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Arkeologin Bakom Rimbert : Om Hergeirs Och Gautberts Kyrkor Och Borgen I Birka Zachrisson, Torun Fornvännen 2011(106):2, S

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Arkeologin Bakom Rimbert : Om Hergeirs Och Gautberts Kyrkor Och Borgen I Birka Zachrisson, Torun Fornvännen 2011(106):2, S Arkeologin bakom Rimbert : om Hergeirs och Gautberts kyrkor och borgen i Birka Zachrisson, Torun Fornvännen 2011(106):2, s. [100]-112 : ill. http://kulturarvsdata.se/raa/fornvannen/html/2011_100 Ingår i: samla.raa.se Art. Zachrisson s 100-112:Layout 1 11-05-31 11.21 Sida 100 Arkeologin bakom Rimbert Om Hergeirs och Gautberts kyrkor och borgen i Birka Av Torun Zachrisson Zachrisson, T., 2011. Arkeologin bakom Rimbert. Om Hergeirs och Gautberts kyrkor och borgen i Birka. (The archaeology behind Rimbert. On the churches of Hergeir and Gautbert and the fortress of Birka.) Fornvännen 106. Stockholm. In his Vita Anskarii, Rimbert describes the Christian mission to the port of the Swedes in the 830s. He mentions two churches there, one built on the family estate of the port bailiff, the other built in the seaport itself by Bishop Gautbert. The loca- tions of these churches have long been discussed. Thanks to archaeological research excavations it is now possible to offer a new suggestion regarding the church of Gautbert. It is argued that the hillfort of Birka, Borg, may be the site of this church and the bishop’s fortified precinct. This would make Birka structurally similar to a number of coeval cities on the Continent, where there was a fortified cathedral hill and a market town at its foot. 9th century finds on and around Borg open up for such a possibility. Torun Zachrisson, Institutionen för arkeologi och antikens kultur, Stockholms universitet, SE–106 91 Stockholm [email protected] Birkamissionen inleddes år 829 när Ansgar, i säll- berts bok tolkade som »platsens hövitsman»(Bo- skap med Witmar, kom till en hamnstad i svens- ken om Ansgar, not 132). Ordagrantr to de där stå karnas rike, portusregni(BokenomAnsgar, not 126). »stadens hövitsman». Hergeir var kungens mycket Kejsaren Ludvig den fromme satsade på en riks- uppskattade rådgivare, consiliarusregis(se not 132). kyrklig mission riktad mot de nordiska riken, Odelmanhar genomgåendeöversatt praefectusmed kanhända som svar på förfrågningar som Ludvig »hövitsman», d.v.s. uppsyningsman och kung- fått av de nordiska kungarna Harald och Björn ens förtroendeman i Birka (se Boken om Ansgar, (Boken om Ansgar, kap. 7 och 9, not 105). Ansgars not 132). första resa var ett led i dessa sonderingar. Han Hergeir kan av sin samtid ha titulerats jarl. I stannade i Birka i ett och ett halvt år. danska källor nämns jarlar först på 1400-talet, I Birka fanns många kristna fångar. Även and- men innan dess döljer de sig troligen bakom de ra var intresserade av den kristna läran. Stadens latinska beteckningarna praefectus, comes, dux och hövitsman Hergeir lät döpa sig och höll fast vid custos (Nielsen 1962, s. 565). I norröna källor an- den kristna tron. Han byggde »kort därefter en tyds att det funnits flera samtida jarlar i Sverige kyrka på sin egendom…»(Boken om Ansgar kap. knutna till olika landskap, men i de inhemska 28, not 134). Levnadstecknaren Rimbert anger källorna är jarlen alltid bara en, enligt Jerker Ro- inte var egendomen låg, men det bör ha varit i sén (1962). I svenska källor nämns svearnas jar- Birkas närhet. lar i olika sammanhang redan från 1100-talet, Hergeir kallas av Rimbert för praefectus vici, exempelvis Ulf jarl gamle och Guttorm jarl som vilket latinisten Eva Odelman som översatt Rim- tillhörde olika stormannaätter (Rosén 1962, s. Fornvännen 106 (2011) Art. Zachrisson s 100-112:Layout 1 11-05-31 11.21 Sida 101 Arkeologin bakom Rimbert 101 563; jfr Ståhle 1949). Peter Sawyer (1991, s. 10) begrepp hör dock till en annan tid, 1000-talets hade en annan uppfattning. Under vikingatiden mitt (Hallencreutz 1984, s. 377). och tidiga medeltiden kunde jarlarnas position Holmqvist tänkte sig att den iriska kräklan enligt honom bäst illustreras av de norska Lade- skulle kunna ha varit i Ansgars ägo och att han jarlarna: lokala, självständiga härskare som un- fått den år 787 efter den förste innehavaren av derordnat sig en annan härskares överhöghet. biskopsstolen i Bremen, engelsmannen Willehad. Denne kan mycket väl ha ägt en kräkla som sett Hergeirs egendom och kyrka ut som den som hittades på Helgö. Kräklan kan Holger Arbman (1939, s. 35) påpekade att Rim- senare av Ansgar givits vidare som gåva till bert säger att Hergeir byggde en kyrka på sin Hergeir, som Ansgar betraktade som sin andlige släktgård, hereditas. Wilhelm Holmqvist (1980, s. son eftersom han döpt honom (Holmqvist 1980, 60) tänkte sig att egendomen kunde vara iden- s. 60; Boken om Ansgar, not 209). tisk med bebyggelsen på Helgö, belägen 9 km Kristna föremål av hög rang har inte bara hit- vattenvägen från Birka. tats i den centrala husgruppen på Helgö. Ett frag- I en av hallbyggnaderna i Helgös centrala hus- ment av en glasskål med guldbeläggningar på- grupp påträffade man spektakulära föremål som träffades i husgrupp 1/4 väster om den centrala Holmqvist (1969a, s. 179–181; 1969b) tolkade som husgruppen. Agneta Lundström (1971, s. 58 f) materiella spår av en kristen församlings guds- har visat att skärvan kommer från en kalk av glas tjänstfirande. De har liturgisk karaktär: en irisk med gulddekor. Liknande glasskärvor med guld- kräkla, en koptisk dopskopa, ett klockfodral och dekor har bl.a. hittats vid Uppåkra i Skåne och en silverskål med korsdekor (som Holmqvist Borg på Lofoten (Stjernqvist 1999, s. 79 ff). tolkade som en möjlig oblatskål; 1980, s. 60). Allt Den guldprydda helgökalken är till färgen hittades på samma husterrass som ett tjugotal djupblå och har mätt drygt 6 cm i diameter, vilket guldgubbar o ch Holmqvist såg för sig kultkonti- var en vanlig storlek för en resekalk (Stjernqvist nuitet i en hall där man tidigare ägnat sig åt för- 1999, s. 81). Dekoren liknar den tenn- och guld- kristna ritualer och fester (1980, s. 59). Troligen foliedekor med kors som pryder de frisiska kan- rör det sig dock inte om en och samma byggnad norna, tatingerkannorna (Selling 1951, s. 275 ff; som Holmqvist trodde, utan om två skilda hus på Gräslund 2001, s. 60 f). Fragment av minst två terrassen. Kristina Lamms spridningskartor (2004, sådana kannor har hittats i audienshallen (I) och s. 10, 53 f, fig. 8–9) visar att de kristna föremålen i residenshallen (III) i den centrala husgruppen påträffades i en troligen vikingatida byggnad (I på Helgö (hus Ia och III i hgr. 2), liksom i fyllning- B), guldgubbarna och det mesta av glaset i en en till en grav på det närbelägna gravfält 116, i äldre hallbyggnad längre österut (I A). gravar och kulturlager på Birka, och i gravar vid Åke Hyenstrand (1988, s. 70 f; 1996, s. 118 f) Kunsta på Adelsö, Ytterby i Täby och Vällingby i tog samma sorts avstamp som Holmqvist, men Spånga (Arrhenius 1961, s. 184 f; 1964, s. 289; Raä föreslog i stället att de kristna föremålen på Hel- 116 anl. 31; Ullén 1980, s. 39; Gräslund 2001, s. gö skulle härstamma från den kyrka som biskop 61; Rydh 1936, s. 37, 163, Lundström 1971, s. 55). Gautbert lät bygga efter Ansgars första vistelse Dessa kannor med förmodat ursprung i West- hos svearna. Det verkar mindre sannolikt. Inget falen har av vissar fo skare uppfattats som litur- hos Rimbert antyder att Gautberts kyrka upp- giskakärl för nattvardsvin eller dopvatten (seGräs- fördes någon annanstans än i Birka. Hergeirs kyr- lund 2001, s. 60 ff m. ref.). ka däremot, uppger Rimbert tydligt, uppfördes Tanken att det funnits en kristen församling på dennes släktgods. Hos Adam av Bremen (IV, på Helgö är tilltalande, och det finns ytterligare s. 20) har begreppet »Birka» visserligen en vi- infallsvinklar som gör det motiverat att arbeta dare innebörd och syftar på Birkastiftet som bis- vidare med Wilhelm Holmqvists hypotes. För kop Adalbert ville inrätta. Tanken var att Birka Holmqvist själv (1980, jfr Lamm 1999) var det skulle bli regionens stiftsstad (Nyberg 1984, s. följdriktigt att en kristen kultmenighet skulle 337 ff; Hallencreutz 1984, s. 377 f; jfr Holmquist kunna sökas på Helgö på grund av den centrala Olausson 1993, s. 34 f). Detta vidgade birka- position som ön hade som förkristen kultplats, Fornvännen 106 (2011) Art. Zachrisson s 100-112:Layout 1 11-05-31 11.21 Sida 102 102 Torun Zachrisson liksom handels- och verkstadsplats. Helgös roll kusten som företrädande Rods bo, eller den till som religiöst centrum har betonats av Lars Wer- jarlaämbetet anslagna delen av Uppsala öd. Bo- nersson (1996). Dessa tankar har jag byggt vidare namnen betecknar ofta huvudgårdar i adliga gods- på (2004a; 2004b; 2011a; 2011b) när jag analy- komplex från medeltiden, vars ursprung skulle serat olika materiella aspekter av det heliga på vara det av Ståhle skisserade. Bona på Helgö kan Helgö. En av dessa var att lyfta fram Helgö som alltså ha varit bebyggelse som anslagits för jarl- en plats där man kunde få bot (Zachrisson 2004a, ens disposition. s. 368ff; 2004b, s. 157f). De kirurgiska redskapen, Birger Nerman (1961, s. 107) och Björn Am- som skalpeller och pincetter, har nyligen analy- brosiani (1988, s. 14; 2002, s. 50) har velat koppla serats av Annette Frölich (in press). Även Holm- samman Helgö med Hundhamra i Botkyrka, me- qvist (1961) diskuterade dessa spår av läkekonst. dan det enligt Per Vikstrands uppfattning (2001, Adolf Schück (ref. i Calissendorff 1971, s. 7, 9) s. 241) ligger närmare till hands att knyta Helgö fäste tidigt uppmärksamheten på vissa helgöars till Asknäs på Ekerö. Båda Hundhamra och Ask- speciella belägenhet på gränsen mellan territo- näs är förknippade med jarlar. Stormannagården riella enheter. Han tänkte sig att de varit mötes- Asknäs omtalas i Erikskrönikan (s. 43) som plat- platser för återkommande kultiska sammankoms- sen där Jon jarl blev dräpt. Hans hustru flydde då ter.Karin Calissendorff (1971, s. 7) ansåg att Schück över vattnet till Hundhamra och samlade där överbetonat den kultiska aspekten och modifiera- ihop folk som till sist besegrade och dödade in- de därför hans idé: helgöar var inte bara kultiska kräktarna.
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