Conflict Transformation in Kenya: What Raila Odinga-Uhuru Kenyatta Handshake Should Mean
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Kenya Election History 1963-2013
KENYA ELECTION HISTORY 1963-2013 1963 Kenya Election History 1963 1963: THE PRE-INDEPENDENCE ELECTIONS These were the last elections in pre-independent Kenya and the key players were two political parties, KANU and KADU. KADU drew its support from smaller, less urbanized communities hence advocated majimboism (regionalism) as a means of protecting them. KANU had been forced to accept KADU’s proposal to incorporate a majimbo system of government after being pressured by the British government. Though KANU agreed to majimbo, it vowed to undo it after gaining political power. The majimbo constitution that was introduced in 1962 provided for a two-chamber national legislature consisting of an upper (Senate) and lower (House of Representative). The Campaign KADU allied with the African People’s Party (APP) in the campaign. KANU and APP agreed not to field candidates in seats where the other stood a better chance. The Voting Elections were marked by high voter turnout and were held in three phases. They were widely boycotted in the North Eastern Province. Violence was reported in various parts of the country; four were killed in Isiolo, teargas used in Nyanza and Nakuru, clashes between supporters in Machakos, Mombasa, Nairobi and Kitale. In the House of Representative KANU won 66 seats out of 112 and gained working majority from 4 independents and 3 from NPUA, KADU took 47 seats and APP won 8. In the Senate KANU won 19 out 38 seats while KADU won 16 seats, APP won 2 and NPUA only 1. REFERENCE: NATIONAL ELECTIONS DATA BOOK By Institute for Education in Democracy (published in 1997). -
Election Violence in Kenya
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University The Siegel Institute Journal of Applied Ethics Volume 7 Number 1 Article 1 February 2018 Election Violence in Kenya Judith Kimani Kennesaw State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/silecjournal Recommended Citation Kimani, Judith (2018) "Election Violence in Kenya," The Siegel Institute Journal of Applied Ethics: Vol. 7 : No. 1 , Article 1. DOI: 10.32727/21.2018.7 Available at: https://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/silecjournal/vol7/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Siegel Institute Journal of Applied Ethics by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Election Violence in Kenya Cover Page Footnote I would like to thank Dr. Linda M. Johnston Executive Director and Professor at Siegel Institute for Leadership, Ethics, and Character at Kennesaw State University for her help and guidance while writing this article. I would also like to thank my sons, Lawrence and Liam for your patience, support, and encouragement while I was writing this paper. This article is available in The Siegel Institute Journal of Applied Ethics: https://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/ silecjournal/vol7/iss1/1 Kimani: Election Violence in Kenya Election Violence in Kenya Writing this paper has been an exciting learning process, and some of the events that have occurred since I started on it have not been experienced before. -
Page 1 of 2 Allafrica.Com: Kenya: Is It Possible Raila Is Being Set up For
allAfrica.com: Kenya: Is It Possible Raila is Being Set Up for Failure? Page 1 of 2 HOME Kenya: Is It Possible Raila is Being Set Up for Failure? Makau Mutua 5 June 2010 OPINION Nairobi — This is a warning to Prime Minister Raila Odinga. Call it a yellow card. Mr Odinga needs to remember the biblical proverb that "pride cometh before a fall". It is a law of gravity that whatever goes up must come down. He should know that it's a bad omen to count one's chickens before they hatch. The exuberance in the Yes camp is irrational because it belies some irreconcilable contradictions. Some senior PNU members - who are ostensibly in the Yes camp - are setting Mr Odinga up for a hard fall. They are fattening his ego for slaughter. Mr Odinga must remember that the leopard never changes its spots. It's now a fact that the referendum is a contest to succeed President Kibaki. It is no longer only about reform. The leader of the camp that wins the referendum will easily jog to State House in 2012. This is where Mr Odinga becomes an endangered species. There is no doubt that he is the clear leader of the Yes camp. Nor is there any question about President Kibaki's unequivocal support for the proposed constitution. Mr Kibaki is fully behind Mr Odinga. But the two plausible PNU presidential candidates - Vice-President Kalonzo Musyoka and Finance minister Uhuru Kenyatta - have only given tepid support to the proposed constitution. Mr Musyoka has refused to unequivocally back the constitution, or vigorously campaign for it. -
UCLA Ufahamu: a Journal of African Studies
UCLA Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies Title Ethnicity, Community Relations and Civil Society in Contemporary Kenya: Trends and Field Experiences Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7jv2n01g Journal Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies, 29(2-3) ISSN 0041-5715 Author Murunga, Godwin R. Publication Date 2003 DOI 10.5070/F7292-3016548 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Ethnicity, Community Relations and Civil Society in Contemporary Kenya: Trends and Field Experien ces Godwin R. Murunga Abstract Taking the conflicts that engulfed Kenya in the 1990s as key indicators of relations within the wider sphere of human social interaction, this essay tries to re-emphasize the centrality of the notion of community as a neutral location where identities ought, under normal circumstances, to harmoniously interact. By emphasizing this centrality of harmony, the essay proceeds to examine those aspects of the process of democratization in Kenya that may have easily lent themselves to political abuse, at times generating conflict between ethnic groups. The study offers a general reflection on the pitfalls of democratization in Kenya with specific reference to five key areas that could constitute points of intervention. They include the role of the ethnicity of the occupant of the presidency; land, resource allocation and ethnicity, intra ethn,ic histories and democratization~ personality worship and democracy, and the role of ciuil society in conflict resolution. Each of these key areas reflects tendencies associated with either one or more of four ethnic groups purposely targeted for this study. The baseline connection of these five elements rest on how each one or a combination of them facilitated or inhibited the process of democratization in Kenya. -
Making Power Sharing Work: Kenya's Grand Coalition Cabinet, 2008–2013
MAKING POWER SHARING WORK: KENYA’S GRAND COALITION CABINET, 2008–2013 SYNOPSIS Leon Schreiber drafted this case Following Kenya’s disputed 2007 presidential election, fighting based on interviews conducted in broke out between supporters of incumbent president Mwai Kibaki Nairobi, Kenya in September 2015. Case published March 2016. and opposition leader Raila Odinga. Triggered by the announcement that Kibaki had retained the presidency, the violence ultimately This series highlights the governance claimed more than 1,200 lives and displaced 350,000 people. A challenges inherent in power sharing February 2008 power-sharing agreement between the two leaders arrangements, profiles adaptations helped restore order, but finding a way to govern together in a new that eased these challenges, and unity cabinet posed a daunting challenge. Under the terms offers ideas about adaptations. negotiated, the country would have both a president and a prime minister until either the dissolution of parliament, a formal withdrawal by either party from the agreement, or the passage of a referendum on a new constitution. The agreement further stipulated that each party would have half the ministerial portfolios. Leaders from the cabinet secretariat and the new prime minister’s office worked to forge policy consensus, coordinate, and encourage ministries to focus on implementation. The leaders introduced a new interagency committee system, teamed ministers of one party with deputy ministers from the other, clarified practices for preparing policy documents, and introduced performance contracts. Independent monitoring, an internationally mediated dialogue to help resolve disputes, and avenues for back-channel communication encouraged compromise between the two sides and eased tensions when discord threatened to derail the work of the executive. -
Home of Last Resort: Urban Land Conflict and the Nubians in Kibera, Kenya
http://www.diva-portal.org Postprint This is the accepted version of a paper published in Urban Studies. This paper has been peer-reviewed but does not include the final publisher proof-corrections or journal pagination. Citation for the original published paper (version of record): Elfversson, E., Höglund, K. (2017) Home of last resort: Urban land conflict and the Nubians in Kibera, Kenya. Urban Studies https://doi.org/10.1177/0042098017698416 Access to the published version may require subscription. N.B. When citing this work, cite the original published paper. Permanent link to this version: http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-319413 Home of last resort: Urban land conflict and the Nubians in Kibera, Kenya Emma Elfversson and Kristine Höglund Abstract Amid expansive and often informal urban growth, conflict over land has become a severe source of instability in many cities. In slum areas, policies intended to alleviate tensions, including upgrading programs, the legal regulation of informal tenure arrangements, and the reform of local governance structures, have had the unintended consequence of also spurring violence and conflict. This paper analyzes the conflict over a proposed ‘ethnic homeland’ for the Nubian community in the Kibera slum in Nairobi, Kenya, in order to advance knowledge on the strategies communities adopt to promote their interests and how such strategies impact on urban conflict management. Theoretically, we apply the perspective of ‘institutional bricolage’, which captures how actors make use of existing formal and informal structures in pragmatic ways to meet their conflict management needs. While previous research focuses primarily on how bricolage can facilitate cooperation, the case analysis uncovers how over time, the land issue has become closely intertwined with claims of identity and citizenship and a political discourse drawn along ethnic lines. -
Report from OHCHR Fact-Finding Mission to Kenya, 6-28 February 2008
NATIONS UNIES UNITED NATIONS HAUT COMMISSARIAT AUX DROITS DE L’HOMME HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS Téléfax: (41-22) 917 90 39 Télégrammes:UNATIONS, GENEVE Téléx: 41 29 62 Téléphone: (41-22) 917 93 42 Internet www.unhchr.ch E-mail: [email protected] Address: Palais des Nations CH-1211 GENEVE 10 Report from OHCHR Fact-finding Mission to Kenya, 6-28 February 2008 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY I – INTRODUCTION II - BACKGROUND A. Long standing dispute over land rights B. Recurrent violence and persistent impunity C. Pre-existing violations of economic and social rights D. Vigilante groups III – THE 2007 PRESIDENTIAL AND PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IV – PATTERNS OF VIOLENCE A. Spontaneous violence B. Organised attacks against targeted communities C. Organised retaliatory attacks V – HUMAN RIGHTS CONCERNS A. State violence: excessive use of force, violations of the right to life and lack of equal protection before the law B. State responsibility to protect C. Freedom of expression and freedom of assembly D. Sexual and gender-based violence E. Forced displacement F. Right to health, education and housing VII. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS A. Conclusions B. Recommendations 2 G. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY From 6 to 28 February 2008, the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights deployed a Fact-Finding Mission (OHCHR Mission) to the Republic of Kenya to look into the violence and allegations of grave human rights violations following the presidential elections in December 2007. The OHCHR Mission also analysed underlying civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights issues and formulated recommendations on possible accountability mechanisms. The OHCHR Mission conducted on-site visits to the affected areas and met with a wide range of actors in the Government, among the opposition, and met with victims, human rights defenders as well as the diplomatic community. -
The Relationship Between Influential Actors' Language and Violence: A
FEBRUARY 2019 The relationship between influential actors’ language and violence: A Kenyan case study using artificial intelligence Chris Mahony Eduardo Albrecht Murat Sensoy Abstract Scholarly work addressing the drivers of violent conflict predominantly focus on macro-level factors, often surrounding social group-specific grievances relating to access to power, justice, security, services, land, and resources. Recent work identifies these factors of risk and their heightened risk during shocks, such as a natural disaster or significant economic adjustment. What we know little about is the role played by influential actors in mobilising people towards or away from violence during such episodes. We hypothesise that influential actors’ language indicates their intent towards or away from violence. Much work has been done to identify what constitutes hostile vernacular in political systems prone to violence, however, it has not considered the language of specific influential actors. Our methodology targeting this knowledge gap employs a suite of third party software tools to collect and analyse 6,100 Kenyan social media (Twitter) utterances from January 2012 to December 2017. This software reads and understands words’ meaning in multiple languages to allocate sentiment scores using a technology called Natural Language Processing (NLP). The proprietary NLP software, which incorporates the latest artificial intelligence advances, including deep learning, transforms unstructured textual data (i.e. a tweet or blog post) into structured data (i.e. a number) to gauge the authors’ changing emotional tone over time. Our model predicts both increases and decreases in average fatalities 50 to 150 days in advance, with overall accuracy approaching 85%. This finding suggests a role for influential actors in determining increases or decreases in violence and the method’s potential for advancing understandings of violence and language. -
Kenyatta and Odinga: the Harbingers of Ethnic Nationalism in Kenya by Dr
Global Journal of HUMAN-SOCIAL SCIENCE: D History Archaeology & Anthropology Volume 14 Issue 3 Version 1.0 Year 2014 Type: Double Blind Peer Reviewed International Research Journal Publisher: Global Journals Inc. (USA) Online ISSN: 2249-460x & Print ISSN: 0975-587X Kenyatta and Odinga: The Harbingers of Ethnic Nationalism in Kenya By Dr. Paul Abiero Opondo Moi University, Kenya Abstract- The paper traces the political problems that Kenya currently faces particularly the country’s inability to construct a united national consciousness, historical relationships that unfolded between the country’s foremost founders, Jomo Kenyatta and Oginga Odinga and the consequences of their political differences and subsequent-fallout in the 1960s. The fall-out saw Kenyatta increasingly consolidating power around himself and a group of loyalists from the Kikuyu community while Odinga who was conceptualized as the symbolic representative of the Luo community was confined to the wilderness of politics. This paper while applying the primordial and essentialist conceptual framework recognizes the determinant role that the two leaders played in establishing the foundations for post-independent Kenya. This is especially true with respect to the negative consequences that their differing perspectives on Kenyan politics bequeathed the country, especially where the evolution of negative ethnicity is concerned. As a result of their discordant political voices in the political arena, there were cases of corruption, the killing of innocent Kenyans in Kisumu in 1969, political assassinations of T J Mboya, Pio Gama Pinto and J M Kariuki among others as this paper argues. GJHSS-D Classification : FOR Code: 160699 KenyattaandOdingaTheHarbingersofEthnicNationalisminKenya Strictly as per the compliance and regulations of: © 2014. -
The People's President? Raila Odinga And
Institute of African Studies Carleton University (Ottawa, Canada) 2019 (7) The People’s President? Raila Odinga and the “Tunaapisha” Movement Oyunga Pala January 30, 2018 enters Kenya’s history books alongside September 1, 2017—the day when, for the first time, an election in the country was nullified. Many dismissed the opposition coalition’s, the Na- tional Super Alliance (NASA), threat to swear in its principals, Raila Odinga and his deputy Kalonzo Musyoka, as a PR gimmick. Yet, as the new year rolled in, the momentum for the “swear- ing-in” gained traction within the NASA ranks, and it became appar- ent that the “tunaapisha movement” (we are swearing in) had pre- vailed over the moderates. The new concern became the likelihood of a violent clash between the security forces and opposition hard- liners. On the morning of 30 January 2018, Nairobi had a cloud of unease hovering over it. Uhuru Park (Freedom Park) was buzzing as early as 4 am, and waves and waves of humanity swept into the park despite the open threat of repercussion from security authorities. Doomsayers predicted a bloodbath; it was expected that there would be violence when opposition supporters faced the state’s firepower. The day fell on a Tuesday at the end of the frugal month of January. The usual end-of-month buoyant mood, habitually dis- played by salaried workers making up for weeks of being broke, was absent. I encountered no traffic as I drove to meet a business pro- spect in the Lavington shopping centre at about eight in the morn- 176 Nokoko 7 2019 ing. -
The Secret Double-Dealing in Kenyatta 'Crimes Against Humanity' Case - Page 1 | Medi… Page 1 of 3
The secret double-dealing in Kenyatta 'crimes against humanity' case - Page 1 | Medi… Page 1 of 3 INTERNATIONAL INVESTIGATION The secret double-dealing in Kenyatta 'crimes against humanity' case OCTOBER 6, 2017 | BY STÉPHANIE MAUPAS In 2010, the International Criminal Court began proceedings against six Kenyan officials, including the country’s current president, Uhuru Kenyatta, of crimes against humanity over their responsibility in the deaths of more than 1,100 people, the displacement of an estimated 350,000 others, and rapes and persecutions which followed contested presidential election results in late 2007. But, as revealed by confidential documents obtained by Mediapart and analysed together with its media partners in the European Investigative Collaborations consortium, the ICC cases fell apart due in large part to the weakness of the investigation led by chief prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo who, after bringing charges against Kenyatta, subsequently campaigned behind the scenes for the Kenyan leader to escape prosecution. Stéphanie Maupas reports. enyans are due to return to the polls on October 26th in a re-run of presidential elections held on August 8th, K after Kenya’s supreme court in September annulled sitting president Uhuru Kenyatta’s victory over longstanding rival Raila Odinga, which it ruled was invalidated by “illegalities and irregularities”. The opposition National Super Alliance movement is demanding an overhaul of the east African country’s electoral commission, and rolling demonstrations in the capital Nairobi (https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2017-10- 05/kenya-to-tighten-security-for-opposition-protests-on-friday) in support of the call have been marred by clashes with police. -
Raila Odinga and Others V Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission and Others [2013] KLR-SCK Petition No.5 of 2013 & No
SAIPAR Case Review Volume 2 Issue 1 May 2019 Article 5 5-2019 Raila Odinga and Others v Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission and Others [2013] KLR-SCK Petition No.5 of 2013 & No. 1 of 2017 Teddy J.O. Musiga National Council for Law Reporting (Kenya Law) Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/scr Part of the African Studies Commons, and the Election Law Commons Recommended Citation Musiga, Teddy J.O. (2019) "Raila Odinga and Others v Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission and Others [2013] KLR-SCK Petition No.5 of 2013 & No. 1 of 2017," SAIPAR Case Review: Vol. 2 : Iss. 1 , Article 5. Available at: https://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/scr/vol2/iss1/5 This Case Commentary is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in SAIPAR Case Review by an authorized editor of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Raila Odinga and Others v Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission and Others Raila Odinga and Others v Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission and Others [2013] KLR-SCK Petition No.5 of 2013 & No. 1 of 2017 Teddy J O Musiga Facts Since the establishment of the Supreme Court of Kenya in 2011, it has so far determined two disputes arising from presidential election petitions. From the outset, it is important to clarify that this commentary does not purport to review the decisions of the 2013 and 2017 presidential election petitions.1 It only seeks to review and critique one salient aspect that emerges from the Supreme Court of Kenya’s approach in the treatment of rejected votes in those presidential election disputes.