décret du 13 août 2011 sur la négociation « de proximité » : dernière Action du gouvernement Berlusconi.......................................................................... 115 7. L’abolition de l’art. 18 du Statut des travailleurs sur les licenciements abusifs Par le gouvernement Monti : la CGIL de nouveau isolée........................................... 106 8. Le « pacte pour la productivité » de novembre 2012 et l’accord d’application Interconfédéral d’avril 2013 : nouveau retour à l’unité syndicale............................. 116 9. L’accord interconfédéral unitaire de mai 2013 sur la négociation de branche ........ 117 Conclusion..................................................................................................................... 117 Résumé………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 122 4 INTRODUCTION1 Partout dans le monde l’insécurité économique des travailleurs progresse et, avec elle, le chômage et les inégalités. Le BIT estime que 27 millions de chômeurs supplémentaires ont été produits depuis 2008 et que le nombre de personnes occupant un « emploi vulnérable » dépasse désormais le milliard et demi (IILS, 2012). La précarité et le travail informel ne cessent de s’étendre et, là où ils existent, c'est‐à‐dire dans une partie minoritaire du monde, les systèmes de protection sociale connaissent des attaques sans précédent depuis l’après‐seconde guerre mondiale qui les avait pour la plupart vus naître. L’année 2008 apparaît bien comme un moment décisif. La crise du système financier a mis alors en branle une spirale de déséquilibres et de tensions qui se sont diffusés dans la presque totalité du monde. Pour autant, la crise n’est pas simplement une crise financière, elle est l’expression de la crise du type de capitalisme mis en place depuis les années 1980, ce capitalisme que l’on a appelé néolibéral et qui, sous des formes diverses, s’est étendu à une grande partie des pays de la planète après l’effondrement du système soviétique et le tournant chinois vers l’économie de marché. La CGT a demandé à l’IRES de mener une réflexion autour de la notion de démocratie sociale et plus exactement de mesurer en quoi l’existence de dispositifs participatifs, associant peu ou prou les travailleurs à la conduite des politiques publiques ou des politiques d’entreprises, sont ou non un facteur de différenciation dans les modes de gestion de la crise depuis 2008. Le chantier est vaste et nous nous garderons d’embrasser l’ensemble du monde. Ce rapport comporte deux parties : la première partie est une synthèse ; la seconde regroupe des monographies de sept pays de l’Union européenne : Allemagne, Belgique, Espagne, France, Grèce, Hongrie, Italie. Par son thème (la démocratie sociale) mais aussi par les contraintes de temps de l’étude présentée ici, celle‐ci est principalement centrée sur l’Europe. 1 Une première partie de l’étude a été présentée à la conférence transnationale du 17 mars 2013 à Toulouse. 5 6 Partie I : Synthèse Dans cette partie, nous aborderons brièvement quatre points : (1) définir ce que l’on entend par démocratie sociale ; (2) recadrer sommairement le contexte des politiques économiques et sociales dans le monde depuis 2008 ; (3) caractériser les convergences et les divergences en Europe (4) esquisser enfin quelques pistes sur le lien entre démocratie sociale et gestion de la crise, sachant, disons‐le d’entrée, que celle‐ci est loin d’être terminée et que ce propos ne peut être que provisoire. 1. La démocratie sociale, une notion à contours variables La notion de démocratie sociale fait retour depuis quelques années dans les débats français où elle manque souvent de précision. Dans une approche comparative, la notion peine à être traduite dans d’autres langues. En anglais ou en allemand, la traduction de « démocratie sociale » » se dit « social democracy » ou « Sozialdemokratie
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