Urban Social Movements and Their Struggles Towards the Right to The

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Urban Social Movements and Their Struggles Towards the Right to The Urban Social Movements and Their Struggles Towards the ‘Right to the City’. Protest and Creativity as Determinant Features of Democratic Cities in Germany and Brazil. Dissertation zur Erlangung des akademischen Grades doctor rerum naturalium (Dr. rer. nat.) vorgelegt dem Rat der Chemisch-Geowissenschaftlichen Fakultät der Friedlich-Schiller-Universität Jena von M. Sc. Hiram Souza Fernandes geboren am 06.05.1985 in Cuiabá – Brasilien Gutachter: 1. Prof. Dr. Benno Werlen, Lehrstuhl f. Sozialgeographie, Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena 2. Prof. Dr. Wendel Henrique Baumgartner, Universidade Federal da Bahia - Brasilien Tag der Verteidigung: 24.10.2018 Zusammenfassung Das Hauptziel dieser Doktorarbeit ist es, die geographischen Konstruktionen von Subjekten und sozialen Akteuren, die zu Gruppen und Kollektiven gehören, in Bezug auf die Produktionsprozesse des urbanen Raums, zu verstehen. Diese Gruppen, die hier als urbane soziale Bewegungen verstanden werden, haben das Ziel, sich ein gerechtes und egalitäres städtisches Leben zu erkämpfen. Dieser Kampf wird hier durch die Idee des „Rechts auf Stadt“ repräsentiert. Dieses Konzept wurde erstmals von dem französischen Soziologen Henri Lefebvre nach den Ereignissen und Demonstrationen im Mai 1968 in mehreren europäischen Städten, die einen Meilenstein in der Geschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts dargestellt haben, ausgearbeitet. Diese Bewegungen suchten unter anderem nach Lösungen für die existenzielle Krise, die vor allem in städtischen Umgebungen herrschte und die das auf den Idealen des keynesianischen Staates basierende politisch-ökonomische System nicht mehr lösen konnte. Der Staat wurde zunehmend geschwächt und seine Unfähigkeit, die Probleme der Bevölkerung zu lösen, gibt der Marktwirtschaft – durch das Finanzkapital – die Macht, die Organisation der Gesellschaft zu verwalten und zu lenken. Hierin beginnt die Ära der Vorherrschaft des Kapitals, der Marktwirtschaft und damit der Privatinitiative, die von dem als Neoliberalismus bekannten Diskurs von Wohlstand und Freiheit getragen wird. Mit der fortschreitenden Entwicklung des Neoliberalismus sowie den Prozessen der Globalisierung und Urbanisierung verschärften sich die Probleme des urbanen Lebens. Segregation, Fragmentierung, Armut, Gewalt, Hoffnungslosigkeit und Hilflosigkeit bilden den lebensweltlichen Hintergrund für einen größeren Teil der Menschheit am Ende des 20. Jahrhunderts und in diesen frühen Jahren des 21. Jahrhunderts. Urbane soziale Bewegungen waren in dieser Zeit der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts und Anfang des 21. Jahrhunderts immer in bemerkenswerter Weise präsent und konstituierten sich als unentbehrliche soziale Akteure bei der Gestaltung der Gesellschaft. Jedoch wurden diese sozialen Bewegungen in einigen regionalen Kontexten, wie Lateinamerika, und in jüngerer Zeit in Nordafrika, von diktatorischen Regimen brutal unterdrückt und gewaltsam bekämpft. Mit der Stagnation der Wirtschaft und der Unhaltbarkeit der existenziellen urbanen Krise, die über den Globus zog, begann der Neoliberalismus zu Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts zusammenzubrechen, wodurch die Rolle der sozialen Bewegungen in diesem Zusammenhang immer wichtiger wird. In Anbetracht der Tatsache, dass sowohl der Staat als auch die Marktwirtschaft es versäumt haben, die Gesellschaft zu führen, fordern diese urbanen sozialen Bewegungen nun die Kontrolle und das Management ihres eigenen Lebens und Schicksals zurück. Zu diesem Zweck mussten diese Bewegungen sich jedoch durch neue Taktiken, neue Strategien und die Anpassung alter Techniken an den Einsatz neuer Techniken neu erfinden. Dies ist daher der Kern dieser Forschung: die Rolle und die neuen Handlungsstrategien dieser Gruppen und sozialen Kollektive zu verstehen und darüber nachzudenken, wie der Stadtraum von diesen gesellschaftlichen Akteuren in der heutigen Welt produziert und konstruiert wird. Angesichts des wachsenden Einflusses von Globalisierungsprozessen auf die heutige Gesellschaft und ihrer Auswirkungen auf die lokale Ebene, werden diese Bewegungen in zwei unterschiedlichen urbanen Kontexten analysiert: die Städte Recife in Brasilien und Hamburg in Deutschland. Contents Introduction 1 1. “City” in theoretical perspectives. From the production of space to the action centered geography making 13 1.1. Lefebvre’s theory of the production of space 15 1.1.1. Lefebvre’s tridimensional dialectic 16 1.1.2. The social production of space 20 1.1.3. Production of space: preliminary conclusive thoughts 28 1.2. Werlen’s action-centered theory of geography making 29 1.2.1. The constructivist approach 32 1.2.2. Action-centered social geography 34 1.2.3. Categories of action 38 1.2.4. The constitution of everyday regionalizations 41 1.3. Production of space and constitution of everyday regionalizations: interim conclusions 44 2. From neoliberal cities to the right to the city: facets of the urbanization process in times of globalization. 46 2.1. The neoliberal city: origin and historical approach 50 2.2. The close relationship between capitalist development and the urbanization process 55 2.3. The role of globalization 65 2.4. Urban problems: consequences of the neoliberal urban development 75 2.4.1. The anemia of public spaces 76 2.4.2. The fetishization of the automobile 79 2.4.3. Violence, insecurity, and fear 81 2.5. Right to the city as an answer to the devastating crisis of urban life 84 2.6. “Rebel Cities” 91 2.7. Urbanization process: interim conclusions 94 3. Urban social movements: the actors towards an outline for the right to the city 97 3.1. Social movements in times of the network digital age 103 3.2. The #occupy movement 106 3.3. Complicity and creativity: a tool for contemporary collective action? 109 3.4. Urban social movements: interim conclusions 112 4. Methodology 114 4.1. Qualitative social research 114 4.2. Methodological procedures, techniques, and tools 117 4.2.1. Direct observation 117 4.2.2. Qualitative-narrative interviews 118 4.3. Grounded theory: a method for interpretation of qualitative data 122 5. What About the right to the city in Recife? 126 5.1. Is Recife a “rebel city”? 129 5.2. The Actors Towards the right to the city in Recife 133 5.3. Theoretical analysis and empirical evidences of Recife’s rebelliousness 152 6. What About the right to the city in Hamburg? 162 6.1. Is Hamburg a “rebel city”? 164 6.2. The actors towards the right to the city in Hamburg 168 6.3. Theoretical analysis and empirical evidences of Hamburg’s rebelliousness 183 Conclusion 191 Bibliography 198 List of interviews 212 Acknowledgments 213 Introduction From the earliest times of civilization, cities, towns, and other rudimentary forms of settlements have served various purposes, such as commerce, defense, stockpiling, and the centralization of power. Later, the industrial revolution—basically at the end of the eighteenth century—led to massive urbanization and the rise of new large cities. As new opportunities were generated in these cities—attracting a large number of migrants from rural communities—a new urban way of life that was directly linked to the industrial production was thus characterized. Therefore, the urbanization process involves a shift in which urbanization ceases to be primarily induced by industrialization, to become an inducer of a new reality, in which the phenomenon goes beyond the factory and the production process, to permeate life in its multiple dimensions. It is a shift that amplifies and surpasses the notion of industrial production, to a moment in which the reproduction of capitalist development takes place also in other spheres, such as the everyday life. Herein, the beginning of the phenomenon of the urbanization of the society is thus epitomized and is—in our contemporary times—already a reality, as more than 3.9 billion people1—something around 54% of the world population—are living in urban areas today. It is important to emphasize that the new aspects of the contemporary urbanization in times of the digital revolution reveal themselves as a complex socio-spatial problem, in which new themes are juxtaposed, or there is a deepening of existing issues, which overcomes/creates new contradictions that can be understood as an invitation to reflection. Hence, urbanization requires new explanatory content in the face of the breakthrough of cities, the implosion of urban centers, and radical changes in the new socio-spatial relations that inhabitants of cities establish with one another in the public space and in everyday life. This is what Benno Werlen (2017) refers to as “social relations of space” that are evident in the current and historical possibilities and impossibilities of the sociogeographical conditions of social coexistence. For Werlen, “social relations of space determine the modi operandi (for acting over distance), based on the corporeal social practices that constructed sociocultural realities can take place” (ibid. 49). Based on this amalgam of social relations of space, it is necessary to think of the urban phenomenon in its totality, that is, its mutual and dialectical relations with the globalization process and the capitalist development. Thus, the urbanization of society is also a possibility opened by the urbanization process itself, which tends to expand—spatially and socially—on the planet, producing specific kinds of space and ways of life marked by relations that tend to overlap relationships of traditional life forms. Therefore, the urban 1 United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division (2015). World Urbanization
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