Election Violence in Kenya
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Elections in Kenya: 2017 Rerun Presidential Election Frequently Asked Questions
Elections in Kenya 2017 Rerun Presidential Elections Frequently Asked Questions Africa International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org October 25, 2017 Frequently Asked Questions Acronym list .................................................................................................................................................. 1 Why is Kenya holding a second presidential election? ................................................................................. 2 What challenges does the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission face in organizing the rerun election? .............................................................................................................................................. 3 Will voters use any form of electronic voting? ............................................................................................. 5 What technology will be used during the October presidential election? ................................................... 5 What are areas of concern regarding potential electoral violence? ............................................................ 5 Who is eligible to run as a candidate in this election? ................................................................................. 7 What type of electoral system will be used to elect the president? ............................................................ 8 Will members of the diaspora be able to vote in this election? .................................................................. -
Post-Election Violence in Kenya
Spontaneous or Premeditated? DISCUSSION PAPER 57 SPONTANEOUS OR PREMEDITATED? Post-Election Violence in Kenya GODWIN R. MURUNGA NORDISKA AFRIKAINSTITUTET, UppSALA 2011 Indexing terms: Elections Violence Political violence Political crisis Ethnicity Democratization Kenya The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Language checking: Peter Colenbrander ISSN 1104-8417 ISBN 978-91-7106-694-7 © The author and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 2011 Production: Byrå4 Print on demand, Lightning Source UK Ltd. Spontaneous or Premeditated? Contents Contents ..............................................................................................................................................................3 Foreword .............................................................................................................................................................5 Introduction .......................................................................................................................................................7 Post-Election Violence: Overview of the Literature .............................................................................8 A Note on the Kenyan Democratisation Processes ............................................................................13 Clash of Interpretations ................................................................................................................................17 The Ballot Box and -
Kenya Election History 1963-2013
KENYA ELECTION HISTORY 1963-2013 1963 Kenya Election History 1963 1963: THE PRE-INDEPENDENCE ELECTIONS These were the last elections in pre-independent Kenya and the key players were two political parties, KANU and KADU. KADU drew its support from smaller, less urbanized communities hence advocated majimboism (regionalism) as a means of protecting them. KANU had been forced to accept KADU’s proposal to incorporate a majimbo system of government after being pressured by the British government. Though KANU agreed to majimbo, it vowed to undo it after gaining political power. The majimbo constitution that was introduced in 1962 provided for a two-chamber national legislature consisting of an upper (Senate) and lower (House of Representative). The Campaign KADU allied with the African People’s Party (APP) in the campaign. KANU and APP agreed not to field candidates in seats where the other stood a better chance. The Voting Elections were marked by high voter turnout and were held in three phases. They were widely boycotted in the North Eastern Province. Violence was reported in various parts of the country; four were killed in Isiolo, teargas used in Nyanza and Nakuru, clashes between supporters in Machakos, Mombasa, Nairobi and Kitale. In the House of Representative KANU won 66 seats out of 112 and gained working majority from 4 independents and 3 from NPUA, KADU took 47 seats and APP won 8. In the Senate KANU won 19 out 38 seats while KADU won 16 seats, APP won 2 and NPUA only 1. REFERENCE: NATIONAL ELECTIONS DATA BOOK By Institute for Education in Democracy (published in 1997). -
Kenya General Elections, 2017
FINAL REPORT REPUBLIC OF KENYA General Elections 2017 REPUBLIC OF KENYA European Union Election Observation Mission FINAL REPORT General Elections 2017 January 2018 This report contains the findings of the EU Election Observation Mission (EOM) on the general elections 2017 in Kenya. The EU EOM is independent from the European Union’s institutions, and therefore this report is not an official position of the European Union. KEY CONCLUSIONS OF THE EU EOM KENYA 2017 1. The Kenyan people, including five million young people able to vote for the first time, showed eagerness to participate in shaping the future of their country. However, the electoral process was damaged by political leaders attacking independent institutions and by a lack of dialogue between the two sides, with escalating disputes and violence. Eventually the opposition withdrew its presidential candidate and refused to accept the legitimacy of the electoral process. Structural problems and specific electoral issues both need to be addressed meaningfully to prevent problems arising during future elections. 2. Electoral reform needs to be carried out well in advance of any election, and to be based on broad consensus. The very late legal amendments and appointment of the leadership of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) before the 2017 elections put excessive pressure on the new election administration. 3. Despite efforts to improve the situation, there was a persistent lack of trust in the IEBC by the opposition and other stakeholders, demonstrating the need for greater independence and accountability as well as for sustained communication and more meaningful stakeholder consultation. There was improved use of technology, but insufficient capacity or security testing. -
Handbook on Kenya's Electoral Laws and System, EISA (2010)
A HANDBOOK ON KENYA’S ELECTORAL LAWS AND SYSTEM HIGHLIGHTS OF THE ELECTORAL LAWS AND SYSTEM ESTABLISHED BY AND UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF KENYA 2010 AND OTHER STATUTES. ©Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa (EISA) ONGOYA, Z. ELISHA & WILLIS E. OTIENO Published by: Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa (EISA) 6th Floor I&M Bank House, 2nd Ngong’ Avenue, Upper Hill P.O. Box 35304 - 00100 Nairobi, Kenya Tel: 020 - 271 227 3 Fax: 020 271 227 5 Email: [email protected] Website: www.eisa.org.za ISBN No. 978-9966-21-148-4 Ongoya, Z. Elisha is an Advocate of The High Court of Kenya based in Nairobi. Willis E. Otieno is an Advocate of The High Court of Kenya working at EISA Kenya fi eld offi ce. © Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa (EISA), 2012 About the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa (EISA) EISA is a not for profi t organisation established in 1996 and headquartered in Johannesburg (South Africa) with fi eld offi ces in Kinshasa (DRC), N’Djamena (Chad), Antananarivo (Madagascar), Maputo (Mozambique), Nairobi (Kenya), Harare (Zimbabwe) and Cairo (Egypt). EISA’s vision is for an African continent where democratic governance, human rights and citizen participation are upheld in a peaceful environment. EISA strives for excellence in the promotion of credible elections, citizen participation, and the strengthening of political institutions for sustainable democracy in Africa. • To achieve its objectives, EISA works in a number of programme areas including; • Democracy, confl -
Page 1 of 2 Allafrica.Com: Kenya: Is It Possible Raila Is Being Set up For
allAfrica.com: Kenya: Is It Possible Raila is Being Set Up for Failure? Page 1 of 2 HOME Kenya: Is It Possible Raila is Being Set Up for Failure? Makau Mutua 5 June 2010 OPINION Nairobi — This is a warning to Prime Minister Raila Odinga. Call it a yellow card. Mr Odinga needs to remember the biblical proverb that "pride cometh before a fall". It is a law of gravity that whatever goes up must come down. He should know that it's a bad omen to count one's chickens before they hatch. The exuberance in the Yes camp is irrational because it belies some irreconcilable contradictions. Some senior PNU members - who are ostensibly in the Yes camp - are setting Mr Odinga up for a hard fall. They are fattening his ego for slaughter. Mr Odinga must remember that the leopard never changes its spots. It's now a fact that the referendum is a contest to succeed President Kibaki. It is no longer only about reform. The leader of the camp that wins the referendum will easily jog to State House in 2012. This is where Mr Odinga becomes an endangered species. There is no doubt that he is the clear leader of the Yes camp. Nor is there any question about President Kibaki's unequivocal support for the proposed constitution. Mr Kibaki is fully behind Mr Odinga. But the two plausible PNU presidential candidates - Vice-President Kalonzo Musyoka and Finance minister Uhuru Kenyatta - have only given tepid support to the proposed constitution. Mr Musyoka has refused to unequivocally back the constitution, or vigorously campaign for it. -
Our Turn to Eat: the Political Economy of Roads in Kenya∗
Our Turn To Eat: The Political Economy of Roads in Kenya∗ Robin Burgess R´emiJedwab Edward Miguel Ameet Morjaria Draft Version: August 2010. Abstract By reducing trade costs and promoting economic specialization across regions, transportation infrastructure is a determining factor of growth. Yet, developing countries are characterized by infrastructure underdevelopment, the general lack of funding being often mentioned as the main reason for it. Then, even when such investments are realized, the welfare gains associated to them might be captured by political elites that are strong enough to influence their allocation across space. We study this issue by investigating the political economy of road placement in Kenya, an African country where politicians are said to favour individuals from their region of origin or who share their ethnicity. Combining district-level panel data on road building with historical data on the ethnicity and district of birth of political leaders, we show that presidents disproportionately invest in their district of birth and those regions where their ethnicity is dominant. It also seems that the second most powerful ethnic group in the cabinet and the district of birth of the public works minister receive more paved roads. In the end, a large share of road investments over the period can be explained by political appointments, which denotes massive and well-entrenched ethno-favoritism in Kenyan politics. JEL classification codes: H41, H54, O12, O55, P16 ∗Robin Burgess, Department of Economics and STICERD, London School of Economics (e-mail: [email protected]). Remi Jedwab, Paris School of Economics and STICERD, London School of Economics (e-mail: [email protected]). -
UCLA Ufahamu: a Journal of African Studies
UCLA Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies Title Ethnicity, Community Relations and Civil Society in Contemporary Kenya: Trends and Field Experiences Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7jv2n01g Journal Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies, 29(2-3) ISSN 0041-5715 Author Murunga, Godwin R. Publication Date 2003 DOI 10.5070/F7292-3016548 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Ethnicity, Community Relations and Civil Society in Contemporary Kenya: Trends and Field Experien ces Godwin R. Murunga Abstract Taking the conflicts that engulfed Kenya in the 1990s as key indicators of relations within the wider sphere of human social interaction, this essay tries to re-emphasize the centrality of the notion of community as a neutral location where identities ought, under normal circumstances, to harmoniously interact. By emphasizing this centrality of harmony, the essay proceeds to examine those aspects of the process of democratization in Kenya that may have easily lent themselves to political abuse, at times generating conflict between ethnic groups. The study offers a general reflection on the pitfalls of democratization in Kenya with specific reference to five key areas that could constitute points of intervention. They include the role of the ethnicity of the occupant of the presidency; land, resource allocation and ethnicity, intra ethn,ic histories and democratization~ personality worship and democracy, and the role of ciuil society in conflict resolution. Each of these key areas reflects tendencies associated with either one or more of four ethnic groups purposely targeted for this study. The baseline connection of these five elements rest on how each one or a combination of them facilitated or inhibited the process of democratization in Kenya. -
Elections and Violent Conflict in Kenya Making Prevention Stick
[PEACEW RKS [ ELECTIONS AND VIOLENT CONFLICT IN KENYA MAKING PREVENTION STICK Claire Elder, Susan Stigant, and Jonas Claes ABOUT THE REPORT This report aims to complement existing postelection analysis by examining local experiences of Kenya’s 2013 general elections, evaluating the various factors that worked to prevent widespread violent conflict and assessing the sustainability of the “relative calm” achieved during the electoral period. The United States Institute of Peace (USIP) and its partners, the Constitutional Reform and Education Consortium (CRECO) and the Interparty Youth Forum (IPYF), convened citizen dialogues and conducted key informant interviews to evaluate preventive efforts around the March 2013 general elections in Kenya. Through qualitative research, USIP and its partners collected original data from November to mid-December 2013 in ten carefully selected counties across Kenya— Marsabit, Embu, Nyeri, Nakuru, Uasin Gishu, Bungoma, Kisumu, Nyamira, Mombasa, and Nairobi. The citizen views collected offer valuable insights into popular attitudes and the factors that influenced behavior during the electoral process. This report is part of USIP’s broader commitment to peace in the Horn of Africa and thematic focus on preventing electoral violence. ABOUT THE AUTHORS The lead author, Claire Elder, worked as a consultant with International Crisis Group’s Horn of Africa Project in Nairobi, Kenya, where she monitored and researched the 2013 Kenyan general elections. Susan Stigant is a senior program officer in USIP’s Center for Governance, Law, and Society. Jonas Claes is a senior program officer in USIP’s Center for Applied Research on Conflict. The authors thank Kawive Wambua, a key member of the project team who contributed to the project design and documentation. -
Making Power Sharing Work: Kenya's Grand Coalition Cabinet, 2008–2013
MAKING POWER SHARING WORK: KENYA’S GRAND COALITION CABINET, 2008–2013 SYNOPSIS Leon Schreiber drafted this case Following Kenya’s disputed 2007 presidential election, fighting based on interviews conducted in broke out between supporters of incumbent president Mwai Kibaki Nairobi, Kenya in September 2015. Case published March 2016. and opposition leader Raila Odinga. Triggered by the announcement that Kibaki had retained the presidency, the violence ultimately This series highlights the governance claimed more than 1,200 lives and displaced 350,000 people. A challenges inherent in power sharing February 2008 power-sharing agreement between the two leaders arrangements, profiles adaptations helped restore order, but finding a way to govern together in a new that eased these challenges, and unity cabinet posed a daunting challenge. Under the terms offers ideas about adaptations. negotiated, the country would have both a president and a prime minister until either the dissolution of parliament, a formal withdrawal by either party from the agreement, or the passage of a referendum on a new constitution. The agreement further stipulated that each party would have half the ministerial portfolios. Leaders from the cabinet secretariat and the new prime minister’s office worked to forge policy consensus, coordinate, and encourage ministries to focus on implementation. The leaders introduced a new interagency committee system, teamed ministers of one party with deputy ministers from the other, clarified practices for preparing policy documents, and introduced performance contracts. Independent monitoring, an internationally mediated dialogue to help resolve disputes, and avenues for back-channel communication encouraged compromise between the two sides and eased tensions when discord threatened to derail the work of the executive. -
Voting in Kenya: Putting Ethnicity in Perspective Michael Bratton Michigan State University
University of Connecticut OpenCommons@UConn Economics Working Papers Department of Economics 3-1-2008 Voting in Kenya: Putting Ethnicity in Perspective Michael Bratton Michigan State University Mwangi S. Kimenyi University of Connecticut Follow this and additional works at: https://opencommons.uconn.edu/econ_wpapers Part of the Political Economy Commons Recommended Citation Bratton, Michael and Kimenyi, Mwangi S., "Voting in Kenya: Putting Ethnicity in Perspective" (2008). Economics Working Papers. 200809. https://opencommons.uconn.edu/econ_wpapers/200809 Department of Economics Working Paper Series Voting in Kenya: Putting Ethnicity in Perspective Michael Bratton Michigan State University Mwangi S. Kimenyi University of Connecticut Working Paper 2008-09 March 2008 341 Mansfield Road, Unit 1063 Storrs, CT 06269–1063 Phone: (860) 486–3022 Fax: (860) 486–4463 http://www.econ.uconn.edu/ This working paper is indexed on RePEc, http://repec.org/ Abstract Do Kenyans vote according to ethnic identities or policy interests? Based on results from a national probability sample survey conducted in the first week of December 2007, this article shows that, while ethnic origins drive voting patterns, elections in Kenya amount to more than a mere ethnic census. We start by review- ing how Kenyans see themselves, which is mainly in non-ethnic terms. We then report on how they see others, whom they fear will organize politically along eth- nic lines. People therefore vote defensively in ethnic blocs, but not exclusively. In Decem- ber 2007, they also took particular policy issues into account, including living standards, corruption and majimbo (federalism). We demonstrate that the relative weight that individuals grant to ethnic and policy voting depends in good part on how they define their group identities, with ”ethnics” engaging in identity voting and ”non-ethnics” giving more weight to interests and issues. -
Home of Last Resort: Urban Land Conflict and the Nubians in Kibera, Kenya
http://www.diva-portal.org Postprint This is the accepted version of a paper published in Urban Studies. This paper has been peer-reviewed but does not include the final publisher proof-corrections or journal pagination. Citation for the original published paper (version of record): Elfversson, E., Höglund, K. (2017) Home of last resort: Urban land conflict and the Nubians in Kibera, Kenya. Urban Studies https://doi.org/10.1177/0042098017698416 Access to the published version may require subscription. N.B. When citing this work, cite the original published paper. Permanent link to this version: http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-319413 Home of last resort: Urban land conflict and the Nubians in Kibera, Kenya Emma Elfversson and Kristine Höglund Abstract Amid expansive and often informal urban growth, conflict over land has become a severe source of instability in many cities. In slum areas, policies intended to alleviate tensions, including upgrading programs, the legal regulation of informal tenure arrangements, and the reform of local governance structures, have had the unintended consequence of also spurring violence and conflict. This paper analyzes the conflict over a proposed ‘ethnic homeland’ for the Nubian community in the Kibera slum in Nairobi, Kenya, in order to advance knowledge on the strategies communities adopt to promote their interests and how such strategies impact on urban conflict management. Theoretically, we apply the perspective of ‘institutional bricolage’, which captures how actors make use of existing formal and informal structures in pragmatic ways to meet their conflict management needs. While previous research focuses primarily on how bricolage can facilitate cooperation, the case analysis uncovers how over time, the land issue has become closely intertwined with claims of identity and citizenship and a political discourse drawn along ethnic lines.