Church, Faith and Culture in the Medieval West
General Editors Brenda Bolton, Anne J. Duggan, and Damian J. Smith
About the series
The series Church, Faith and Culture in the Medieval West reflects the central concerns necessary for any in-depth study of the medieval Church – greater cultural awareness and interdisciplinarity. Including both monographs and edited collections, this new series draws on the most innovative work from established and younger scholars alike, offering a balance of interests, vertically though the period from c.400 to c.1500 or horizontally across Latin Christendom. Topics covered range from cultural history, the monastic life, relations between Church and State to law and ritual, palaeography and textual transmission. All authors, from a wide range of disciplinary backgrounds, share a commitment to innovation, analysis and historical accuracy.
About the volume
Ansgar and Rimbert, ninth-century bishops and missionaries to Denmark and Sweden, are fixtures of medieval ecclesiastical history. Rare is the survey that does not pause to mention their work among the pagan peoples of the North and their foundation of an archdiocese centered at Hamburg and Bremen. But Ansgar and Rimbert were also clever forgers who wove a complex tapestry of myths and half-truths about themselves and their mission. They worked with the tacit approval-if not the outright cooperation-of kings and popes to craft a fictional account of Ansgar’s life and work. The true story, very different from that found in our history books, has never been told: Ansgar did not found any archdiocese at all. Rather, the idea of Hamburg-Bremen only took root in the tenth century, and royal sponsorship of the mission to Denmark and Sweden ended with the death of Louis the Pious. This book couples detailed philological and diplomatic analysis with broader historical contextualization to overturn the consensus view on the basic reliability of the foundation documents and Rimbert’s Vita Anskarii. By revising our understanding of Carolingian northeastern expansion after Charlemagne, it provides new insight into the political and ecclesiastical history of early medieval Europe. This page has been left blank intentionally Ansgar, Rimbert and the Forged Foundations of Hamburg-Bremen Church, Faith and Culture in the Medieval West
General Editors Brenda Bolton, Anne J. Duggan and Damian J. Smith
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Pope Celestine III (1191–1198) Diplomat and Pastor Edited by John Doran and Damian J. Smith
Bishops, Texts and the Use of Canon Law around 1100 Essays in Honour of Martin Brett Edited by Bruce C. Brasington and Kathleen G. Cushing
Roma Felix – Formation and Reflections of Medieval Rome Edited by Éamonn Ó Carragáin and Carol Neuman de Vegvar
Art and the Augustinian Order in Early Renaissance Italy Edited by Louise Bourdua and Anne Dunlop
The Cult of St Katherine of Alexandria in Early Medieval Europe Christine Walsh
Miracles and Wonders The Development of the Concept of Miracle, 1150–1350 Michael E. Goodich Ansgar, Rimbert and the Forged Foundations of Hamburg-Bremen
Eric Knibbs Stephan Kuttner Institute of Medieval Canon Law, Germany First published 2011 by Ashgate Publishing
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British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Ansgar, Rimbert and the forged foundations of Hamburg-Bremen. – (Church, faith and culture in the medieval West) 1. Catholic Church. Archdiocese of Hamburg-Bremen–History–Sources. 2. Ansgar, Saint, Archbishop of Hamburg and Bremen, ca. 801–865. 3. Rimbert, Saint, Archbishop of Hamburg and Bremen, ca. 830–888. Vita Anskarii. 4. Missions–Germany–Saxony–History–To 1500. 5. Missions–Scandinavia–History–To 1500. 6. Church history–Middle Ages, 600–1500–Sources. 7. Catholic Church–Bishops–Biography. I. Series II. Knibbs, Eric. 282.4’3515’0902–dc22
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Knibbs, Eric. Ansgar, Rimbert, and the forged foundations of Hamburg-Bremen / Eric Knibbs. p. cm. — (Church, faith, and culture in the medieval West) Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index. ISBN 978-1-4094-2882-4 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Catholic Church. Archdiocese of Hamburg- Bremen—History. 2. Ansgar, Saint, Archbishop of Hamburg and Bremen, ca. 801–865. 3. Rimbert, Saint, Archbishop of Hamburg and Bremen, ca. 830–888. Vita Anskarii. 4. Missions—Europe, Northern— History—Middle Ages, 600–1500. 5. Europe, Northern—Church history. I. Title. BX1538.H35K65 2011 282’.43515—dc22 2011005818
ISBN 9781409428824 (hbk) ISBN 9781315567266 (ebk) Contents
Abbreviations ix Acknowledgments xi
1 Ansgar’s Predecessors 15
2 The Conquest of Saxony and Ebo’s Mission to the Danes 49
3 The Northern Mission in Transition, 830–834 71
4 Ansgar’s Failure in the North, 834–848 101
5 Ansgar, Bremen and the Pallium, 848–864 137
6 Rimbert and the Vita Anskarii 175
Conclusion 209
Appendix Peripheral Questions for the Early History of the Northern Mission 225
Bibliography 235 Index 251 This page has been left blank intentionally Abbreviations
AASS Acta Sanctorum BM Böhmer-Mühlbacher, Regesta Imperii Germ. Pont. Germania Pontificia JK, JE, JL Jaffé, Regesta Pontificum Mansi Jean-Dominique Mansi, Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova et Amplissima Collectio MGH Monumenta Germaniae Historica Capit. Capitularia Regum Francorum Conc. Concilia Epp. Epistolae DD Arn Diplomata regum Germaniae ex stirpe Karolinorum 3 (Arnolfi Diplomata) DD LD Diplomata regum Germaniae ex stirpe Karolinorum 1 (Ludowici Germanici Diplomata) DD Kar Diplomata Karolinorum Dt. MA Deutsches Mittelalter: Kritische Studientexte SS Scriptores (in folio) SS rer. Germ. Scriptores rerum Germanicarum SS rer. merov. Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum PL Jacques-Paul Migne, Patrologia Latina This page has been left blank intentionally Acknowledgments
I am above all indebted to Anders Winroth, who first suggested to me that there might be something wrong with the foundation documents for the archdiocese of Hamburg-Bremen. I have benefited from his enthusiasm and honest criticism throughout this project. I am also deeply grateful to Marcia L. Colish, Colleen Farrell, Paul H. Freedman, Walter A. Goffart, Erica Miao, Dame Janet L. Nelson, Edward Peters, Steven A. Schoenig and Thomas G. Waldman, all of whom have read drafts or provided invaluable advice, vastly improving the quality of this book. This page has been left blank intentionally Introduction
Sometime around the year 850, the prophet, bishop and missionary named Ansgar had a dream. He found himself walking in an unfamiliar city, looking for his former abbot, the long-dead Adalhard of Corvey. God in human form appeared to guide Ansgar, but refused to provide any advice. “You will find Adalhard by your own effort,” God said, “and no one may show him to you.” After some time Ansgar did find his old mentor, seated on a chair in a “shining and beautiful house.” Ansgar had a question but held it back, hoping to test Adalhard’s prophetic abilities. When Adalhard spoke he used only the words of Isaiah: “I have given thee to be the light of the Gentiles,” he said as Ansgar knelt before him, “that thou mayst be my salvation even to the end of the earth.”1 As it happened, Ansgar had already brought salvation to the end of the earth, which was considered to reach its northernmost extent in Sweden. A quarter-century before this dream, Ansgar had been a monk and schoolteacher at the royal Saxon monastery known as Corvey. He held this post for several years before the missionaries recruited him. After a brief attempt to convert the Danes Ansgar traveled to Sweden, where he preached around Birka and won a few converts. Hopes were high, and in the ensuing enthusiasm Ansgar was made a bishop; according to his biographer, Pope Gregory IV and Louis the Pious put him in charge of a new archdiocese centered at Hamburg. Ansgar expected to convert enough pagans to justify his fledgling ecclesiastical province; Louis believed that exporting Christianity to the Danes would bring stability to the northeastern border of his empire. Ansgar’s project was novel and exotic enough to raise new questions about the practical limits of Christianity. One of his subordinates wrote to the leading theologian Ratramnus of Corbie to ask whether one should preach Christianity to cynocephali, or dog-headed men, as well as to ordinary humans. Previous writers had considered the cynocephali to be simple beasts without souls, but Ansgar’s assistant had seen enough to make him wonder. They lived in villages, he said; they practiced agriculture, wore clothes, and even had pets.2
1 Rimbert, Vita Anskarii c. 25 (ed. Georg Waitz, MGH SS rer. Germ. [Hanover, 1884]), 55; the scriptural citation is Isaiah 49:6. 2 The curious assistant is Rimbert; his inquiry is lost but Ratramnus’s response survives (ed. MGH Epp. 6, 155–7). 2 Ansgar, Rimbert and the Forged Foundations of Hamburg-Bremen
Though Ratramnus agreed that they might be legitimate targets for conversion, even the simpler task of establishing Christianity among the Danes and the Swedes proved nearly impossible. Before long, Ansgar’s project was largely forgotten. Five years after the division of the Carolingian empire in 843, growing disorder north of the Elbe and a changing political environment forced Ansgar into retirement. He had to abandon his center of operations at Hamburg and take up residence at Bremen. Though the dream of Adalhard inspired him to return to Sweden in the early 850s, it had long become clear that the northern mission was an idea ahead of its time. In 864 Pope Nicholas I is supposed to have joined Bremen to Ansgar’s old see at Hamburg, creating the archdiocese of Hamburg-Bremen. In conception Ansgar’s province was the largest in all of Christendom. In reality it was the smallest, consisting of little more than a handful of churches along the Elbe river, and one each in Denmark and Sweden.
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Frankish missions have been the object of critical study for centuries; from Willibrord to Boniface, the great missionaries of the early Middle Ages are well known. Yet Ansgar has not attracted as much attention as his eighth- century predecessors. His story belongs nearer the end than the beginning of Frankish missionary history, and it is more about failure than success. Despite his biographer’s assurances, we can be fairly certain that Ansgar did not convert many pagans. Nor can Hamburg-Bremen be compared favorably to the other ecclesiastical institutions that the Franks founded east of the Rhine. It was a weak and stunted archdiocese, with few assets and no suffragans. No sooner had it taken shape than its archbishops found themselves in a dispute with the archbishops of Cologne over control of the diocese of Bremen. Still later, the archdiocese became caught between opposing papal and imperial agendas during the pontificate of Gregory VII. Nevertheless, Ansgar’s project marked a new moment in the history of Europe, and not just because he was the first to preach Christianity at the earth’s edge. Before Ansgar, evangelization had been secondary to conquest; the Franks used conversion to consolidate control of new lands after their army had defeated the locals. The mission to the Danes represents Louis’s effort to make this familiar process work in reverse: Christianity would go where Louis’s troops could not and political influence would follow in its wake. Though the project failed, it led to the foundation of the first metropolitan see beyond the old borders of the Roman Empire. The events surrounding the foundation of Hamburg-Bremen Introduction 3 are thus an important chapter in the parallel histories of Frankish expansion and the spread of Christianity in the ninth century.
* * *
Hamburg-Bremen had no shortage of early historians. Our earliest information comes from Ansgar himself, who circulated a collection of documents relating to the high points of his career in 864, just before his death. Not long afterwards, his disciple and successor Rimbert wrote the Vita Anskarii. In forty-two chapters, this Vita covers not only Ansgar’s life but also the wider circumstances of the Carolingian missions to the Danes and the Swedes. For some of this history Rimbert is obviously dependant upon Ansgar’s documents, though he also adds information of his own. Finally, around the turn of the tenth century, an anonymous writer produced the Vita Rimberti, a brief account of Rimbert’s life that in turn depends heavily on the Vita Anskarii.3 Together, these sources tell much the same story about Ansgar and Hamburg- Bremen. Each claims that Charlemagne had planned a northern archdiocese as early as 810, six years after his final Saxon victory. Though content to divide much of the new land between the adjacent dioceses of Verden and Bremen, Charlemagne is said to have reserved the territory beyond the Elbe for a new diocese. He built a church there and had it consecrated by the bishop Amalar of Trier; afterwards, he entrusted it to the priest Heridag, who died before Charlemagne could have him made a bishop. We read that, upon succeeding his father, Louis the Pious divided the proto-diocese between Verden and Bremen and sent Archbishop Ebo of Reims to evangelize the Danes. Ansgar joined Ebo from Corvey in 826, when Harald, the pretender to the Danish throne, was baptized at Mainz. After an early period teaching boys in Ebo’s missionary school, Ansgar traveled further north to bring the Gospel to the Swedes. In 831 he returned to Louis’s court and reported on the success of his efforts, at which point Louis remembered his father’s plans for a diocese in the North. Our sources tell us that he withdrew the territory beyond the Elbe from the jurisdiction of Verden and Bremen and, with the consent of a synod, established an archiepiscopal see at Hamburg. Ansgar was consecrated by the archbishop Drogo of Metz, and then departed on the emperor’s order to Rome. When he arrived, Pope Gregory IV issued a privilege making Ansgar his legate and granting him the pallium. Afterwards Ansgar preached in Denmark and brought many to the faith, while Ebo sent his nephew Gauzbert to continue
3 Rimbert, Vita Anskarii (ed. Waitz), 1–79; Vita Rimberti (ed. Georg Waitz, MGH SS rer. Germ. [Hanover, 1884]), 80–100. For Ansgar’s document collection see Rimbert, Vita Anskarii c. 41 (ed. Waitz), 75, and 71–3 below. 4 Ansgar, Rimbert and the Forged Foundations of Hamburg-Bremen work among the Swedes. In the year 845, the city of Hamburg was devastated by Vikings. Ansgar and his clergy wandered with the relics of their saints for several years, until Louis the German could settle them at Bremen. Finally, in 864, Pope Nicholas I detached Bremen from the archdiocese of Cologne, united the see with Hamburg, and granted Ansgar the pallium anew.4 Most historians have not emphasized how irregular and unexpected this story is. The rest of the German archiepiscopate emerged around the turn of the ninth century, as Charlemagne’s Saxon wars drew to a close; it came to be centered at the relatively ancient sees of Mainz, Salzburg and Cologne. Salzburg, the youngest of the three sees that Charlemagne promoted, had been home to a bishop since around the year 700, while bishops had resided at Mainz and Cologne since antiquity. Each of these three provinces came complete with missionary fields, but each also presided over a critical mass of suffragan bishoprics and a sizeable population of faithful.5 Hamburg-Bremen could not strike a sharper contrast. It was supposedly founded by Louis the Pious, not Charlemagne; it was located at a castle called Hamburg, not at an ancient see; it had no suffragans; and its territory included very few Christians. Still more troubling is Nicholas’s supposed unification of Hamburg and Bremen in 864. While military disasters or other contingencies sometimes required that dioceses be merged, Hamburg-Bremen remains the only ninth-century example of a see divided between two locations over sixty miles apart. Anomalies this great demand explanation, and yet previous historical scholarship offers none.6 Instead, students of Ansgar and his diocese have struggled for over a century and a half with the problems posed by our sources. These constitute an irresistible historical puzzle. Although the Vita Anskarii makes a variety of remarkable and improbable claims, and although the documents present no shortage of suspicious irregularities, they all confirm one another in most details. At least one later archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen noticed the benefits of this echo chamber. In the middle of the twelfth century, Archbishop Hartwig I falsified a wide range of privileges relating to his diocese, with the aim of re-extending
4 For this story, see Rimbert, Vita Anskarii c. 12, 13, 16 and 23 (ed. Waitz, 33–5, 37–8, 48–51). The corresponding foundation documents are registered as Germ. Pont. VI, Arch. Ham., no. 11 (JE 2574), from Gregory IV; Germ. Pont. VI, Arch. Ham., no. 21 (JE 2759), from Nicholas I; Louis the Pious’s document is registered as BM 928. 5 When Hildebald of Cologne received the pallium in 795, he had only two suffragan bishoprics, at Liège and Utrecht. The plan was obviously to leave space for the emerging Saxon dioceses, which became constituents of the Cologne metropolitan province within fifteen years. 6 For the contrast between Hamburg-Bremen and the development of the German archiepiscopate, see 69–70 below. Introduction 5 his province northwards to include new Christian communities along the Baltic shore, and in Iceland and Greenland as well. Hartwig not only interpolated some of the early privileges for Ansgar, but also revised Rimbert’s Vita Anskarii, and even part of the anonymous Vita Rimberti, to buttress his jurisidictional claims. He then developed a series of pseudo-original copies, which he presented for confirmation to Emperor Frederick I and ultimately to Pope Hadrian IV. Hartwig’s forgery program was not the only attempt to recast the early history of Hamburg-Bremen. As the quarrel between Pope Gregory VII and Emperor Henry IV unfolded, the eleventh-century archbishop Liemar appears to have falsified a series of ninth-century privileges to emphasize that his predecessors had enjoyed the status of papal legates since the time of Ansgar. And still earlier, at the beginning of the eleventh century, Archbishop Liäwizo forged two further documents in order to secure possession of a monastery at Ramelsloh, against the contrary claims of the bishop of Verden.7 This successive tampering has complicated the textual traditions of theVita Anskarii and the foundation privileges, and much of the initial critical scholarship concentrated on untangling the various layers of falsification. Scholars recognized early on that the manipulations of Hartwig and his predecessors did not extend to the destruction of untainted evidence. Two manuscripts are known to preserve a recension of the Vita Anskarii that predates Hartwig’s revisions. Earlier recensions of the foundation documents assembled by Ansgar, meanwhile, come down to us through copies in the so-called Hamburger Codex. Though this manuscript disappeared in the eighteenth century, its text survives in an early printed edition.8
7 On the forgeries developed by the archbishops Liemar and Hartwig, see Seegrün, Das Erzbistum Hamburg in seinen älteren Papsturkunden (Cologne and Vienna, 1976), 63– 100. On Liäwizo and the Ramelsloh forgeries, the basic discussion is Franz Curschmann, Die älteren Papsturkunden des Erzbistums Hamburg (Hamburg and Leipzig, 1909), 87–100. See also, more recently, Dieter Brosius, “Zur Geschichte des Stifts Ramelsloh im Mittelaler,” Lüneburger Blätter 25/26 (1982), esp. 27–32. 8 The two manuscripts that contain theA recension of the Vita Anskarii are Stuttgart, Landesbibliothek HB XIV 7 (s. IX ex.) and Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France Ms. lat. 13722 (s. XII). On the differences between the earlier and later recensions see Wilhelm Levison, “Die echte und die verfälschte Gestalt von Rimberts Vita Anskarii,” Zeitschrift des Vereins für Hamburgische Geschichte 23 (1919), 89–146. Philipp Caesar, Triapstolatus septemtrionis (Cologne, 1642), edited the Hamburger Codex before its disappearance. His edition is the only source for the early recension of the foundation privileges of Gregory IV and Louis the Pious, as cited above. The privilege of Nicholas I is also known from an extensive excerpt in Rimbert’s Vita Anskarii (c. 23), and in two copies from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries (as noted in Germ. Pont. VI, Arch. Ham., no. 21). 6 Ansgar, Rimbert and the Forged Foundations of Hamburg-Bremen
Since the end of the nineteenth century, much scholarly controversy has settled on the reliability and authenticity of this earliest stratum of source material. Current opinion reflects the work of Georg Dehio, who penned the first critical history of Hamburg-Bremen in 1877. With only a few reservations, Dehio accepted the accuracy of Rimbert’s Vita Anskarii, together with the reliability of the documents in Ansgar’s collection. Afterwards scholars displayed a remarkable reluctance to question the narrative that Rimbert provides, whatever its problems, and their reluctance has had a lasting effect on the criticism of our sources. While historians have had little trouble identifying forgeries that are today attributed to Liemar, Liäwizo and Hartwig, the suggestion that the earliest recensions of our foundation documents might also be forged or falsified has sparked intense controversy.9 This is strange, because everybody agrees that our documentary sources are problematic. Beyond their formal shortcomings, they have an unsettling tendency towards overkill in documenting Ansgar’s career. A total of three separate privileges for Ansgar claim to found a see at Hamburg; the same three also make Ansgar a papal legate; two of these grant Ansgar the pallium. There is simply no precedent for this evidentiary abundance. No founding document survives for any other diocese that emerged in the Carolingian period; it is doubtful whether popes and kings even issued such documents. The legateship was a papal office and could never be extended by the emperor, though one of the three charters making Ansgar a legate bears the name of Louis the Pious. Double pallium grants are otherwise unattested in the early Middle Ages. Our documents not only protest too much; they also contradict Rimbert on a variety of crucial points. Rimbert effectively dates Louis’s foundation of an archdiocese at Hamburg to 831, but Louis’s privilege to this effect is dated 15 May 834. Rimbert insists that Louis founded an archdiocese, while nearly every passage of the same imperial charter seems to indicate simply an episcopal see. There is also the disquieting evidence of the rare outside source, such as a letter from the year 847 in which the archbishop of Mainz refers to Ansgar as his suffragan. Otherwise, independent sources from the first half of
9 Georg Dehio, Geschichte des Erzbistums Hamburg-Bremen bis zum Ausgang der Mission (Berlin, 1877). In his approach to the documentary evidence he depended, in part, on the earlier work of Karl Koppmann, “Die ältesten Urkunden des Erzbistums Hamburg- Bremen,” Zeitschrift des Vereins für Hamburgische Geschichte 5 (1866), 483–573. Both scholars accepted that the papal privileges for Ansgar were authentic, but they did suspect that the imperial privilege, BM 928, was a forgery. In 1918 Bernhard Schmeidler, Hamburg- Bremen und Nordosteuropa vom 9. bis 11. Jahrhundert (Leipzig, 1918), argued that Louis’s charter was almost entirely authentic, a view that was widely accepted through most of the last century. Introduction 7 the ninth century are silent about Archbishop Ansgar. Contemporary annals mention Ebo’s mission to the Danes, but say nothing about Louis’s foundation of a metropolis at Hamburg. In 845, another annal mentions Hammaburg for the first time, but describes it only as the site of a Frankishcastellum , and says nothing about an archiepiscopal see.10 Such problems have encouraged scholars to make delicate adjustments to Rimbert’s narrative. Some explain that he made an understandable mistake in characterizing Louis’s foundation as an archdiocese. Louis intended to found nothing more than a bishopric at Hamburg, they suggest; it was rather Gregory IV who decided to make Ansgar an archbishop and Hamburg a metropolis. A few have also suggested—although to general disapproval—that Rimbert had the date wrong. Louis founded Hamburg-Bremen in 834, these scholars have argued, not 831. And most seem to have agreed that Ansgar was a bishop after he settled at Bremen, because Vikings had destroyed the see of his archdiocese. This might explain why Pope Nicholas I had to grant Ansgar the pallium a second time to make him archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen, and perhaps also why Ansgar appears as a suffragan in the Mainz letter.11 Rationalizations like these introduce greater problems than they solve. Are we really to believe that Gregory IV revised the emperor’s plan and founded a metropolitan see where Louis had envisioned nothing more than a diocese? Why should he have done so? Why can nobody find even a single credible precedent for the demotion of an archbishop after the loss of his see? And
10 The letter, from Hrabanus Maurus, is more fully discussed below, 125–6 and 228– 30. It is ed. MGH Conc. 3, 159–62. Ebo’s mission to the Danes is reported in the Annales Regni Francorum a. 823 (ed. F. Kurze, MGH SS rer. Germ. [Hanover, 1895], 163); and also in the Annales Xantenses a. 823 (ed. B. de Simon, MGH SS rer. Germ. [Hannover, 1909], 6). TheAnnales Fuldenses a. 845 (ed. Friedrich Kurze, MGH SS rer. Germ. [Hanover, 1891], 35) call Hamburg a castellum. Yet the more vague (and perhaps confused) report of the Annales Bertiniani a. 845 does say that the Vikings attacked “Sclavorum quandam … civitatem” (ed. Feliz Grat, Jeanne Vielliard and Suzanne Clémencet [Paris, 1964], 49), likely a reference to Hamburg. I am grateful to Janet Nelson for this reference. 11 Dehio, Geschichte, pioneered the idea that Louis at first intended only to found a bishopric. Hermann Joachim, “Zur Gründungsgeschichte des Erzbistums Hamburg,” Mitteilungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung 33 (1912), 201–71, argued that Ansgar first became an archbishop in 834, not 831 (in part following the more extensive arguments of Christian Reuter, “Ebbo von Reims und Ansgar,” for which see just below). For the widespread idea that Ansgar became a simple bishop after Hamburg’s destruction in 845, see, for example, Karl Reinecke, “Bischofsumsetzung und Bistumsvereinigung: Ansgar und Hamburg-Bremen 845–864,” Archiv für Diplomatik 33 (1987), 1–53; and also Boris Bigott, Ludwig der Deutsche und die Reichskirche im Ostfränkischen Reich (826–876) (Husum, 2002). 8 Ansgar, Rimbert and the Forged Foundations of Hamburg-Bremen why are the documents that lead us to posit this odd story so full of problems? While historians must be ever ready to accept the exceptional, the story existing scholarship tells about Hamburg-Bremen has nothing but exceptions to offer. The few scholars willing to read theVita Anskarii with greater skepticism have reached very different conclusions. The pioneer in this regard is Traugott Tamm, whose doctoral dissertation on the origins of Hamburg-Bremen appeared in 1888, just eleven years after Dehio’s history.12 In eighty pages of imaginitive but undersupported analysis, Tamm revised almost every aspect of the traditional narrative that Dehio had promoted. He argued that Hamburg had been founded as a simple bishopric, not as a metropolitan see. In Tamm’s view, Ansgar received the pallium from Gregory IV in 831/2 only as a missionary archbishop, and only to increase his utility to Louis the Pious as an ambassador to the Danes. Tamm further argued that Hamburg remained a legal fiction following the Viking raid in 845; afterwards Ansgar became the diocesan bishop of Bremen, and Nicholas’s 864 privilege did little more than confirm his possession of the pallium and his right to occupy Bremen until his death. Scholars have discussed Tamm’s arguments only rarely, though the revisionary schemes of other skeptics have received more attention. A little over twenty years after Tamm published his dissertation, Christian Reuter argued that the Vita was basically untrustworthy. He thought that Gregory IV had only included Ansgar in the northern mission around 834, following Louis’s return to power after a failed coup earlier that year. In Reuter’s view, the documentary evidence, properly interpreted, shows that Gregory made Ansgar a simple bishop; the pope promised future archiepiscopal status, Reuter said, but did not bestow it. Reuter placed Ansgar’s archiepiscopal promotion decades later than Dehio, either in 858 or 864, at Bremen.13 Reuter’s argument also found no support, though sixty years later Richard Drögereit, another committed skeptic of the Vita Anskarii, revisited his theories. In a series of original, polemical and difficult articles, Drögereit argued that references in the Vita to some of the foundation privileges are interpolations and that the privileges themselves are mostly forgeries. Revising and extending Reuter’s ideas, Drögereit held that Ansgar started out as a missionary bishop among the Danes and that he was later made bishop of Bremen. Bremen became a metropolitan see in 864, according to Drögereit, and Ansgar became its archbishop; Hamburg, meanwhile, achieved archiepiscopal status only in 893,
12 Traugott Tamm, Die Anfänge des Erzbistums Hamburg-Bremen, doctoral dissertation (Jena, 1888). 13 The fullest statement of this argument is Reuter’s article “Ebbo von Reims und Ansgar,” Historische Zeitschrift 105 (1910), 237–84. Introduction 9 when Pope Formosus settled a jurisdictional dispute between the archbishops Adalgar “of Bremen” and Herimann of Cologne.14 Drögereit’s arguments have also met with near-universal rejection, most prominently in the sixth volume of Germania Pontificia edited by Theodor Schieffer and Wolfgang Seegrün. The few exceptions include Gerhard Theuerkauf, who proposed milder revisions to Rimbert’s narratives that are more in line with Reuter’s views; and Thomas Klapheck, whose revisions, still more minor than Theuerkauf ’s, hark back to some of the less plausible aspects of Tamm’s older interpretation. While Reuter and Drögereit both suspected that the Vita Anskarii had been interpolated in the later ninth and tenth centuries, Theuerkauf suggested that the deceptions in its narrative stem from Rimbert himself. Klapheck, meanwhile, suggests that Louis the German may have been involved in the forgery project. While it is too soon to discuss the reception of Klapheck’s views, Theuerkauf has found no followers, and everyone else accepts that Rimbert’s account is accurate.15
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14 Drögereit argued this position in six different articles. He first developed his theory while attempting to sort out the early history of Verden; see his “Hamburg-Bremen, Bardowick-Verden, Frühgeschichte und Wendenmission,” Bremer Jahrbuch 51 (1969), 193–208, and his more extensive “Die Verdener Gründungsfälschung und die Bardowiek- Verdener Frühgeschichte,” in Dom und Bistum Verden (Rotenburg, 1970), 1–102. His fullest account of the diplomatic, logical and historical reasoning underlying his argument is “Erzbistum Hamburg, Hamburg-Bremen oder Erzbistum Bremen?” Archiv für Diplomatik 21 (1975), 136–230. He provides the most convenient summary of the major points of his argument in “Ansgar: Missionsbischof, Bischof von Bremen, Missionserzbischof für Dänen und Schweden,” Jahrbuch der Gessellschaft für Nidersächsische Kirchengeschichte 73 (1975), 9–45, at 32–45. 15 Theuerkauf, “Urkundenfälschungen des Erzbistums Hamburg-Bremen vom 9. bis zum 12. Jahrhundert,” Niedersächsisches Jahrbuch für Landesgeschichte 60 (1988), 71–140. He has restated his position several times in various publications. Brigitte Wavra, Salzburg und Hamburg: Erzbistumsgründung und Missionspolitik in karolingischer Zeit (Berlin, 1991), and Wolfgang Seegrün, “Erzbischof Rimbert von Hamburg-Bremen während des Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit,” Beiträge und Mitteilungen des Vereins für Katholische Kirchengeschichte in Hamburg und Schleswig-Holstein 6 (1999), 168–81, explicitly reject his arguments. All broader, general studies tend to accept Rimbert’s narrative: see, for example, Walter Berschin, Biographie und Epochenstil im lateinischen Mittelalter III: Karolingische Biographie 750–920 n. Chr. (Stuttgart, 1988); Egon Boshof, Ludwig der Fromme (Darmstadt, 1996); Wilfried Hartmann, Ludwig der Deutsche (Darmstadt, 2002); Bigott, Ludwig der Deutsche und die Reichskirche. 10 Ansgar, Rimbert and the Forged Foundations of Hamburg-Bremen
The source material for Hamburg-Bremen, then, has long suggested a different narrative to certain authors. The minority interpretations, though they contradict one another, have several points in common. Tamm and his successors have all argued that the Vita Anskarii exaggerated both Ansgar’s importance and perhaps also the extent of his accomplishments. They have also suspected that some event—whether the foundation of an archdiocese at Hamburg, Ansgar’s promotion to the archiepiscopate, or even the unification of Hamburg and Bremen—has been backdated. For the most part, however, they have neglected to relate their arguments to the documentary sources. Tamm explicitly disavowed a diplomatic approach; believing that all the documents were forgeries, he preferred to rely entirely on a close reading of the Vita Anskarii. Drögereit basically agreed, though he wrote in the face of entrenched consensus about the authenticity of the charters, and thus had to spend much more effort pressing the case for forgery. Reuter, on the other hand, barely addressed the issue of authenticity, prefering instead to force an untenable translation upon a key phrase in two of the charters. This neglect of the documents has prevented the revisionist perspective from developing beyond a set of loosely related, independently developed, and largely unproven ideas. This book aims to break the impasse by providing the missing proof. I argue that our documents, though heavily falsified, have a great deal to tell us about the origins of the archdiocese of Hamburg-Bremen. Each of them contains fragments of genuine privileges that are relatively easy to recognize, and each also carries an early layer of falsification that we can ascribe with confidence to Ansgar and Rimbert. Together, authentic fragments and inauthentic revisions provide the key to a complete reinterpretation of the history of the northern mission. The revisionists have anticipated some aspects of this reinterpretation; in other cases, the difference between the traditional and actual narratives is more extreme than even Drögereit suspected. The foundation of the see of Hamburg-Bremen was an expression of Carolingian weakness, rather than the product of Carolingian expansion. Its origins should be sought not in royal policy, as our sources would have us believe. Instead, they lie in the maneuvering and mythmaking of Ansgar and Rimbert, and in the straightened circumstances that the mission faced beyond the Elbe. As Frankish power faded in the second half of the ninth century, these enterprising clerics fought for their own survival, and the survival of their institution, by means of documentary deception. Their work has proven clever enough—and in some ways modest enough—to confuse our understanding of the origins of Hamburg-Bremen down to the present day. Ebo of Reims led initial Frankish efforts to evangelize the Danes in 823, sponsored by Louis the Pious. The motives were primarily political. Since the Introduction 11 conquest of Saxony in 804, the Franks had been struggling to fortify their new northeastern border and to cultivate allies and satellites among the peoples beyond it. A Christian community in Denmark promised to minimize one of the greater threats to the new Carolingian territory in Saxony. The mission outlasted Ebo, whose treachery at the Field of Lies in 834 earned him deposition from Reims. Louis replaced him with Ansgar, who took the lead as a missionary bishop with no fixed see. Ansgar had been preaching and redeeming captives in this capacity for six years when Louis the Pious died in 840. In the course of the ensuing division of the empire, Ansgar lost possession of a monastery in Turholt, Belgium. The property had served not only as a source of funding, but also as a refuge for Ansgar’s staff and a school for his pupils. Without it, further missionary work among the Danes became all but impossible. Ansgar responded by falsifying two documents, which he hoped would help him annex the northernmost territory of the Saxon dioceses at Bremen and Verden. Out of the meager infrastructure in this region, he planned to build a new northern diocese centered at Hamburg, where he and Ebo had maintained a church. The Ansgarian interpolations, expanding upon genuine privilees granted by Gregory IV and Louis the Pious, dated Hamburg’s episcopal foundation to 834, ascribed this foundation to Louis, and traced the basic idea of a northern diocese all the way back to Charlemagne. Ansgar also distorted the record in other respects, most noticeably by minimizing the role of Ebo of Reims in the early stages of the mission. Ansgar presented these forgeries at two separate church councils in the later 840s, where they had mixed results. Though he ultimately moved to Bremen, Ansgar was able to maintain possession of his church at Hamburg. In 864, Louis the German and Nicholas I tried briefly to revive the northern mission; the pope sent Ansgar the pallium and made him a missionary archbishop, while acknowledging that he retained the simple diocesan office at Bremen. Nicholas had in mind the precedent of Boniface, who late in his career had also come to hold the threefold office of legate, missionary archibshop and diocesan bishop of Mainz. But Ansgar died within months, and when Rimbert succeeded him in 865 the shifting political situation demanded that he take office as nothing more than the archbishop of Hamburg. The legateship, and the northern mission itself, died with Ansgar. This left Rimbert in a vulnerable position: Hamburg was still little more than a fortification, hardly suitable for an archiepiscopal see. The archbishop of Cologne, meanwhile, threatened to assert jurisdiction over Bremen, a see to which Rimbert had no obvious claim. To keep hold of Bremen while maintaining his own independence at Hamburg, and to portray himself as Ansgar’s true successor, Rimbert developed the Vita Anskarii, which depicted Ansgar as archbishop of Hamburg with jurisdiction over Bremen. 12 Ansgar, Rimbert and the Forged Foundations of Hamburg-Bremen
Rimbert built his new mythology on Ansgar’s earlier fictions, changing them in crucial respects. Whereas Ansgar’s forgeries had Louis the Pious founding a diocese at Hamburg, Rimbert said that Louis had founded an archdiocese, and invented attendant fictions to make this point credible. He had to show Ansgar receiving the pallium around 831, not just in 864, and he had to portray Gauzbert, Ansgar’s colleague and fellow missionary bishop in Sweden, as a Hamburg suffragan. Rimbert sought to connect the origins of his archdiocese to Charlemagne, as Ansgar had anchored his fictional diocese to the memory of the same king. The point was not only to attract the attention of the Charlemagne’s descendants, particularly his grandson Louis the German, but also to gain the upper hand in any jurisdictional dispute with Cologne. The dual archdiocese emerged gradually, as Rimbert and his successors vacillated between vulnerable, impoverished, but independent Hamburg; and the better-protected, better- endowed diocese of Bremen. The conflict with the archbishops at Cologne dragged on long after Rimbert’s episcopate. Although Rimbert himself seems to have confined most of his inventions to the Vita Anskarii, his fictions gradually found their way into the documentary evidence. The single surviving copy of Ansgar’s document collection carried by the lost Hamburger Codex probably dates from the early tenth century. Its text was thoroughly revised and interpolated as part of an effort to bring the collection into closer agreement with Rimbert’sVita Anskarii.
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I argue these points in six chapters. The first two explore the historical background of Ansgar’s mission in the North, which scholars have too often ignored. Ansgar operated within a long-established missionary tradition, and Rimbert’s conception of Ansgar’s career is influenced by the memory of missionaries from Augustine of Canterbury to Boniface. Chapter 1 begins with an overview of Ansgar’s predecessors, and concludes with a close study of Willehad’s work around Bremen. Ansgar also functioned within a political and ecclesiastical environment shaped by Charlemagne’s thirty-year effort to subdue and convert the Saxons. This is the subject of Chapter 2, which studies the origins of the ecclesiastical hierarchy in Saxony, as well as Ebo’s first missions to the Danes. The next three chapters analyze documentary evidence for the foundation of Hamburg-Bremen. This evidence consists largely of three charters: privileges of Gregory IV and Nicholas I, and a royal immunity in the name of Louis the Pious. All these privileges have been falsified, though traces of genuine privileges underlie the forgeries in every case. Diplomatic analysis and external evidence show that some of the primary assertions of the Vita Anskarii are fictional. Introduction 13
Chapters 3 and 4 are devoted to the privileges of Gregory IV and Louis the Pious, while Chapter 5 addresses the privilege of Nicholas I. Finally, Chapter 6 is devoted to Rimbert and the circumstances that influenced his conception of Ansgar’s life. It begins with an examination of the political and ecclesiastical circumstances in Eastern Francia, and continues by inquiring after the purpose of Rimbert’s forged Nicholas grant. This prepares the way for an analysis of the Vita Anskarii, which was the vehicle by which Rimbert circulated the forged privilege of Nicholas throughout the Frankish empire. I conclude that Rimbert’s deceptions were designed to respond to the archbishops of Cologne and their assertion of jurisdiction over Bremen. These fictions have confused our understanding of the northern mission, and the origins of Hamburg-Bremen, down to the present day. References Adam of Bremen , Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum, ed. Bernhard Schmeidler , MGH SS rer. Germ. 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