OUTSIDELOOKING IN:

A STUDYOF CANADIANFRINGE PARTIES

by Myrna J. Men

Submitted in partial fulnllment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts

Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia September, 1997

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The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts Eom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or othewise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. As with any thesis, there are many people to pay tribute to who helped me with this effort. It is with this in mind that 1 mention Dr. Herman Bakvis, whose assistance, advice and patience was of great value. Thanks also to Dr. Peter Aucoin and

Dr. David Cameron for their commentary and suggestions. FinaLiy, 1 wish to thank my family and fnends who supported and encouraged me in my academic endeavours.

MJA Halifax, Nova Scotia September 15, 1997 Table of Contents ...... v

List of Tables ...... vi

Chapter 1: Introduction ...... 1

Chapter 2: Fringe Parties at the Polk ...... -10

Chapter 3: Motives and Developrnent ...... 50

Chapter 4: Policies and Platforms ...... 74

Chapter 5: Working on the Political Fringe: Leaders. Candidates and Supporters . 137

Chapter 6: Gainîng Political LRgitimacy ...... 179

Chapter 7: Conclusion ...... -193

Appendix A: Platform of the Workers Party ...... 198

Appendix B: 's Directive to Ail Communist Parties ...... 199

Appendix C: The Communist Party and Defence Policy: Disarmament and a Just

Peace ...... 200

Appendix D: The Main Thing in the Program to Stop Paying the Rich ...... 203

Bibliography ...... -204 National Political Parties Prior to the Required 1972 Registration ...... 3 National Political Parties Registered Since 1972 ...... 6 Registered Political Paries and Leaders. 1997 Federal Election ...... 7

-GE PARTIESAT THE POLU Canada-wide 1921 Results ...... 13 Canada-wide 1935 Results ...... -16 Percentage of Popular Vote obtained by Fringe Parties: 1867-1997 ..... 18 Canada-wide Popular Vote: 1979 ...... 19 Canada-wide Popular Vote: 1980 ...... 20 Canada-wide Popular Vote: 1984 ...... 21 Canada-wide Popular Vote: 1988 ...... 22 Who's Running - Number of Candidates by Party: 1993 ...... 23 1993 Voting Results ...... 24 1896 Election Results (Seats) ...... -28 1945 Election Results (Seats) ...... 33 Who's Running - Number of Official Candidates by Party: 1997 ...... 40 Fnlnge Party Candidates by Province: 1997 ...... 42 Canada-wide Popular Vote: 1997 ...... 44 Final Party Standings by Province: 1997 ...... 45

Tumout in Federal Elections (Percentages) ...... 180 Tumout in Canada and 32 other democracies. 1980s ...... 181 Votes by Parties: 1997 ...... 185 Seats Allocated on the Basis of Proportional Representation: 1997 ..... 186 The Canadian colonies, settled by the British and French in the 1700~~feii under

British control in 1763. By 1791, it could be said that representative government was fkmly established in these colonies that would ultimately be united as the Dominion of

Canada in 1867. Effective self-government was achieved by the separate colonies in 1848 and Confederation was achieved in 1867 under the British North America Act. %le political parties were not mentioned in the Constimtion Act, 1867, they do have expücit legal status and contribute to how we are govemed.

Pnor to Confederation, groups resembling political parties oegan to form. In Ex Uno

Plures, Garth Stevenson suggests that from 1848 until 1867, the United Province of

Canada had a consociational regime: a regime in which elite accommodation maintained democratic stability in spite of deep ideological, cultural or religious divisions.'

The Progressive Conservatives, the Conservative Party until 1942, began as a ternporary Liberal-Conservative coalition of Tories, rnoderate Liberals £rom Canada West and French-speaking in the Province of canada? John A. Macdonald, a member of the legislative assembly, worked hard to establish this alliance which he declared would "enlarge the bounds of Our party so as to embrace every person desirous of being

' Garth Stevenson, Er Uno Phes (: McGiii-Queen's University Press, 19931, 8.

Hugh Thorbum, Party Politics in Canada, 6th ed. (Scarborough: Prentice-Hail, 1991), 3. 1 counted a progressive Conservative."' Although the party had its origins in 1854, Colin

Campbell and William Christian argue that the Confederation controversy of 1864 to 1867 was the catalyst dnving the groups in the legislature toward transforming its organization bom an eiectorai faction to a party?

Between 1867 and 1873, the govenunent of Macdonald and Cartier still consisted of several "loose fish" who had been elected for the sole purpose of supporthg any coalition in order to gain favours for their constituencies? Nevertheless, in cornparison to the

Liberai coalition, Macdonald's group had been well organized fkom the start.

The rural Clear Gnts of Upper Canada, anti-derical rouges, and the anti-

Confederation Nova Scotia MPs organized as the under Alexander

MacKenzïe in the 1870s.~In 1873, without benefit of an election, the Cooservatives were forced to resign their position to MacKenziels coalition. The ensuing election, held in

January 1874, was signincant in that for the £irst time there were contestants standing for sornething resembling national politicai organizations.' Although this coalition formed

Colin Camp beii and Wiiiiam Christian, Parties, Leaders and Ideologies in Canada (: McGraw-Hiil Ryereson Ltd., 1996), 27.

' Robert Craig Brown, "Fishwives, Plutocrais, Sirens and Other Curious Creatures: Some Questions About Political Leadership in Canada" in Prime Minbers and Premiers, L. Pal and D. Taras, eds. (Scarborough: Prentice-Haii, 1988).

Thorburn, 3.

' J. L. Finlay and D. N. Sprague, nie Sîructure of Canadiun HLÎrory, 3rd ed. (Scarborough: Prentice-Haii Inc., 1989), 201. the govemment, it was fourteen years later, under the leadership of Wilfiid Laurier, that the Liberal Party became a genuine national party?

Importantiy, however, Canada has seen the development of numerous parties in addition to the two dominant parties (see Table 1.1). The Progressives constituted the fist effective third party challenge to the Liberal-Conservative duopoly. Emerging as a protest movement formed by Western agrarian interests, the sent 64 members to the House of Commons in 1921. But by 1930, the Progressive party had lost its political effectiveness. The Social Credit Party, beginning in 1933 as a result of the political protests of the depression era, was the second third party of historicd federal significance. Winning seventeen seats in 1935, the Social Credit achieved their greatest success when they won thirty seats in the House of Commons in 1962.

TABLE1.1 TION ON AL POLITICAL PAR'IlES PRIOR TO THE REQWD 1972 REGISTRATION

All Canada Party Anti-Communist Party Anti-Conscnption Party Canadian Democrats Canadian Liberal des Electeurs Canadian Nazi Party Capital Familial Co+p Builders of Canada Droit Vital Personne Elector's Candidate Espril Social Fanners' Party Independantiste Worker hdustrial Worker

* Michael Whittington and Richard Van bon, Canadian Goverment and Politics (Toronto: McGraw-Hiil Ryerson Ltd., 1996), 368. Labourit es Labour Progressive Party League for Socialist Action Le Parti de Liberation du Liberal des Electeurs McCarthy ites Nationaiist Party of Canada National Social Christian Party National Party New Canada Party New Capitalist Party Non-Partisan League Ouvrier Independant Parti de la Confederation Patrons of Industry Progressive Party Progressive Workers' Movement Prohibition Party Protestant Protective Association Radical Christian Reconstruction Party Republican Party of Canada Revolutionary Workers' League Social Social Education League Social Justice Socialist Labour Party Soldiers' Party Union des Electeurs United Fanners of Alberta United Progressive Party United Reform Party Verdun Party Veterans' Party Western Guard Party Workers' Party

Source: Frederick Englemann and Mildred Schwartz, Canadian Political Parties: Origin, Character, Impact (Scarborough: Prentice-Hall, 1975); and Hugh G. Thorburn, ed., Party Politics in Canada, 6th ed. (Scarborough: Prentice-Hall, 1991). See also Murray Beck, Pendulum of Power (Scarborough: Prentice-Hall, 1968). With the creation of the Ceoperative Commonwealth Federation in 1932 and its

successor, the in 1961, third parties have played a signincant role

in Canadian politics. In addition to the Liberals, Conservatives and the NDP, the 1993 and

1997 elections resulted in a powemil showing by both the Bloc Québécois and the

Reform Party.

These £ive political parties are well known and extensively discussed in the literature.

In addition, however, several hge parties have populated the Canadian political landscape (see Table 1.2). There have been and continue to be several fringe parties that fail to gain significant suppoa or influence. For example, the , with policies focused on yogic flying, fielded 136 candidates in the 1997 general election. The

Green Party, which focuses on the environment, the , the

Marxist-Leninist Party and the Christian Heritage Party also ran numerous candidates (see

Table 1.3). The Communist Party, deregistered in 1993 after failing to run more than 50 candidates, fielded 13 candidates in the 1997 election.

At this point, it becomes necessary to distinguish fige parties fiom traditional and rninor parties. Typically, fige parties in Canada meet the following cntena: they compete within a political party system that has been dorninated - at least until 1993 - by traditionai political parties; unlike several rninor parties, they have failed to become powerful contenders in Parliament; they are frequently formed around a single issue or leader; as vote-getters they have failed to elect more than six candidates in any one election or receive more than five percent of the popular vote. Furthemore, their electoral success is limited to one election. TABLE1.2 NATIONALPOLïïiCAL PARTIES REGETERED SiNCE 1972, AND LEADERS AT TIME OF REGKI'RATION Note: Registration of political parties became required in 1972 (sorne parties registered earlier) in order to be eligible for reimbursements under the Elecfion fiperrse !s Act,

Registration Leader Date Abolitionist Party of Canada John C. Turne11 Amencan Party of Canada Hal Keller Bloc Québécois Businessmen's Action of Canada Gérard Ledoux Canada Party (1974) Stuart J. Neilson Canada Party (1992) Joseph Thauberger , Canadian Alternative Party Michael John Koulton Canadian Economic Community Peter C. Nuthall Canadian Party for Renewal Jeffrey Goodman Canadian folitical Party Robert B. McCarty Canadian Union Party Joseph Andréoni Chnstian Heritage Party of Canada Ed Van Woundenberg Commonwealth Party of Canada Gilles Gervais Communist Party of Canada Confederation of Regions Western Party Freedom Party of Canada Jeffrey J, Willorton of Canada (The) Dr. Trevor Hancock Rt. Hon. P.E. Trudeau Libertarian Party of Canada Ronald F. Bailey Marxist-Leninist Party of Canada HardiaI Singh Bains Modernization Party of Canada Glenn Patrick Pylypa National Canadian Party Eugene Caraghiaur Me1 Hurtig National Reform Party Ronald A Gilson Natural Law Party Neil Paterson New Democratic Party David Lewis Nude Garden Party Patrick C. Britten Option Canada Party John Robertson Parti Anarchiste-Démocrate Meddly Pruneau Parti Marxiste-Léniniste du Canada Hardial Singh Bains Parti Nationaliste du Québec (formerly Union Populaire) Louis Grave1 Parti Nouvelle France Jacques Laurendeau Parti Québécois René Lévesque Parti Rhinocéros Jacques Ferron, M.D. Populist Party for Canada Albert A. Ritchie Progressive Conservative Party of Canada Hon Robert L Stanfield Pro-Life Party of Canada Earl Arnyotte Reform of the Monetary Law Gérard Ledoux Revolutionary Labour Alliance Claude St-ûnge Social Credit Party of Canada Réal Caouette Student Party Blair T. Longley United Canada Concept Party Hugh S. Clarke United Free Enterprise Party (Uni-Free) Nicholas Van Berkel United Provincials Nat'l Party of Canada Joe Lehnert Party Douglas k Ligertwood Party Douglas Christie Western Independence Party Dr Fred Marshall (interim)

Source: Colin Campbell and William Chnstian, Parties, Leaders and Ideologies in Cunadu, (Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson Limited, 1996), 245-246. TABLE1.3 REGISTEREDPOLITICAL PARTIES AND LEADERS, 1997 FXDERAL ELECTTON

Bloc Québécois, Canadian Action Party, Christian Heritage Party of Canada, Ron Gray , Liberal Party of Canada, Jéan Chretien Marxist-Leninist Party of Canada, Hardinal Bains Natural Law Party, Neil Paterson New Democratic Party, Alexa McDonough Progressive Conservative Party, Jéan Charest Reform Party of Canada, Preston Manning

Typicdy, fringe parties in Canada have represented views that are not given voice by the governing parties. Some of these parties are serious, others lesso. The Rhinoceros

Party, one of the less serious parties, was created by a group of Montreal intellechiais who poked fun at professional politicians. This thesis focuses on the above-mentioned seven political parties as they represent a good example of different kinds of parties that fa11 into the fringe party category.

A political party is defined as an organized group of people who control or seek to control government. in democratic countries, political parties compete against one another in elections to keep or gain control of government. As a result, parties perform various functions: they organize the govemment, they provide opposition to the party in power, they inform voters about public affairs, formulate public poücy, mobilize and educate the voters, fiance the election campaigns, and recruit, and nominate candidates. While these are the standard functions performed by parties, figeparties perform different functions. In the Canadian political system, fringe parties represent social and economic protests that

are not given voice by the major parties; enter elections mainiy to publicize their ideology or political doctrine; cal1 attention to new issues, sometimes advocate unpopular policies, and idluence the party in power by putting forth policies that are popular with the people.

The most striking recent example is the Green Party which has helped place environmental issues at the forefiont. These parties dso serve, as we will later argue, a moderating hnction for the political system by integrating dissident - even extreme - voices, into the legal framework governing political competition.

Canadians have a representative and responsible parliamentary democracy by which we select some of the oEcials who govem on Our behalf. The former means that the

Iegislative branch of government must be representative of its citizenry or democratic; the latter means that members of the Cabinet are responsible to Parliament in that the bills they present, the policies they generate, and the actions they take must retain the support and confidence of a majority of members. If this support or confidence is lost, the Cabinet must either resign or ask the govemor general to dissolve Parliament in preparation for an election.

In order to elect members to the House of Commons, Canada is divided into geo- political areas called constituencies or ridings. In each constituency, political parties choose a person to run in the election, or an individual may decide to run as an independent. On election day, the candidate who receives more votes than any other candidate, even if that number is less than a majority of the votes, is declared elected and is entitled to a seat in the House of Commons. The political party whose members win

the most seats will form the govemment.

Political scientists have observed ihat Canada's "first past the post," simple pldty systern distorts the results of Canadian elections. As a general de, any party that wins only 40 percent of the popular vote can win a healthy majority in Parliament.

Furthemore, the current system also encourages parties to build strong regional bases rather than national support. In the past, the Liberals and Progressive Conservatives, as well as regional parties in Quebec and Western Canada, have benefitted fiom this system.

However, the system tends to under-represent parties whose support is spread fairly eveniy across the country.

In the following chapter, we begin by addressing the electoral success of fige parties. We then turn, in Chapter 3, to a discussion of the motives behind the creation of bgeparties. This is followed, in Chapter 4, by an examination of the platforms and policies of the Enge parties. Chapter 5 focuses on the political leaders, candidates, and their supporters. This is followed by a discussion of the positive role played by fringe parties and ways in which to increase the political legitimacy of these parties. Finally,

Chapter 7 is devoted to a few concluding comments. Introduction

In the first general election in the Dominion of Canada, in 1867, 268,217 voted. In the thirty-sixth election, in 1997, 12,670,691 Canadians cast valid ballots. In aii, twenty-one of the thirty-six elections were won by the Liberals and fifteen were won by the Conservatives. While there have been third parties in the fieid for the past seventy-six years, untiI 1993 the two onginai parties remained the leading contenders for power. In addition to a Limited nurnber of third parties represented in Parliament, Canada has also witnessed both the birth and death of numerous fige parties. Furthemore, throughout the course of Our politicai history, numerous contenders have run as Independent candidates.

This chapter begins by examining the electoral success of fige parties, which we defined in the introduction as electing fewer than six candidates in any one election, receiving no more than five percent of the popular vote, and having their success limited to one election. The following section focuses on the 1896 election in which fringe party contenders and independent candidates gained 8.8 percent of the popular vote, an increase of seven percent over the 1891 election. The third section focuses on the Communist success in 1945. The final section reviews the 1997 election. Some concluding comments

focus on the reasons for these successes and failures.

Section 2.1

The traditional nineteenth~enturyview of Parliament revolved around a twwparty

system. To some extent, this reflected the pre-eminence of two major parties and their

ability to represent the electorate effectively. Ln his analysis of the Canadian party system,

R. K. Carty suggests that £rom 1867 to 1917 the Conservatives and Liberals monopolized

electoral competition due to the fact that they successfuily represented Canada's diverse

regionai intere~ts.~The two-party system, based on the British model, aiso accorded with the parliamentary concept of a govemment and an opposition.

In Canada, it was not until 1896 that candidates were elected to the House of

Commons who were neither Liberai nor ~onservative.'~This original two-party system, fist chailenged in 1896 by the electorally successfu1 Patrons of Industry and

McCarthyites, re-established itself by 1900. Although Socialist and Labour candidates competed in the ensuing elections, the only successful candidates were Independent

R. K. Carty, "Three Canadian Party Systems," in Canadian Political Party Sysrems: A Reader (Peterborough: Broadview Press, 1992), 563.

l0 PPrior to 1896 two candidates were elected without the backing of either the Liberals or Conservatives. in the 1874 election, an Independent candidate was elected in . In 1882 Quebec elected an Independent Liberal to the House of Cornmons. See Murray Beck, Pendulum of Power (Scarborough: Prentice-Hall, 1968). members." In fact, until 1921, the 1896 challenge to the party system was considered something of an aberration.

Since 1921, we have consistently witnessed an increasing number of parties competing for office. Some of these parties have been electorally successful, others have not. As the federal system developed and expanded, the two-party system was chailenged by third parties, especially by îhose in western Canada. Led by , a former

Member of Parliament unable to realize his aims through the present system, the

Progressives constituted the est effective challenge to the Liberal-Conservative duopoly.

Although Crerar insisted that his party was established for al1 persons "who desire to see purity in the govenunent restored, who desire to see public morality supplant public corruption, who desire to sweep away abuse of the function of government for the advancement of the interest of the privileged few," the party was distinctly agrarîan in nature.12 Indicative of this fact was the party's opposition to the tariff that kept the price of central Canada's manufactured goods relatively high and drove up the costs of farming. The party also opposed discriminatory Ereight rates and advocated restoration of the pre-war Crow's Nest Pass freight rates. The party dso advocated easier credit for fanners, refonn in the system for marketing grain, hee trade, and provincial control over natural resources to the three prairie provinces.

In 1904, Quebec elected an Independent candidate. An Independent Conservative was elected in in 1908. See Beck, Penduium of Power.

l2 J. L. Finlay and D. N. Sprague, The Structure of Canodian History, 3rd ed. (Scarborough: Prentice-HaLi, 1989), 320. On December 6, 1921, for the &st the in Canadian political history, no party

received a majority. Mackenzie King, with 116 seats, feii just short of haif of the 235

seats. The Progressives returned sixty-four members to the House of Cornmons, including

thirty-seven of the forty-three MPs from the three Prairie provinces (see Table 2.1).

The Progressives consisted of a loose coalition of three western factions. Crerar and bis faction tended to see the movement as a ternporary coalition representing the interests of dissatisfied Liberals. Henry Wise Wood's Alberta ~OUP,opposed to the concept of

Seats Con. Lib. Prog. Other Nova Scotia 16 16

New Brunswick 11 5 5 1 Prince Edward Island 4 4

Quebec 65 65 On tario 82 37 21 24

Manitoba 15 1 12 2 16 1 15 Alberta 12 10 2 1 13 7 3 2 1 Yukon 1 1 1 TOTAL 235 50 116 64 5

Others eiected: Man (2): IL (1); Lab. (1) Alta. (2): Lab. (1); 1. (1) B.C. (1): 1. (1)

------Source: Murray Beck, Pendulum of Power (Scarborough: Prentice-Hall, 1968), 160. political parties, refksed to endorse the idea that any coalition should be permanent. The

Saskatchewan faction viewed the movement as a party. However, since they were the

minority within the contingent, the Progressives were unwilling to behave like a political

party and fonn the opposition. As a result, the opposition role was Elled by Meighen's

Conservatives. Throughout the ensuing four years, the Progressives largely supported

Liberal policies, which, for al1 practical purposes, cost them both credibility and support.

In the 1925 election the party elected twenty-four MPs. The following year, ody 20

candidates were sent to . This number was reduced to twelve in the 1930 election.

Absorbed largely by the Liberais, by 1935 the Progressives disappeared from the federal

scene.

The challenge to the two-party system was repeated in 1935. The second effective

challenge to the Liberd-Conservative duopoly was launched by the Social Credit Party.

Originating in the west, the Social Credit Party began as the hardship and discontent generated by the depression caused many Canadians to seek solutions outside the

kamework of the established political parties. The intellectual roots of Social Credit

resided in a mixture of prairie popuiïsm and the curious economic theories of Major C.

H. Douglas, an eccentric British engineer. Social Credit, emphasizing the fundamental

flaws of modem capitalism and the ineptitude of parliamentary govemment, promised to end poverty by introducing monetary reforms that would feature price regulations, control of credit flow, and the payment of dividends to citizens.13

l3 Walter Young, "The Progressives," in Readings in Canodian History, R. Douglas Francis and Donald B. Smith, eds. (Toronto: Holt, Mehart and Winston of Canada, 1990), 393-401. Although the groundwork for the Canadian Social Credit movement was laid by the

prevailing social, economic and political conditions, it was William Aberhart who

propagated its ideas. "Bible Bili" Aberhart, a schoolteacher and fimdamentalist, discovered

Douglas' teachings and broadcast them fiom his Prophetic Bible Instiîute in Calgary. The

theory attracted a vast and receptive audience. "Rarely had medium and message been better combined," said Desmond Morton. "Agospel-reared audience, nightened by debt,

insecurïty, and sudden poverty, responded to simple economics taught with the imagery of thieves, rnoney-Ienders, and social dividends." "

In addition to achieving provincial success in Alberta, British Columbia and

Quebec, the party has elected numerous candidates to the House of Commons. In 1935 the party fielded six candidates in Manitoba, twenty in Saskatchewan, seventeen in

Alberta and two in British Columbia. Seventeen of these candidates were successful (see

Table 2.2). Over the next two decades, the party's electoral support declined and ail eighty-two candidates were defeated in Diefenbaker's 1958 ~andslide.'~However, in

1962, thirty Social Creditors were elected. The twenty-six Quebec members owed their win to their fiery Quebec leader, Real Caouette, Although candidates continued to be elected until 1980, the party never repeated its 1962 success.

In addition to the Progressive and Social Credit parties, the Cooperative

Commonwealth Federation, subsequently renamed the New Democratic Party, the Reform

l4 Desmond Morton, A Short , 2nd ed. (Toronto: McCleUand and Stewart, 1994), 202.

l5 The party won ten seats in 1940, thirteen in 1945, ten in 1949, fifteen in 1953 and nineteen in 1957. Seats Cons. Lib. S.C. C.C.F. Other

Nova Scotia 12 12

New Brunswick 10 1 9

Prince Edward Island 4 4

Quebec 65 5 55 5

Ontario 82 25 56 1

Manitoba 17 1 14 2

Saskatchewan 21 1 16 2 2

Alberta 17 1 1 15

British Columbia 16 5 6 3 2

Yukon 1 1

TOTAL 245 40 173 17 7 8

Others etected: Que. (5): IL. (5) Ont. (1): United Farmers (1) B.C. (2): 1. (1); Reconstruction (1)

Source: Murray Beck, Pendulum of Power (Scarborough: Prentice-Hall, 1968), 220.

Party and the Bloc Quebecois have been successful in federal politics. While the future of both the Bloc and Reform parties is not certain, the NDP has been part of the political

Landscape since the 1930s. Furthemore, in every federal election since 1867 the electorate have been presented with independent candidates and candidates belonging to parties other than the aforementioned. Over the course of the, their percentage of the popular vote has ranged kom 0.4 to 12.1 percent with the highest percentage acquired in 1896, 1921, 1940, 1945 and 1949 (see Table 2.3). The most enduring fringe party has been the Communist

Party of Canada.

Since its creation in 1921, the Communist Party of Canada has contested

numerous elections. However, their only successes came with Fred Rose's 1943 federal

by-election win and his subsequent 1945 victory. During the Cold War of the 1950s, the

party began to decline. Today it claims a rnernbership of merely 800.

The pst two decades have witnessed the birth of several fringe parties. in 1979, nine

parties claimed official status in the parliamentary elections. Together, the 475 assorted

candidates who were not Progressive Conservatives, Liberals, New Democrats or Social

Creditors, amassed a total of 173,441 votes. Aithough the Marxist-Leninists field more

candidates than the Social Creditors and although the Quebec Rhinos often placed weli

ahead of NDP candidates, not one fringe candidate was elected to the House of Commons

(see Table 2.4).

When nominations officially closed on January 28 for the February 1980 election, a

record 1,496 candidates had filled papers seeking the 282 seats in the House of Cornons.

The Liberals and Conservatives fielded candidates in al1 282 ridings, with the NDP

competing in every nding except the riding of Berthier-Maskinonge. The Social Credit

Party fielded 80 candidates, 56 of them in Quebec. TABLE23 PERCENTAGEOF POPULARVOTE OBTAINEDBY -GE PARTES AND INDEPENDENT CANDIDATES:1867-1997

Election Year % Popular Vote Election Year % Popular Vote

1867 1.O 1940 6.6 1872 0.9 1945 12.1 1874 0.8 1949 5.1 1878 1.2 1953 3.5 1882 2.5 1957 2.8 1887 1.1 1958 0.7

1891 1.8 1962 0.4 1896 8.8 1963 0.4

1900 1.3 1965 1.2 1904 1.5 1968 0.9

1908 2.7 1972 1.2

1911 1.4 1974 0.9

1917 3.1 2979 1.5

1921 6.1 1980 1.7

1925 4.7 1984 3.6 1926 3.4 1988 3.1 1930 3.2 1993 3 .O 1935 3.9 1997 1.64 Tmm 2.4 CANADA-WIDEPOPULAR VOTE: 1979

- - - l No. of Votes Percentage of Seats Candidates Received Popular Vote Liberals 114 282 4,594,3 19 40.1 Conservatives 106 282 4,111,559 35.9 NDP 26 282 2,048,779 17.9 Social Credit 1 6 1 103 1 527,604 1 4.6 - Libertarian 54 15,852 O. 14 Union Populaire 69 19,444 0.17 Independent 76 52,152 0.45 Rhinoceros 64 62,600 0.55 Communist 72 9,162 0.08 Marxist-Leninists 140 14,23 1 O. 12 TOTAL 1 282 1 1424 1 11,455,702 1 100

Source: Canada, Minister of Supply and Services, Thiry-first Genernl Elecïion 1979: Report of the Chief EIectoral Office, Ottawa, 1980.

When the results were announced, the saw its total vote almost double. Outpolling the Tories and the NDP in several ridings, the Rhinos acquired one percent of the national vote (see Table 2.5). This was to be their most successful election. TABLE2.5 CANADA-WIDEPOPW VOTE: 1980

No. of Votes Percentage of Candidates Received Popular Vote

Conservatives

- Social Credit 80 185,486

Libertarian 54 14,656 Union Populaire 54 14,474 Independent Rhinoceros

TOTAL

Source: Canada, Minister of Supply and Services, nirty-second General EZection 1980: Report of the Chief Electoral Once, Ottawa, 1980.

In 1984, eleven parties claimed official status in the parLiarnentary elections. Seven of these were fringe parties. The oldest of these parties, the Communist Party of Canada, received the least support, gaining just 0.06 percent of the national vote. The satincd

Rhinos saw their support drop to 0.77 percent of the popular vote. , a Little more than a year old in Canada, yielded 59 candidates across the country, mostiy in

Ontario and British Columbia (see Table 2.6).

TABLE2.6 CANADA-WTDEPOPULAR VOTE: 1984

- - -- 1 NO. of Votes Percentage of 1 Candidates ( Received Popular Vote ( Liberals 28

11 Social Credit (1 Parti Nationaliste II Libertarian

11 Green -. Codederation of Regions -- Commonwealth of Canada 1) Independent 11 TOTALS

Source: Adapted £rom Canadian News Facts, Vol. 18, No. 16 (September 1-15, 1984, 3121-3128. In the 1988 general election, 1552 candidates competed for 295 seats in the House

of Comrnons. In total, the hgeparties gained 389,922 votes. The Rhinos were supported

by only 49,557 voters and saw their percentage of the popular vote drop to 0.38 percent.

Communist support also declined slightly kom 0.06 to 0.05 percent of the national vote.

The Green Party, running in its second federal election, received approximately 15,000 more votes than in the previous election. On the other hand, the Rhinoceros Party saw its support drop by nearly fifty percent (see Table 2.7).

TABLE2.7 CANADA-WIDEPOPüïAR VOTE: 1988

No, of Votes Percentage of Seats Candidates Received Popular Vote II Liberals 1 83 1 294 1 4,168,230 1 31.9

1 Libertarian 87 31,557 0.24 Rhinoceros 73 49,557 0.38 Reform 69 227,087 1.7 II Green 1 1 68 1 41,867 1 0.32 I[ Christian Heritage 1 1 61 1 93,933 1 0.72 Commonwealth 58 8,181 0.06 RepubIic 1 Communist 1 1 51 1 6,28 1 1 0.05 Confederation of 50 39,930 030 Regions 1 11 Social Credit 1 1 9 1 2,770 1 0.02 Independent 142 118,616 0.91 TOTALS 295 1,552 13,075,042 100

Source: Adapted £iom Canadian News Facts (Canada: Marpep Publishing Limited, 1988), 3909-3914. In the 1993 election, 2001 men and women competed for the 295 available House of Commons seats. The Naturai Law Party, espousing the benefits of yogic Bying as a strategy to create a perfect govenunent, was launched in Vancouver in August 1993. In its fist campaign it fielded 231 candidates and received 87,734 votes The Marxist-Leninists ran 51 candidates and acquired 5,136 votes, most of them in Quebec. The Libertarian Party of Canada, trying to capitahe on a hstration with govemment bureaucracy and spending, fielded 52 candidates. The British Columbian-based pr~nvironmentGreen Party fielded 79 candidates; the Christian Hentage Party fielded 59 candidates; the National Party, the Abolitionist Party, the Canada Party and the Commonwealth of Canada Party aiso fielded candidates (see Table 2.8).

PARTY No. OF CANDIDATES I Conservatives 295 Liberals 295 New Democrats 294 II NaturaI Law 1 231 II Refonn 207 I l Abolitionist 80 I

Bloc Quebecois 75 Christian Herita~e 59 Commonweaith 56 Canada Party 56 Libertarian 52 - 1 Marxist Leninist 1 51

Note: This list does not include a number of Independent candidates and the eight candidates fielded by the de-registered Communist Party of Canada.

- - Source: . In 1993, the govemment passed Bill C-114, an act to amend the Canada Elections

Act. Bill CA14 required each party to field fifty candidates and to put up a $1,000

deposit per candidate. Unable to corne up with the $50,000, the cash-strapped Rhinoceros

Party did not compete in the election. The Communist Party of Canada, which fielded

ody eight candidates, lost its registration, its right to issue tax receipts, its access to

broadcasting time and the right to have its candidates1party afnliation indicated on the ballot.

Billed as the "Conservative Collapse," the election saw the Tories reduced to two seats. The Liberals formed the govemment and the M)P elected only nine members. A large western populist uprising produced the Reform Party and Quebec separatists formed the Official Opposition. Together, the candidates who were not Liberais, Conservatives,

New Democrats, Reformers or Bloc Quebecois acquired three percent of the popular vote

(see Table 2.9).

Party Seats % of Seats % of Popular Vote LiberaI 177 60 41 Bloc Quebecois 54 18.3 14 Reform Party 52 17.6 19 NDP 9 3.1 7 Progressive 2 0.7 16 Conservative Other 1 0.3 3

One Independent was eIected.

Source: "Election 97," Globe and Mail, 2 June 1997, AS. Section 2.2

In 1890, the Manitoba legislature decided to abolish the state-supported Catholic school system. The Manitoba School Question heightened tensions between Cathoiics and

Protestants, and between Ottawa and Manitoba. Rather than replacing the late Sir John

A. Macdonald with a strong and decisive man, the Consewatives selected Sir John

Abbott. Adverse to public meetings, public speeches and notoriety, Abbott soon stepped aside in favour of Sir John Thornpson.

Thompson, a Halifax lawyer, had served bnefly as Premier of Nova Scotia pnor to becorning a provincial Supreme Court Judge. In 1885, he became Miaister of Justice and

Attomey-General. Having Little taste for politics, Thompson unwillingly became Prime

Minister in 1892. Although Thompson accepted the post, he felt that in light of the increasing tide of militant Protestantism, a converted Catholic ought not to take the leadership.16 Thompson died prematurely on 12 December 1894 and was replaced by Sir

Mackenzie Bowell, an Ontario Orangeman and former newspaper editor.

Bowell's handling of the Manitoba School Question outraged the Manitoba goverment and most of his cabinet. Seven ministers resigned and the Prime Minister was boycotted by every prominent Conservative. After losing a series of by-elections, the party tumed to Sir , a long-the associate of Macdonald's and a well-known Canadian politician.

Tupper, who practiced medicine in between his political activities, became the fifth

Prime Minister in £ive years. Tupper was elected to the legislature in Nova Scotia in

l6 Beck, 73. 1855. He became Premier in 1864 and entered Macdonald's Cabinet in 1870. Throughout

the course of his weer, he held the post of Minister of Railways and served as Canadian

High Commissioner in Brïtain. Replacing Bowell on May 1, 1896, Tupper failed to unify the party.

The Liberals, uniike the Conservatives, were more united and stronger than at any other thne in their history. This factor gave them the appearance of a tmiy broad.y-based national organization. According to Murray Beck, it was Laurier, with his "sumy ways" and "charismatic qualities," who made the difference. "During these years, Laurier's persona1 visits were creating a favourable impression in al1 the provinces. The convention of 1893, by assembling neariy every important Liberal in the Dominion, completed the forging of a loose alliance of provincial parties into a coherent, national organization."17

It was against the background of the Manitoba Schools Question that the 1896 election was fought. The Conservatives wanted to compel Manitoba to restore separate schools. Tupper's position, according to historians, was to suggest that, if elected, the

Tories would enact a Remedial Bill designed to restore minority education rights in

Manitoba.'' Three years prior to the election, Laurier had privately indicated that he preferred tax-supported, non-sectarian schools. However, since Laurier was both Catholic and French, he refused to opedy oppose the restoration of separate schools. Taking a middle-of-the-road approach, Laurier based his campaign on provincial nghts.

I7 Ibid., 73.

" Finlay and Sprague, 244. "Education," said Laurier, "was a provincial responsibiiity and the federai govermient should not interfere."lg

While the Manitoba schools issue was an important election issue, Murray Beck indicates that it was not the only one?' Aithough important in Manitoba and Quebec, the issue Iost its salience in the remaining provinces. Avoiding the schools question as much as possible, the Conservatives focused on their record of development and achievement. However, while voters positively responded to the National Policy in previous elections, this did not hold tme in 1896. Aithough Tupper ran a £ine campaign, he lost the elecîion.

The election of 1896 seemed indicative of a change in Canadian poiitics. While the

Conservatives won more votes than the Liberals, they obtained fewer seak2' Mer an eternity in the opposition ranks - since Confederation the Liberals held office only nom

1873 to 1878 - the Liberal Party came to power and would hold that position for the next nfteen years. Furthemore, this was the first Canadian election in which fringe parties won representation in the House of Commons (see Table 2.10). And, as show in Table

2.3, support for fige parties and independent candidates jumped fiom 1.8 percent in

l9 D. Owen Carrigan, Canadion Party Plarform: 1867-1 968 (Toronto: Copp Clark, 1968), 33.

Beck, 77.

2' The Conservatives won 46.1 percent of the popular vote while the Liberals won the election with 45.1 percent of the popular vote. A total of 8.8 percent of the popular vote was won by parties other than the Liberals or Conservatives. The Patrons of Industry fielded 30 candidates and the McCarthyites fielded Il. The Protestant Protection Association, an Ontario group who had previously elected members to the Ontario legislature, fielded five candidates in Ontario. 1891 to 8.8 percent in 1896. The anti-Cathoiic McCarthyites, led by D'Mon McCarthy,

and the Patrons of Industry were pioneers for fiinge parties in future elections.

The of new parties is a sign that the estabfished parties of a system are not

accommodating important shades of political opinion in that system. The ernergence of

the Patrons of Industry and the McCarthyites in 1896 was indicative of the fact that a

smaii group of farmers and English-speaking Canadians believed that they lacked

representation in the federal govement.

Seats Cons. Lib. Other

Nova Scotia 20 10 10

New Brunswick 14 9 5

Prince Edward Island 5 3 2

Quebec 65 16 49

Ontario 92 43 43 6

Manitoba 7 4 2 1

British Cotumbia 6 2 4

NWT 4 1 3

TOTAL 213 88 118 7

Others dected: Ont. (6): McCarthyite (3); Patrons (2); Ind. (1) Man. (1): McCarthyite (1)

------Source: Murray Beck, Pendulum of Power (Scarborough: Prentice-Hall, 1968), 86. During the mid-1890s, numerous Canadian farmers became resentfùl of Macdonald's

National Policy. While recognizing that the goveniment could not protect them boom a

cycle of drought, poor yields and Low world prices, the farmers crîticized the National

Policy for failing to address their concerns. Farmers condemned the CPR freight rates and

policies which they felt reflected al1 the evils of monopoly; the tariff that forced them to

pay more for their balers, binders, hayricks, and boots; and the corruption of traditional

politics.* As a result, thousands of men joined the militant Patrons of Industry.

The Patrons of Lndustry, a united farm organization, appeared fiist in Ontario in 1889, where it had spread ikom Michigan. Connections with the body were severed in 1891, and entering politics, the Patrons of Industry enjoyed some fleeting successes between 1894 and 1896.

The basis of the Patrons was the protection of farmers' interests, thought to be neglected by both the Liberals and the Conservatives. Their most notable achievement was the election of seventeen candidates to the Ontario legislature in 1894.~In Ex Uno

Hures, Garth Stevenson indicates that the sudden rise of the Patrons was rural Ontario's response to the threat of urbanization? Although the Patrons made modest gains in

Manitoba and in the federal election of 1896, they subsequently collapsed. Nevertheless,

* Desmond Morton, A Short History of Canada, 2nd ed. (Toronto: McCleiiand and Stewart, 1994), 123.

* Frederick Engelmann and Mildred Schwartz, Canadion Political Parties: Origin, Character, impact (Scarborough: Prentice-Hail, 1975), 30.

24 Garth Stevenson, Er Uno Hures (Montreal: McGili-Queen's University Press, 1993), 52. many of their grievances survived - the tariff, rural depopulation, a weak bargaining

position, and disrespect for the nation's farming population.

In 1884, a branch of the British-bom Imperia1 Federal League was formed in

Toronto. D'Alton McCarthy, a young Tory politician, became one of the league's most outspoken members. According to McCarthy, national unity demanded complete assimilation of the French. "The French must learn to cherish, not merely our institutions," said McCarthy, "but our glorious past and to look fornard with us to a still more glorious hit~re."~

In 1888, the Equal Rights League of Ontario was formed. McCarthy immediately joined the league which supported a single language, English, and a single system of public schools. The following year, while on tour in Western Canada, McCarthy openly opposed rights in the Northwest Territories and the funding of separate schools in Manitoba.

During this tour, McCarthy proposed that it was the people of the Northwest

Temtories who must decide on the oEcial use of English and French. "If the ballot did no t decide such questions in this generation," said McCarthy, "bayonets would supply the answer in the ~ext."~~Later on, while tou~gPortage la Prairie, McCarthy cnticized funding to separate schools. Crowds cheered him when he claimed that Westerners had the power "to make this a British country in fact as in na~ne."~'

2~ Colin Campbell and William Christian, Parties, Leaders and Ideologies in Canada (Toronto: McGraw-HU Ryerson, 1996), 167.

Beck, 59. In November 1892, when Thompson became prime minister, McCarthy left the

Conservative Party. By this time, the Equai Rights Movement had collapsed and was

replaced by an American-based organîzation, a more sinister Protestant Protective

Association. McCarthy would have nothing to do with the P.P.A., but he remained no less adamant on separate schools and the use of the French language. "Nations grew fiom common expenences and language," insisted McCarthy. "Canada must be British or

French, Protestant or Catholic. The decision must be made finnly and ~oon."~~

Thousands of Canadians, paaicularly in Ontario and Manitoba, agreed with him.

With the passage of time, McCarthy's arguments gained rnomentum. Histonan

Desmond Morton suggests that McCarthy appealed to English-speaking Canadians who felt that the issue was long ago settled on the Plains of ~braham? On June 23, 1896, these Canadians expressed their support at the polls. McCarthyites contested ten ridings and won in ihree of them; McCarthy was aiso elected.

Section 2.3

On June 11, 1945, the Liberals returned to power with 40.9 percent of the popular vote. This is one of the by-products of our electoral system in which Members of

Parliament for each constituency are elected on the basis of a simple plurality of votes.

The Tories received 1,435,747 votes or 27.4 percent of the total. The Co-operative

Commonwealth Federation, hoping to do well in the postwar election, received a

Morton, 124.

29 Ibid., 124. disappointing 816,259 votes or 15.6 percent of the popular vote. Although the party

received twenty more seats than in the previous election, the CCF failed in its bid to

become a tnily national party. Still a western faction, the party elected only one member

east of Manitoba." The Social Credit Party, running seventeen of its ninety-fve

candidates in Alberta, received 4.1 percent of the popular vote. The Cornmunist Party of

Canada, widely believed to have eroded the CCFs position in Ontario, fielded sixty-two

candidates, received 109,078 votes or 2.1 percent of the total vote, and re-elected one MP

to the House of Commons. It was the party's apex (see Table 2.11).

The question that needs to be asked is why was the Communist Party of Canada,

ninning under the Labour Progressive banner, successful at this the? The answer Lies in

the Soviet victones against the Geman enemy, the party's influence in the labour

movement, the soft-pedalhg of and the Mmediate postwar situation in

Canada.

Except for differences in emphasis as opposed to pnnciple, the Liberals, Progressive

Conservatives, and CCF put forth similar platforms. The campaign of 1945 witnessed the creation of strongly humanitarian party platforms.

The member was elected in Nova Scotia's Cape Breton riding. Seats Cons. Lib. C.CS. Soc. Cr. Other

Nova Scotia 12 2 9 1

New Brunswick 10 3 7

Prince Edward Island 4 1 3 1 Quebec 65 2 53 10

Ontario 82 48 34 1 Manitoba 17 2 10 5

Saskatchewan 21 1 2 18

Alberta 17 2 2 13

British Columbia 16 5 5 4 2

Yukon 1 1

TOTAL 245 67 125 28 13 12

A

Others elected: Que. (10): 1. (6); Bloc Populaire (2); LL. (1); L2P. (1). B.C. (2): 1. (1); I.C.C.F. (1)

Source: Murray Beck, Pendulum of Power (Scarborough: Prentice-Hall, 1968), 256-257.

The Liberal platform placed the party to the left of the Progressive Conservatives but offered security with CCF sociaiism. Showing a greater concem for social justice, the

Liberals called for full employment, maximum postwar production, a labour code, housing and health programs, and the creation of policies to ensure both Canadian national sovereignty and national unity?'

'' Jim htz, Prime Minhters of Canada (London: Bison Books, 1987), 89 The Conservatives adopted a platform desigaed to meet modem needs whiie

minimizing the differences between themselves and the Liberals. Under their new leader,

John Bracken, the party called for simplification of the tax structure, the establishment

of a national health care program, abolition of radio Licence fees, and the encouragement

of trade unionism. Not wanting to alienate traditional Tory supporters, the platform also

committed the party to private enterprise and the abolishment of unnecessary governmental interference. Offering something for everybody, Murray Beck criticized the

program as being "so disparate in nature and signincance, and so lacking in specificity, that it was difficult to Say what the Conservatives stood

The CCF nominated a total of 205 candidates and argued that a CCF governent would provide Canadians with the following: usehl jobs and the highest possible standard of Living for dl; social secunty for every citizen; health, education, and good homes for everyone in town and country; civil and religious fieedorn; equal opportunity for every

Canadian to develop his personality and talents to the full; the fullest co-operation with dl peace-loving peoples to secure lasting peace and the rising of living standards everywhere."

The localized parties, the Bloc Populaire and the Social Credit, fielded 37 and 95 candidates, respectively.

In 1942, the Bloc Populaire, an outgrowth of La Ligue pur la Defense du Canada, established itself as a Quebec political party. Led by , a former Liberal

--- ..

32 Beck, 246.

'' D. Owen Carrigan, Canadiun Party Plat$orrns: 1867-1968 (Toronto: Copp Clark, 1968), 143. , the quasi-separatist party opposed the war. In the 1945 election

it stood for genuine independence and an exaggerated brand of French-Canadian

nationalism." Although receiving only 3.6 percent of the national popular vote, the party

performed weil in Quebec. Fielding 35 candidates, the party received 181,784 votes or

12.8 percent of the Quebec vote. The party's remaining two candidates received 5,038

votes or 0.28 percent of the Ontario vote.

The Social Credit Party, running candidates in seven provinces, had its success

limited to the province of Aiberta. Although it received a rnere 4.1 percent of the national

vote, 36.7 percent of all Albertans voted for the party. Although localized in its success,

the party offered a platform designed to appeal to the Canadian population. For example,

the party promised to aboiish poverty and slums, create a building program, protect industry form monopolies and cartels, provide workers with collective bargainhg rights, implement an attractive wage scale in keeping with Canada's vast wealth, and establish an old-age secdty system. Promising a "square deal" for agriculture, the party said it would implement security of tenure, a parity price structure, low-cost credit, and crop failure insurance. The party also promised to provide armed forces personnel with ample discharge allowances and adequate pensions."

When the polls closed, regardless of its broad platform, the party was unsuccessful in becoming a tmly national party. According to Murray Beck, it was Emest Manning who was the real driving force behind the party's success in Aiberta. "A rejuvenated

" Beck, 244.

" Camgan, 164-165. provincial party under Emest Manning," said Beck, "enabled Social Credit to take 13 of

Alberta's 17 seat~."~~

The Labour Progressive program contained no reference to Marxism-kninism and

the achievernent of was sublimated to the distant future when people would be ready to embrace it. Moreover, the party's platforin fit the emerging postwar political philosophy. Insisting that workers be protected from innation, profiteering and sweatshop conditions, the LPP called for an annual minimum wage, old age pensions, paid vacations, an eight-hour day and a forty-hour week.

Like its cornpetitors, the LPP promised to develop a housing and heaith program; maintain the high level of national incorne that had been achieved during the war; extend to ail of Canada's youth the fuliest opportunity to learn, to train and to be usefully employed; safeguard the right to publish and speak our thoughîs, to worship in our own way, and Ereely organize politically; and guarantee the Bght to organization and collective bargaining."

In addition to benefitting from their soft-pedailing of Communism, the Communists benefitted Bchly fiom the war. In 1939, following Soviet policy, the Cornmuoist Party of

Canada opposed the "imperialist" war. The party's various twists and tums severely tested its credibility and war policy resulted in the party being declared illegal under the Defence of Canada Regulations. However, its support of the war in 1941 and the Soviet victory at Stalingrad in 1943 benefitted the party enormously. "Although the Soviets were not

'' Beck, 250. " Mgan, 15CL157. readily accepted Like the Americans or the British," said Memly Weisbord, "the Soviets

were now our northern neighbour, and Canadian communists no longer grotesquely foreign."'*

Basking in the glory of the powerful Red hy,the iUegal CPC re-emerged as the

Labour Progressive Party in 1943. The party's esteem increased considerably when the party started to regain the support they had previously held in the trade union movement.

They used this position to ban wartime strikes in support of the war effort. According to

Tim Buck, the war forced Canadians to recognize the legitimacy of trade unionism. This legitimately bolstered his party's influence. "We were making headway, building unions, taking over leadership of them and takùig over the leadership of unions that had been built before," said Buck. "Generally, we were not the only pebbles on the beach. I think our role was effective and made a differen~e."~'

The increased esteem granted to the party was reflected on the electoral kont. It has been noted that the party elected two Communists to the Ontario legislature in 1943: A.

A. MacLeod of Toronto-Beilwoods and J. B. Salsberg of Toronto-St. Andrew. The party also elected a member to the Manitoba provincial legislature and elected several aldermen in major cities west of ~ontreal.*It was aiso during 1943 that the Communists elected their first Member of Parliament, Fred Rose.

'' Merriiy Weisbord, The Strangest Drenm: Conadian CommunLrrs, the S'y Trials, and the Cold war (Toronto: Lester and Orpen Demys, 1983), 127.

'' Oscar Ryan, ThBuck: A Conscience for Canada (T'oronto:Progress Books, 1975). 232. " Weisbord, 125. Born and raised in Lublin, Poland, Fred Rose emigrated to Quebec at age thirteen.

Five yem later he joined the Young Communist League. Rose was elected national secretary to the YCL in 1929. He subsequently joined the Communist Party of Canada.

An elecîrician by trade, Rose fought for practical issues that would aid in the working class stmggle. Believing that the Communist Party was the only organization capable of protecting the workers' cause, Rose espoused his scientific socialism at relief meetings, on Street corners, at factory gates, and in church halls. in 1935, he ran for the Est time as a federal communist candidate in his home nding of Montreal-Cartier. In 1936, he unsuccessfully ran again, this time as a provincial candidate in MontrealSt. Louis.

Arrested and jailed on numerous occasions, Rose was forced into hiding for a year and a half during the opening years of World War II. On August 9, 1943, Rose won the federal by-election in the Montreal-Cartier riding.

On August 9, 1943, the election results were announced: David Lewis, national secretary of the CCF, 3,313; Lazanis Phillips, Liberai 4,180; Paul Masse, Bloc Populaire,

5,639; Fred Rose, LPP, 5,789. Fred Rose had won by 150 votes. A Communist Leader had finally been chosen by the people to represent them in the House of Commons.

ui his fist term as Cartier's representative, Rose backed the plan to establish family allowances, lobbied for decent jobs for returning soldiers, and proposed the abolition of deplorable slum housing via Long-term postwar reconstruction progra.ms? The electorate appears to have been satisfied, and Rose won the same riding in the 1945 general election. The partyrs zenith, however, was short-lived. The Gouzenko spy affair of 1946

revealed evidence of Soviet espionage operations in Canada. Convicted of espionage in

1946, Rose was sentenced to six years imprisonment. Following his release kom prison

he returned to his native Poland where he died in 1983. The &air brought discredit to

the party and weakened its future electoral chances.

Section 2.4

There were 1,672 candidates in the 1997 election and ten registered parties (see Table

2.12). The 1,672 total was short of the record 2,155 candidates nominated in 1993. To be registered, a party now has to field at least fifty candidates in the election and submit a fee of $1,000 per candidate. The Communist Party of Canada, which failed to meet this criteria, fielded thirteen candidates (see Table 2.13). However, due to Bill C-114, these candidates were prevented from showing their party affiliation on ballots. - .- 1 No. OF CANDIDATES il Bloc Quebecois II New Democrat II Progressive Conservative

II Green 1 79 II Christian Hentage

II Natural Law II Canadian Action 1 58 II Independent 1 45

* hcluded in this number are thirteen Communist Party candidates.

- -- Source: Warren Caragata, "Combat Zones," Maclean's, Vol. 110, NO: 21 (26 May 1997), 66-82. Out of a total 19,294,303 eligible voters, 12,855,960 cast their vote in 301 federal rîdings." The 67 percent turnout was dom £tom 70 percent in 1993 and well below the average of 73 percent achieved since the tuni of the century. AIthough good weather and spring elections usually ensure a higher voter tumout, the poor showing came as no surprise to political scientists and poilsters. Heman Bakvis suggests that the lower count reflects Canadian displeasure over the early election call. "The election was called a little earlier in the mandate than normal," said Bakvis. "By all rights, they should have waited until the fall."" Sylvia Bashevkin suggests that a large number of undecided voters simply stayed home kom the polls. "It's exactly what the polling was suggesting," said

Bashevkin. "That you had a lot of undecided voters who just couldn't make up their rninds. And when that happens, they don't go out and ~ote.''~The decreased turnout, however, may also be comected with the passage of Bill C-114. The number of those who vote for fige parties and independent candidates is more substantial than most would think. In the 1993 election, for exarnple, 488,453 Canadians voted for fringe parties or independent candidates. To put that in perspective, this total is approximately equal to the number of Manitobans who voted in the 1993 election. Bill C-I 14 has been criticized as being discriminatory against independents and fige parties. At the end of the day, those who previously voted for the now deregistered &nge parties may simply have

" Redistribution added six new ndings since the 1993 election and altered boundaries in di but thirty-one of the 295 former ndings.

" Keith McArthur, "Tumout Iowest in 72 years," Globe and Mail, 4 June 1997, Ag. stayed home from the This issue and Bill C-114 will be explored hrther in

Chapter 6.

Green CHP CAP NL ML CPC

Nud. 1 2 P.E.I. 1 1

N.S. 9 2 1 N.B. 6

Que. 3 4 1 25 14 1

Ont. 36 24 38 46 30 5

Man. 5 1 3 8 2

Sask. 5 4

Alta. 9 4 2 15 2 1

B.C. 30 14 11 25 9 3 Yukon 1 N.W.T.

TOTAL 79 53 58 136 65 13

" Fringe parties that have been recently deregistered include the Rhinoceros Party, the National Party, the Commonwealth Party, the Canada Party, the Comrnunist Party, and the Abolitionkt and Libertarian parties. Section 2.5

Canada's national electoral system, which is based on the single-member plurality or

"£kt past the post" system, fosters a mismatch between how Canadians vote and how

they are represented in Parliament. As a general rule, in our electoral system, the party

with a plurality of the popular vote gains a larger percentage of seats than its percentage

share of the vote. In the pst, the Liberals and Tories, being the ody parties to form

govemments, have benefitted most fiom this electoral bis. Moreover, the system

encourages regional parties, such as the Progressive and the Social Credit in the past, and

more recently the Reforrn and the Bloc Quebecois. In analyzing the situation, Ron Watts,

a former constitutionai advisor to the federal government, points out part of the problem:

"if you are a political party, there's an advantage to concentrathg on certain regions and doing particularly well there to get seats. So you get political parties tending to play up regional issues that introduces an element of divisiveness.""

The Liberai Party, led by Jean Chretien, won 155 seats (51.5 percent of the total) with only 38.36 percent of the vote, a drop horn their 177 acquired during the 1993 election. In Ontario, they won 101 out of 103 seats, although only 49 percent of the voters supported them. On the other hand, they failed to gain a seat in Nova Scotia even though they received 28 percent of the vote (see Tables 2.14 and 2.15).

Jean Charest's Progressive Conservatives came out ahead of the Bloc Quebecois and the New Democrats with 18.88 percent of the popular vote. But they won just twenty

April Lindgren, "When four out of 10 equals a rnajority," , 31 May 1997, B2. seats compared to the Bloc's forty-four and the NDP's twenty-one. Just behind the

Reform Party with regard to the popular vote, the Conservatives won forty less seats. III

Prince Edward Island, where four seats were up for grabs, the party failed to elect a candidate even though 38 percent of the province's electors voted Tory.

The Bloc Quebecois' 10.73 percent of the popular vote, down from 14 percent in

1993, came only fiom Quebec and turned into forty-four seats or 14.6 percent of the total.

Reform won sixty seats with 19.34 percent of the vote. Forty-nine of those seats were in British Columbia and Alberta. With 55 percent of the popular vote in Alberta the

No. of Votes Received Percentage of Popular Vote Liberal Party 4,86 1,055 38.36 Reform Partv 2.450.812 19.34 Bloc Quebecois 1,359,392 10.73 New Dernocratic Party 1,398,582 11.04 Progressive Conservative Party 2,392,645 18.88 Green Party 53,839 0.42 I Natural Law Partv 36.708 0.29 Christian Heritage Party 28,805 0.23 Canadian Action Party 17,133 0.14 Marxist-Leninis t Party 11,645 0.09 independent 34,287 0.27 No mation* 25,788 0.20 TOTALS 12,670,691 100 * Note: Included in this number is the 2,312 votes aquired by thirteen Communist Party candidates. As a percentage of the popular vote, the Communists achieved 0.018 percent.

Source: Adapted kom "Election 97," Globe and Mail, 7 June 1997, A7. LIB REFORM BQ NDP PC IND Md. 4 O O O 3 O P.E-1- 4 O O O O O N.S. O O O 6 5 O

, N.B. 3 O O 2 5 O Que. 26 O 44 O 5 O Ont, 101 O O O 1 l*

, Man. 6 3 O 4 1 O Sask, 1 8 O 5 O O Alta. 2 24 O O O O B.C. 6 25 O 3 O O N.W.T. 2 O O O O O Yukon O O O 1 O O TOTAL 155 60 44 21 20 1 * John Nunziata, a former Liberd MP won as an Independent in the riding of -Weston.

Source: Adapted from "EIection97," Globe and Mail, 7 June 1997, A6.

though they received 19 percent of the popular vote. With the remaining seats located in

Manitoba and Saskatchewan, the westem-based party became the official opposition.

The New Democratic party won twenty-one seats, 7 percent of the total, with 11 percent of the popular vote.

Aithough six fige parties fielded a total of 404 candidates and were supported by

150,442 voters, or 1.17 percent of the electorate, they were unsuccessful in electing a single candidate. party won 92 percent of the seats. With 43 percent of the vote in B.C., the party won 74 percent of the seats. On the other hand, the party failed to gain a seat in Ontario even

Conclusion

Over the course of the, Canada has witnessed the establishment and demise of numerous parties. Such parties have usually developed when a particular group beiieves that it does not have representation in the federal government, when specinc regions feel ignored, or at a time of crisis.

The appearance of new parties in Canada and the percentage of the popuiar obtained by hge parties is comected with penods of crisis, dissatisfaction, and regional discontent. As Table 2.3 indicates, the popuiar vote obtained by hgeparties was greatest in 1896, 1921, 1940 and the immediate post-war period. ln 1896, the nse of new parties was a sign that the established parties failed to accommodate regionai interests. However, until the early twentieth century, the established parties were relatively unsuccessful in binding the country's regions together.

In the early years of the twentieth century, Canadian society began to urbanize and industrialize. The West had quickly emerged as a significant and distinct political region.

Its socio-econornic base put it at odds with the industrial interests of central Canada. Thus cross-cutting cleavages began to develop. However, it took the First world War and economic crisis to accelerate these forces and lead to a weakening of the two-party system. During the Second World War and the immediate post-war period, part of the appeal

of new parties rested on the perceived failure of the established parties, not just to

accommodate regional interests, but also to provide good govemment.

In 1896, the Patrons of Industry competed in the election because farmers believed

that their regional concems were being ignored. The McCarthyites Eelded candidates as

a means of addressing the Manitoba School crisis. These parties were successful due to

the fact that they were able to charnel regional grievances against Ottawa. The

Progressives and Social Creditors were also electorally rewarded due to their regional

base.

Canada's national electoral system, which is based on the single-member plurality

system, has failed time and again to produce parliarnents that reflect popular opinion

about the distribution of power among parties; it also encourages parties to build strong

regional bases rather than national support. Furthermore, the system works against all smaller parties, including fnnge parties, whose support is spread evenly across the nation.

Bill C-114, designed to amend the Canadian Elections Act, was given royal assent

in May 1993. The bill, which Ed Vanwoundenberg of the Christian Hentage party referred to as a "slap in the face for democracy," bcluded an increase in the deposit for candidates from $200 to $1,000, partially refundable only if the candidate wins 15 percent of the vote? Furthermore, a party must field at least fïfty candidates to receive official designation. Fringe parties iike the Rhino, the Christian Heritage Party and the

47 Peter O'Neil, "$1000election-deposit plan targets fkinge parties," Vancouver Sun, 18 March 1993, A4, Communist Party of Canada expressed their displeasure over the new biii. "What this is

saying is that parties that don't field enough candidates are going to be liquidated," said

CPC leader Figueroa. "It is intended to narrow the political base and to bock out the alternative voices."" Figueroa was correct. Not oniy were the Cotnmunists and the

Rhinos deregistered, but five of the parties who fielded candidates in 1993 did not compete in the 1997 electiod9

Although Bill C-II4 has had a negative impact on hgeparties, their basic weakness lies in Canada's "first past the post" system. The most obvious aitemative to

Canada's Westminster-style system is some fom of proportional representation, an approach widely used in Europe. For example, it is well known that the success of the

West German Greens in establishing a political beachhead in the national and state governments owes much to proportional representation. Naturally, PR is one of the proposals Canadian fige parties make for reforming the political system.

In its most simple fom, each party makes up a List of its candidates. Then based on its percentage of the total votes cast, the party is allocated the same percentage of seats, which go to the top candidates on the List. At the end of the day, by allocating seats according to a percentage of the popular vote, parties with a small percentage would be given a voice in Parliament.

" Jeff Lee, "Communists face uphill fight for party status," Vancouver Sun, 10 September 1993, A4.

These £ive parties were the Canada Party, the National Party, the Abolitionkt Party, the Libertarian Party and the Commonwealth Party. Even if fige parties increase their performance in upcoming elections, due to the fact that our electoral system rewards only the person who gains the most votes in each constituency, there is Little chance of their winning seats. Nevertheless, as long as there are Canadians who feel strongly that their particular interests are not being served by the country's mainstream politicians, these parties will continue to exist. htroduction

The traditional nineteenth-century view of Parliament revolved around a twwparty system. To some extent, this reflected the pre-eminence of two major parties. It also accorded with the parliamentary concept of a government and an opposition. Despite the fact that the British political system, which Canada adopted, has tended towards two opposing political parties, over the course of tirne Canada has witnessed the rise of numerous third and fige parties. Such parties have developed in Canada when groups believe that they do not have representation in the federal government, when some region believes that its interests are being ignored, or at a time of crisis. One of the eariiest hgeparties, created in 1921, was the Communist Party of Canada.

Created largely to aid the working class in recognizing its leading role in society, the utopian Communist Party of Canada emerged on the political landscape in the wake of the First World War and the Russian Revolution. Like many European Communist parties, the CPC was boni in the aftermath of these two events and accepted the Third

International's conditions for membership, which included unquestionhg loyalty to the

Communist Party of the . Believing that the struggle for socialism will arise out of the needs, aspirations and struggle of the working class, the CPC offers itself up as the party capable of leading this stniggle. Refusing to surrender its belief in the

inevitable creation of a socidist state, the Communist Party of Canada still holds to the

Marxist goal of a classless society.

The remaining fige parties discussed in this chapter were formed for a variety of

reasons. The Marxist-Leninist Party, for example, disapproved of the Soviet mode1 and

took its inspiration fkom . Other parties, such as the Natural Law Party of Canada,

were inspired by similar European parties. Likewise the Green Party of Canada, created

in 1983, is part of an international phenornenon which emerged in response to the question of global survival. Parties such as the Canadian Action Party and the Christian

Heritage Party reveal discontent with the vision of the existing third and traditionai parties. The Rhinoceros Party, Canada's most entertainhg party, was designed to serve as a peaceful outlet for disgnintled Quebecers during the theof the FLQ crisis.

3.1. The Communkt Party of Canada

May 28, 1921 will go down in the history of Canada as marking the dawn of a new stage in the stniggle of the working people of Our land for economic, social and political emancipation. On that day in Guelph, Ontario, a party of a new type-based on the world outlook of Marxisrn-Leninism, revolutionary in thought and deed-came into being?

The period between 1896 and 1921 saw the creation and subsequent growth of the trade union movement, various socialist organizations, and a number of independent

'O Norman Pe~er,Canadian Communism: nie Stah Years and Beyond roronto: Methuen Publications, 1988), 44. labour parties and periodicals. Of the socialist organizations, the Social-Democratic Party,

forrned in Toronto in 1910, boasted the largest membership. The Socialist Party of

Canada, founded in 1905 by English and Scottish immigrants, was generaliy considered to have greater politicai innuence. in 1916, the Toronto branch of the Socialist Party of

Canada broke away and renamed itself the Socialist Party of North America.

In addition to these parties, there were organizations dedicated to revolutionary change. There was the Industrial Workers of the World; the Jewish social dernocratic organization; the Finnish Socialist Society; the Polish Democratic Federation; and a

Croatian organizatiodl

On August 22, 1914, Parliament passed the , enabling the govemment to carry out decisions rapidly by Orders in Councii. Three years later, the govemment introduced a new section of the War Measures Act outlawing various parties, organizations, unions and books. This new policy

... outlawed al1 foreign language socialist organizations, the Socialist Party of Canada, the Socialist Party of North America, the Socialist Labour Party, the IWW, the Workers International Industriai Union, through a blanket outlawing of dlsocialist, anarchist and syndicalist organizations. In addition, they outlawed a long List of books by name. It started with the Communist Manifesto and Das fipitul, and went on down to include Darwin's Origin of the Species and even Plato's ~e~ublic?~

William Beeching and Dr. Phyiiis Clarke, eds., Yours in the Shuggle: Reminkcences of (Toronto: NC Press Lirnited, 1977), 40.

SZ Beechiog, 63. 53

The War Measures Act, the First World War, the overthrow of Czar Nicholas and the

Russian Revolution touched a nerve among among native and immigrant radicais. The notion that revolution was in the offig appeaied to a rninority of strong-wüled, tough-minded men, many of whom were immigrants from the industrial heartland of the

British Isles and Eastern Europe. The post-war upsurge of labour dissatisfaction, in addition to giving birth to the General Strike of 1919, stirred these

"revolutionary" workers. This situation culminated in the ktattempt to create a

Communist Party in Canada.

The first attempt to establish a Communist Party occurred in February 1919. Sort of an ad hoc &air, those in attendance included members of the Socialist Party of North

America, a couple of Socialists, a few left-wing English-speaking people, and a number of Ukranian, Russian and German workers. These representatives, according to Tim Buck,

"had gotten togeîher with the idea that it would be legal to found an International

Workers Party. They weren't going to cal1 it Communist, they were going to try to circumvent the War Measures ~ct."" Tipped off by an informer, the police raided the meeting and arrested the activists.

On July 4, the "Left caucus" of the Socialist Party of Amenca held its conference in

Chicago and suggested the formation of Canadian branches. By the end of August, the

Communist Party of America was founded. The Cummunist Labor Party which later became the United Communist Party was subsequently founded. Branches of the two

Amencan parties sprouted in Canada when several members of the 1SDP, SPC and SPNA

" Beeching, 85. joined either the CPA or the UCPA. However, in the fall of 1920, severai Canadian

Communists felt the need to establish an independent party. According to Tim Buck's

later account:

A number of the most active members of both parties recognized the necessity for action to unite our forces and others that could be brought together, in one united Canadian party. Eventualiy, a joint committee, representing the Canadian mernbers of the CPA and the UCPA, was set up. The outcome of the work of that committee was an agreement, endorsed by the Canadian members of both parties, to unite to form the Communist Party of Canada."

In late May, 1921, such a party was founded.

In the spring of 1921, at Fred Farley's farm in Guelph members of the United

Communist Party of Amenca, the Socialist Party of Canada, and the Communist Party

of North America held an illegal unity conference." Their efforts resulted in the creaîion

of the Communist Party of Canada. The establishment of this party, as Rolf Lockwood

wrote:

was the work of several underground groups that had been organizing in Canada for several years. It was backed by Russia and aided by the U.S. Communist Party. The CPC leaders were young immigrants like Buck, mostly Finns, Jews and Ukranians, al1 of them desperate to

Y Oscar Ryan, Tim Buck: A Conscience for Canada (Toronto: Progress Books, 1975), 86. " The twenty-two members present at this conference were as foiiows: Bill Moriarty, Maurice Spector, Jack MacDonald, Florence Custance, Johanna Knight, Joe Knight, Tom Bell, Trevor McGuire, Mike Buhay, Alex Gauid, Jack Margolese, John Boychuk, Malcolm Bruce, Walter Miiis, Jan Lakeman, John Ahlquist, John Latva, Abraham Green, Matthew Popowich, John Navis, Jake Penner and Tiothy Buck. irnprove the lot of the working man, to share in the wealth of the country?

It soon became evident to the founding members of the Comrnunist Party of Canada that they needed a legal vehicle to carry out the necessary public work. The campaign to establish a legal party was initiated with a prelirnhary conference held in December,

1921. The conference called for a constituent convention to be held in Toronto. As a result, in Febniary 17 to 20, 1922, the Workers' Party was established. Regardless of this development, the underground Communist Party rernained in existence.

The War Measures Act was not renewed in 1924. As a result, on April 18, 1924, the

Workers' Party decided that it could now hnction as the legal Communist Party of

Canada. This action brought to an end the two-party legal-illegal duality that had been in place for two years. Three thousand members of the Workers' Party suddedy became

If Cornmunist SI'

The Cornmunist Pmy experienced numerous difficulties throughout the late 1920s and eariy 1930s. In 1927, Communist Street meetings were forbidden and in 1929, Chie€

Constable D.C. Draper, with the full approval of Ontario attorney-general William Pnce, issued the following declaration to al1 hall-keepers and owners:

You are hereby notified that if any Communist or bolshevist public meeting is held in a public hall, theatre, music hall, exhibition, show or other place of public amusement, proceedings or addresses or any of

------" Rolf Lockwood, "On orders fiom Moscow," Canada and the Wdd45 (January 1980), 20.

Pe~er,52. them are carried on in a foreign language, the Iicense for such public hall, etc., shall hmediarely thereafer be cancelled."

In 1928, several elders and numerous Young Communist League Members came to the conclusion that the party had lost its radical edge. Insisting that the class struggle was getting tougher, these "radical" Communists questioned MacDonald's leadership. Before the dust settled, both Jack MacDonald and Maurice Spector would be expelled fkom the

Party as ~rotskyites?~Then, to make matters worse, membership declined in 1929 and in 1931 the Party was declared illegal.

On October 24, 1929, Wall Street's stock market collapsed. The Crash demanded leadership and decision-making. However, due to the fact that the Party had not yet recovered £rom the split in its ranks, the Communist Party was in no position to provide either. Membership had declined to some 1,900, it became difocult to hance the publishing of The Workers, and the party could not afford to pay full-tirne workers?

On August 11, 1931, various ofices in Toronto were raided and Tim Buck, dong with seven of his colleagues, were charged under Section 98 of the Criminal Code. In

Windsor and Kirkland Lake, thirteen others were arrested. Several party members were also charged in Vancouver, Saskatoon and Montreal. Section 98, wbich had been enacted during the First World War and expanded as a result of the Winnipeg General strike,

'' Tom McEwen, Die Forge Glows Red (Toronto: Progress Books, 1974), 179.

59 Maurice Spector was expelled fiom the Communist Party in November 1928. MacDonald was expeiled in July 1929 foiiowing the aftermath of the Sixth Convention of the CPC. Tim Buck succeeded MacDonald as generai-secretary.

Ryan, 126-127. provided for the suppression of any organization aileged to advocate the overthrow of the

govemment by force or violence. As F.R. Scott pointed out in The Canadian Fom:

Section 98 creates so many new crimes and establishes so many presumptions of criminality that lots of people who are not actuaily Communists are liable to prosecution. It is a good red-blooded article, with 115 lines of dehitions, offences, and penalties, ail so obscurely worded that no one can be sure just how much liberty of speech and association survives-except that it is pretty small!'

On Monday, November 2, 1931 Tim Buck, John Boychuk, Tom Cacic, Tom

McEwen, , Tom Hill, Malcolm Bruce, and Matthew Popowich came up for trial.

The charge was, first, that €rom 1921 to 1931 the accused "did become and continue to be members of an unlawful association, to wit, the Communist Party of Canada, section of the ". Secondly, the charge was that these eight men "did act or profess to act as officers of an udawful association, to wit, the Communist Party of

Canada"; and lastly that they partook in "a seditious conspiracy contrary to the provisions of the Criminal

On November 12, 1931, Cacic received a twyear sentence. The remaining seven men each received five years.63 With the guilty verdict mernbership in a communist

'l F. R. Scott, "Communists, Senators, and AU That," The Canadian Forum 12, no. 136 (January 1932), 127-128.

62 F. R. Scott, 'The Trial of the Toronto Communists,"Queen !s Quarterij 39 (August 1932), 515.

" Tom Cacic was released afîer serving his sentence. Matthew Popowich and Sam Carr were released on July 6, 1934. This was foilowed by the release of John Boychuk, Tom Hill and Malcolm Bruce on July 12. Tom McEwan was released on September 29 and Tim Buck was freed on November 24, 1934. party was confïrmed as a crime in Canada. However, a majority of Canadians were oblivious to the fact that "Canada had been the first English-speaking country in the world to declare its Communist Party an unlawful organization and to jail its leaders."64

Despite this attempt to cmsh the Comrnunist Party of Canada, the Party continued to function and gradudly emerged as an ever stronger force. From 1931 to 1937, more than 15,000 people joined the Comrnunist Party. Thus, prior to the Second World War, membership had climbed to nearly 18,000.~However, the Party was soon beset by numerous difficulties.

On August 22, 1939 the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact-the Neutrality Agreement-was announced. From 1939 to 1941, the Communist Party maintained that the war was not a Canadian war. This changed in 1941 when Hitler invaded the Soviet Union and the non-aggression pact was blown to bits. Now that this was a just war, the Party supported conscription. Meanwhile, on June 6, 1940, the federal govemment declared sixteen organizations illegal, among them the Community Party of Canada.

Following this declaration, 100 prominent Communists were interred in camps in

Alberta and Ontario and later in a converted jail at Hull, Quebec. The Communist Party, which had its Legaiity restored by the King government in 1936, was once again outlawed and forced underground.

In the fa11 of 1942, in an effort to force the issue of the Communist ban, Tb Buck and 16 leading Communists surrendered to the Royal Canadian Mounted Police. During

-- - Moms Wolfe, "Hard Labour," Canadian Forum 70,no. 805 (December 1991), 14.

" Beeching, 285. their confimement, the men appeared before a judicial commission. Arguing that they and

their comrades in Hull could not adequately serve the war effort if confined, the leading

Communists secured their release and the release of the Communists interred at Huii.

Nevertheless, the Party remained outlawed. In the words of Tim Buck. "The Commission's

report did not recommend Lifting the ban on the Party. It corresponded exactly with what

Mackenzie King had indicated to be his position: it would be good to get those

Communists out working to help win the war; but the time had not yet corne to Wt the ban on the Party?"

Following their release, the Communist Party leadership became convinced that a new legal party should be established. Conferences dealing with this issue were held in mid-January, 1943, and in June. On August 21 and 22, over 600 delegates came to

Toronto. It was at these meetings in the King Edward Hotel that the Labour-Progressive

Party was bom. The Communists had once again created a legai front for their illegal party. It was under the LPP banner that the party chaked up most of its successes. In addition to holding important union positions, LPP members sat in the House of

Commons, provincial legislatures, city councils and school boardsw6'

In the spring of 1946 the party was shaken by the arrest of Fred Rose, the

Communist member of parliament for Cartier, on espionage charges. Interna1 squabbles, expulsions, the cold war, Nikita Khrushchevls condemnation of Stalin, the situation in

Hungary, East Gemany, Poland and Czeckoslovakia, the Cuban missile crisis, the Bay

'Beeching, 315.

" Ryan, 224. of Pigs Invasion and the break between Communist parties of the Soviet Union and the

People's Republic of China served to unhinge the Communist Party of Canada. Oscar

Ryan summed up the situation in the following manner:

The three defeatist D's-disunity, defection, despair-collected new adherents with each fiesh crisis: a few people of Little faith and less insight, a few who had leamed nothing fiom their own rnistakes or those of others, some who had decided they were in the wrong camp all dong, others who had become tired , a few tumed-off career acadernics, and a goodly number who yeamed for matenal cornforts and financial prospenty. It was a sad thing to see so many so soon so hoI.lo~.~'

However, regardless of the grim situation, the Communist Party refused to Lie down and die.

Between 1959, the year in which the Labour-Progressive Party changed its name back to the Communist Party of Canada and 1980 party membership did not exceed

5,000. A decade later, GeneralSecretary put this number at 1,500. In

1991, party in-fighting over ideology and the leadership's decision to sel1 about $5 million in assets resulted in the expulsion of numerous card-carrying Communists. Membership once again declined.6' in 1992, after an ugly court battle, the party entered a penod of re-organization. As of December 7, the expelled members and their new leader Miguel

68 Ryan, 261. "AU 1s Not Peaceful Now In Canadian 'Red' Rh,"Financial Post, 3 February 1951, 1; and Tom Morris, "Canadian CP on the edge," Canadian Dimension, Vol, 25, No. 6 (September 1991), 2&22.

69 Paul Waldie, "Communists up in ams over party property sale, "Globe and Mail, 21 October 1991, A4. See also Jack Lakey, "Rift in Communist Party leads to clash at meeting,", 21 October 1991, A2 and Beverley Smith, "Communist Party in uproar over firings," Globe and Mail, 20 December 1991, D4. Figueroa constituted the Communist Party of Canada. Those who expelled them, dong with former leader George Hewison, claimed no affiliation with the Canadian

Comm~nists.~~

In 1993, with a membership of approximately 1,000, the party failed to field candidates in the required 50 ridings. As a result, the Party lost its officia1 status and was forced to Liquidate its assets. Thus, wrote , "the Party was stripped of all its assets and cash, including telephones, desks, typewriters and cornputers; its right to have its name on the ballot; its voice under the Broadcast Act and its abiiity to raise funds and issue tax re~eipts."~'

The defunct Communist Party fielded just 13 candidates in the 1997 election. With a membership of approximately 800, the Party is facing uncertain times. Today's aisis in the Communist Party of Canada was triggered by the crisis of sociaLism in the former

Soviet Union, the collapse of the Berlin Wall, and the disintegration of Communist States in Eastern Europe. Furthemore, its position is eroded by the existence of Maoist,

Trotskyist and Marxist-Leninist positions. Although the Communist Party of Canada argues that it is Canada's genuine Communist Party, membership in the Cornmunist Party of Canada (Mancist-Leninist) now exceeds the number of members in the older party.

'O See Paul Waldie, "Communist Party tom by dissidence," Globe and Mail, 23 December 2991, A8. See also Stephanie Innes, "Sociaiists regroup under old banner, "Globeand Mail, 7 Decernber 1992, A17.

" Miguel Figueroa, "How the Elections Act mugged the Communists, Globe and Mail, 29 Aprii 1997, A19. 3.2. The Commcrnist Party of Canada (Marx&$-Leninist)

The working class is infected with the ideas and habits of the mling class. To overcome this negative influence, the working class must organize itself of itself and more importantly for itself. The only way it cm possibly do this is by building its own leading group, a headquarters, a vanguard of its class that is ideologically strong enough and determined enough to withstand the ideologicd and other assaults of the bourgeoisie."

Exactly 80 years ago, the Russian Revolution changed the face of global politic..The

Marxist-Leninist Party, belïeving that the ensuing Soviet mode1 was a perversion of tnie

Marxist principles, was established in 1970. Believing that revolutionary theory is a precursor to a revolution and that a revolutionary organization is needed to develop revolutionary theory, the Marxist-Leninist Party proposes that it is the only true organization capable of developing such a theory. According to Hardial Baines, former leader of the CPC (M-L):

Revolutionary theory does not drop out of thin air; it does not emerge spontaneously out of the movement. It is not innate in anyone's mind and least of ali it cannot be developed from books. Revolutionary theory develops out of the work of the revolutionary organization, in this case CPC (M-L). Without CPC(M-L) having a plan of developing revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary the01-y.~~

Dissatisfied with the situation in the Soviet Union, the Mancist-Leninist Party took its inspiration from China. Initially pro-Beijing, the party aligned with Albania foilowing

" The Manrist-Leninist Party of Canada has an official web site. To view this quotation see page 5 of hhtp://Fox.NSTN.Ca/-cpc-mUquestion/quest88.h~.

" See http://Fox.NSTN.Ca/-cpc-mi/articles~l 8P2A.TXTTXT the death of Mao Tse-Tung. In search of Stalinist orthodoxy, the Party more recently aligned with North Korea.

The Party boasts a membership of 2,000 and cunently maintains registered party status.

3.3. The Green Party of Canada

We live on a hite planet with £inite resources, but are consuming our ecological capital instead of Living off the interest. We are undermining the ability of natural cycles to renew such resources as clean water and air, topsoil, fish, and trees. We must move fiom growth to sustahability."

The environrnentalist Green Party, which has enjoyed notable success in Western

Europe, has its roots in the 1960s pacifist and environmental movements. Convinced that

Canada was tottering on the ecological brink, and inspired by the pariiamentary success of similar movernents in Europe, Canadian ideological environmentalists formed a party of their own.

The Green Party, believing that it is the only Party possessing the "international, national and local roots-and the political will-ta address the current global/iocal crisis," was formed in British Columbia in February 1983, by 200 green elector~?~The Party fielded four candidates in the May provincial election, winoing only a handm of votes.

" The Green Party of Canada has an official web site. To view this quotation, see page 1 of http://www.green.ca/vision.htn.

75 See http://green.ca/ieadrltr.htn. The provincial effort was soon followed by organization in Ontario, Alberta,

Manitoba and Quebec. By the fail of 1983, representing an estimated 4,000 members, the

Party registered with Ottawa's chief electoral officer.

In August 1983, in a by-election in Mission-Port Moody, the Party fielded its Fust federal candidate." Following Nickerson's defeat, the BC party concentrated its efforts at the municipal level: positions on school boards, tom and city councils, and hydro boards. However, the 1984 federal election propelled the Greens into frantic electioneering.

In 1984, the Party fielded 58 candidates. The Party ran in 68 ndings in the 1988 election. In 1993, the Green Party celebrated its 10th anniversary. In spite of numerous difnculties, including a iimited budget and a membership of little more than 600, the

Party remained optimistic. "In a country where hgeparties corne and go, election coordinator Don Francis believes that "survival of 10 years is a milestone.""

In 1997, fourteen years after its founding, the Green Party has failed to expand beyond its original support base in British Columbia, Aiberta, Ontario and Quebec.

'' Lydia Bailey, "The Canadian Greens," Globe and Mail, 4 February 1984, L5.

Portia Priegen, "Members wait for 'greening' of party," Calgagory Herald, 16 August 1993, A6. Section 3.4. The Christian Heritage Pa@ of Cana&

We wanted a federai party that represented Our interests, but there wasn't one, so we formed our owd8

In the spring of 1986, the Christian Hentage Party recruited the required 100 paid

members and became partialIy registered. The founders of the CHP, alarmed by the lack

of traditional moral leadership, felt compelled to create a Christian based political party.

Recognizing that it is not within the mandate of a political party or governrnent to

legislate rnorality, the founders of the Christian Hentage Party believe that Canadians

need a biblicd based party designed to defend, promote and uphold moral standards.

According to former leader Ed Vanwoudenberg:

The founders of the CHP did not give up working from within the existing parties because a group of Canadians wanted to be political opportunists bent on obtaining political power. Rather, the CHI? came about because there are no alternatives for citizens who desire politics based on the principles this country was founded on, the recognition of the Supremacy of God and the rule of Zow?'

By the fa11 of 1987, the new federal political party claimed a membership of 5,000.

In Novernber, 1987, over 500 of these members gathered at the three-day founding convention in Hamilton, Ontario. It was at th& convention that the constitution was

" In March 1994, the Christian Hentage Party held a leadership convention. Party leader, Heather StiUweIl was questioned about the party's origins. To view her comment in its entirety see Geny Bellett, "Sober but not sombre, Christian party insists," Vancouver Sun, 12 March 1994, A4.

Ed Vanwoudenberg, A Matter of Choice (Canada: Premier Printing Ltd., 1989), 17. formulated, policies were ratified and an executive was elected. Interviewed on the eve

of the convention, Vanwoudenberg said that the party "is not out to do govenunent

bashing but govemment building.""

In the fa11 of 1988, after fieldhg the required 50 candidates, the CHP becarne

officially registered. According to media spokesman Michael Van Pelt, membership at this

time had risen to 14,OO08~However, within three years, party membership would be cut

in half.

On August 16, 1991, several party members suggested that the CHP consider arnalgamating with the Reform Party. Mer rejecting the proposai, the national board

forced the resignation of seven board members who endorsed the idea. The following day,

the entire Ontario board stepped down and Ed Vanwoudenberg announced bis intention to resign. By early October the party reported a deficit of $60,000 and a membership of

7,800. The situation Looked bleak?

Aithough 1991 was a difficult year, the situation soon changed. By 1993, the party was boasting a membership of 17,000 and ran 59 candidates in the next election.

In 1997, under the leadership of Ron Gray, the party ran in 53 ndings.

" Chishoim MacDonald, "Surrey contractor beats dnun for new Christian party," Vancouver Sun, 18 November 1987, Cg.

Iulian Beltrame, "Politics laced with Christian eîhics can Save Canada, party says," , 24 October 1988, A8.

" Dave Cunningham, "The woes of this world,"Alberta Report 18, no. 37 (7 October 1991), 19. 3.5. The Natural Law Party of Canada

The old political parties are entrenched in old ideas. We need new leaders with fiesh ideas who are intelligent, creative, and not diaid to look at innovative new solutions.83

The Natural Law Party, based on the teachings of transcendental meditation guru

Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, originated in in 1992. Since then it has spread to 70 countnes. The party has organized and fïelded candidates in several countries including

Austraiia, Britain, Canada, Croatia, France, Germany, Israel and the United States. Doug

HeMing, former vice-president of the Canadian Naturai Law Party, and party leader, Neil

Paterson, ran for the party in Britain's 1992 national election~.~

In August 1992 the Canadian Natural Law Party completed a registration form and upon fielding 232 candidates in the 1993 federal election became a registered political

Party

The party opened its pre-election campaign on Friday, August 21, 1993. The party's launch in Vancouver featured a demonstration of yogic flying and espoused ideas enabLing the creation of a perfect govemment and a problem-free nation. "We're approaching this

" Excerpt £rom a letter written to the author by Gilles Bigras on June 27, 1997. Mr. Bigras ran as a candidate in the 1997 election in the Halifax riding.

R" Peter Boisseau, "Natural Law spends $2 million on campaign," Montreal Gazette, 21 October 1993, All. from a very senous stance," said Chris Campbell. "We have a powerful message that's going to be impossible to ignore.""

The Natural Law Party, offering itself as an alternative to mainstream politics, believes that its teachings could create a heaven on eaah. [n an address at Osgood Kali

Law School in October 1993, leader Neil Paterson said:

When I thought of starting the Natural Law Party, a new party in politics, the question before me in view of law was whether law should be enforced by the govenünent, or whether the population should be trained and educated to be spontaneously law-abiding. 1 have that knowledge of Natural Law which actuaiiy govems everyone's Me. My govemment will introduce a procedure of spontaneous right action in the govenunent and in the whole field of education, and in the whole field of health. In every aspect of governmental activity, I'm going to introduce those techniques, those mechanics of performance, which wili make everyone perform rightly so that noone violates Natural Law, and noone creates the ground for ~uffering.'~

Prornising a perfect govemment and a problem-£ree nation if elected, the Naturai

Law Party of Canada fielded candidates in al1 ten provinces.

" Nicole Parton, "New party vows to deliver more bounce to the ounce," Vancouver Sun, 21 August 1993, A3.

86 The Natural Law Party of Canada has an officiai web site. The excerpt hmPaterson's speech can be found on page 1 of http://www.natural-law.ca/paterson/nposgoode.htmi. 3.6. Canadiun Action Party

The Canadian Action Party wiil offer Canadians a clear renewal of hope. We are here to light a candle in a sea of despair."

On January 16, 1997, with the above words, Paul Hellyer launched the Canadian

Action Party at Toronto's Park Plaza Hotel. Believing that "none of the traditional parties have the answers to Canada's pressing economic, social and unity problems," Paul Hellyer and several ideologically inclined supporters founded the Canadian Action ~arty."

Suggesting that his party is "A Real Alternative," Hellyer hopes that his party will appeal to a variety of "disenchanted voters who believe that the mere tinkering with programs and numbers will not Save the da^."^^ Furthemore, suggesting that a vote for the Canadian Action Party will "restore hope and excellence in Canada," the party designed a program to empower individual cana di an^.^'

Offering a new vision for Canada, Hellyer told a news conference that the 1997 election will be one of Canada's most significant. According to Hellyer, the 1997 election

"will determine whether we continue Our slide on the path of mediocrity or do an about-turn to pursue excellence on many £i~nts."~l

" Lynda Dugdale, "Trudeau-era Gnt kicks off new party with assault on GST," Calgary Herald, 17 January 1997, A3.

88 CAP, Canudian Action Party (official party pamphlet), 1997, 1.

" Ibid., 1.

CAP, Join the Canudian Action Party and heip restore HOPE for Canadians of al1 ages (official party bookiet), 1997, 23.

Dugdale, A3. The party, described by officials as centrist, nelded 58 candidates in the 1997

election.

3.7. Tlre Rhinoceros Party

We were a group for whom federal politics had no meaning, but who felt a spoiled ballot had no meaning either. It's a form of protest, but it's a way of voting for something?

In October, 1963, Dr. Jacques Ferron and a few of his fnends gathered at Ferron's

Longueuil home. Unhappy about the FL,Q crisis and dissatisfied with traditional political groups, Ferron and his supporters founded a party designed to "serve as a peaceful outlet for disgnintied Quebe~ers."~~When Ferron founded the party he chose the rhinoceros symbol because "it is a thick skinned, clumsy, stupid animal, which loves to wailow in the mire, but can move fast when it senses danger to itself." "In other words," said a party spokesman, "itvs nature's prototype of the MP, MPP, and alder~nan."~~

Established by Quebec nationalists, the Rhinos, udike most of the other fringe parties, were only interested in having fun. As a result, the party emerged as a comic interloper on the political scene. Their putative leader, Cornelius the First, is a black

92 Anderson Charters, "If you're disenchanted you can vote Rhinoceros,"Financial Post, 16 February 1980, 5.

" Bruce Waliace, "The Rhinos are coming," Macleon's 97, no. 36 (3 September 1984), 23.

94 Roger W, "Defeai at poiis, pfft! Rhinos may go national," Financial Post, 15 Febniary 1964, 1. rhinoceros born at the 200 in Granby, Quebec, and now living in "exile" at the San Diego

In Febniary 1964, Ferron and Andre Goulet, a Quebec printer and publisher, became unsuccesshil by-election candidates in Laurier and St. Denis. Thus, four months after its inception the nucleus of a national Rhinoceros Party had been formed. The Rhinos expanded on the federal scene in 1965.

Prior to 1979 the Rhinoceros Party was active only in Quebec. However by 1984, due to the efforts of Charles McKenzie, a joumalist and native of Vancouver, the party had broadened its support base. Between 1964 and 1993, the party participateci in every general election.

Dr. Jacques Ferron died in Montreal on April22, 1985. On April 26,

Dominique Langevin stated that the party "wouid bury itself dong with its founder.ll%

"The party is being laid to rest," said Charles McKenzie, "not with our heads bowed low, but with Our homs held

In 1987, after an 18 month hiatus, the Rhinoceros Party re+merged on the political landscape. The 'Dallas approach' will be used to explain the re-birth said McKenzie.

"Rhinos will corne and Say their death was al1 a dseam and the country should now wake

" Lawrence Martin, "Rhino hindquarters announces burial of a political joke," Globe und Mail, 1 May 1985, 9.

% "Rhinos bury party with founder Ferron," Toronto Star, 26 April 1985, Al.

" "lis record unsuiiied the Rhino party dies," Toronto Star, 1 May 1985, A10. UP."~' On January 18, 1987, McKenzie told a Queen's University audience that ''just as

God told Noah to go ye forth and multiply, so shall we."" However, while Noah

survived the flood, the Rhinoceros Party did not survive Bili C-114.

Given royal assent in May 1993, Bill C-114 required that each party must field 50

candidates and that each candidate must put up a $1,000 deposit partly refundable only

if the candidate wins 15 percent of the vote. According to Brian Salmi, "we at the Rhino

Party sense grave danger in Bill C-114, the goveniment's amendments to the Election

Act. In fact, C-114 will do to Canada's Rhinos what poachers WU do to Afkica's rhinos-namely, make us extinct."lM His words were later proved correct.

After abstaining fiom participation in the 1993 election, as a means of protesting Bill

C-114, the party was automatically deregistered and required by law to iïquidate its assets. Having failed to do so, the party is currently in legal lhbo.

Conclusion

Most definitions of political parties take into account the fact that parties are organizations that seek to gain control of the government by wirinuig power through the electoral process. Developing out of various factions, the Liberal and Conservative parties in Canada have been primarily eiectorally-oriented organizations intent on winning power.

" "Rhinos to use 'Dallas approach' to explain return to political Me," Winnipeg Free Press, 20 January 1987, 13.

" "Death of Rhinoceros Party 'a11 a dream'," Halifar Chronicle Herald, 20 January 1987, 20.

'" Brian Salmi, "Rhinos sense danger in election bill," Montreal Gazette, 30 April 1993, B3. These intemally created or parliamentary parties are generally supportive of the status-quo.

UnLike the parliamentary parties, externally created or extra-parliamentary parties are of more recent historical vintage with origins outside the legislature. Critical of the existing social, economic and political structure, these parties have been more intent on implementiog programs rather than electorai success. Examples of extemally created parties include the Reform Party, the New Democratic Party, the Social Credit Party and the Bloc Quebecois. Although these parties have achieved a degree of electord success, the extemally created fige parties have been less successful.

Naturally, each of these parties would, with the exception of the Rhùioceros Party, prefer to win the number of seats required to form the government. However, recognizing that such a goal is unredistic, the fringe parties have opted to use the election campaign as a means of calling attention to new issues, publicizing their doctrines, or enhancing the legitimacy of their causes.

There have been, and continue to be, several fringe parties on the Canadian political landscape. The rise of powemil social movements and single-interest lobbies has set the stage for the proliferation of several of these parties. Supporting issues such as environmental protection and family values, several groups have bypassed traditional parties and formed new ones. Generally, fringe parties are created because they see a need to transform rather than reform the present political system. Introduction

Canadian political parties cm be categorized in terms of their hction, origin, and structure. They can also be characterized in tems of their electoral platforms. Accordùig to this method of categorization, the Liberais and Conservatives can be classified as brokerage parties. They seek to maximize their electoral support by taking a pragmatic, middle4Ahe-road position in forrnulating their poücies. Seeking to rnaximize their support base, these parties try to avoid divisive issues and emphasize those which are attractive or acceptable to the electorate.

Doctrinaire parties, such as the New Democratic Party and the Reform Party, tend to adhere to a consistent body of principles or an ideology. Nevertheless, in order to broaden their public appeai, these parties frequently adjust their principles and become

"flexibly doct~aire"rather than "rigidly doctrinaire."

Finally, there are single-issue parties. Unlike brokerage and doctrinaire parties, these parties forgo electoral support in order to articulate a position on a single issue. While most single-issue parties are unsuccessful in Canada, the Bloc Quebecois did elect a majonty of the seats in Quebec in the 1993 and 1997 elections. Typically, £hge parties fa11 into this category. A recurring observation and a frequent cornplaint is that Canada's two governing parties have similar values and perspectives, and promote similar policies during the election campaign. This same criticism cannot be levelled against the Hnge parties. With respect to electoral platforms, fige party platfoms range from the extremely conservative to the deliberately outrageous.

4.1. Anti-Imperialism and Anti-Capitalism: The Communist Party of Canada

The founders of the Communist Party hoped to transform Canada into a nation where old ideas would be rejected in favor of new ideas. New ideas that would usher in the era of communism, a "higher stage," described in Marx's slogan, "From each according to his ability, to each according to his oeed." The fundamental difference between the CPC and its predecessors was the realization that more than propaganda and patience were necessary to motivate the masses into action. As a result, the Communists sought to create a party of action, a party having direct contact with the workers. As the June 1921 issue of The Communist expressed it:

The result of the Constituent Convention is the organization of the Canadian working class into the Communist Party of Canada, section of the Communist International, with a program of mass-action as the vital forrn of proletarian activity, medinsurrection, civil war as the decisive form of mass-action, for the destruction of the Capitalist State, proletarian dictatorship in the fom of Soviet power as the lever of the Communist reconstruction of society. And now Comrades, there is tremendous work before us. Ours is an age of revolution versus imperialism. History is with us. Socialism is no longer the possessio of a cloistered sect, nor a subject of parliamentary diplomacy. It is a bitter, relentless mas-struggle against the most monstrous coalition of oppression and destruction that history has record of. Therefore ail shoulders to the wheel. Long live the Communist Party of Canada! Long Live the Communist International! Io'

Throughout its early years, the Communist Part of Canada allied itself to Leninism, to the Communist International and to the tactics of the Soviet Union. Following L,eni.uk death, Stalints prestige in the Canadian Communist movement became enormous.

Although the subsequent leaders of the Soviet Party did not have the stature Stalin possessed, the CPC continued to follow the guidance of the Communist Party of the

Soviet Union (CPSU).

With the collapse of Soviet-style "socialism" and the disintegration of communist practices, the Cornmunist Party of Canada, which had based its ttzory and practice largely on the Soviet model, faced major upheavai. At the CPCk twenty-eighth convention in

October 1990, party leader George Hewison acknowledged past mistakes and cailed on his party to support glasnost, perestroiku and .'" In 1991, however, several party members launched an attack against Hewison's proposed "." The following year, regardless of the far-reaching changes occurring inside the Soviet Party, the CPC rejected revisionisrn and organized for a retum to Marxism-Leninism. At the end of the day, the party clung to, and continues to ciing to, one certain and fundamental truth: "The dialectic goes on, capitalism is corning to its inevitable end and socialism is

'O1 Ian Angus, Canadian Bolsheviks: The Early Years of the Comrnunirt Party of Canada (Montreal: Vanguard Publications, 198 l), 72.

lm Sandro Contenta, "Canada's Communists to Bury Staiin," Toronto Star, 12 April1990, A3. the next histonc stage of human devel~prnent."'~~In dl reality, the curent CPC program is a continuation of the original 1921 program.

The campaign to establish a public party was initiated by a prelimuiary conference held in Toronto in December 1921. It was here that delegates adopted a manifesto addressed to "Fellow Workers, to Members of the Socialist Party of Canada, to Members of Labour Parties, and to Trade Unionists," and caUed for a national convention in

February. The following five-point provisionai platform was also adopted at the

December 1921 unity conference:

The Workers' Party shali form an alternative to the capitalist system. The working-class govenunent shail lead the workers in stniggle towards the establishment of the Workers' Repubiic of Canada;

The Workers' Party shall take part, whenever possible, in al1 such campaigns designed to bring about the tnumph of the working class and the demise of its enemy, the capitalist oppressors;

The Workers' Party shd help educate trade unionists to appreciate the possibilities of their organizations as defuiite factors in carrying on the class battles caused by capitalist oppression. The Party shall also initiate a rnovement in order to expose the tyranny and treachery of the reactionary labor bureaucrats and make the unions real fighting working-class units;

The Party shall be composed of militant, class-conscious workers, subject to the discipline of the Party and the direction of the national executive cornmittee; . The Party shall eventually acquire a party press in order to give expression to the interests and aims of the working-class m~vement.'~

-- - - -

lm John Barber, "AU roads iead to Mr. Figureoa," Globe and Mail, 13 July 1993, A2

'O" Tim Buck, Our Fight for Canada (Toronto: Progress Books, 1959), 28-29. A similar platform was adopted by the founding convention of the Workers' Party in

Febmary 1922.'"

The New Economy

Since its creation in 1921, the Communist Party of Canada has consistently dedfor a new political alliance, an anti-monopoly, anti-impenalist, anti-capitalistic alliance based on the working class. The party program thus advocates the nationalization of resource industries and the hancial system.

Crucial to this strategy is the need to gain independence hom both Britain and the

United States. Tim Buck, in the March 21, 1925, edition of me Workers' Monthly, expressed the attitude of the Party to British imperialism in the Eollowing manner:

The winning of complete independence from British political control means a great deal to the revolutionary movement and to the Iabor movement as a whole. In substance it means the repeal of the BNA Act. It wiil strip the capitalist govemment of their everlasting excuse of powerlessness, and bring the workers of the country face to face with realities.'"

In the January and February issues of The Canadian hbor Monthly, Maurice Spector, editor of the paper, expressed similar sentiment. In an article entitled, "Canada, The

Empire and the War Danger," Spector sought to corne to terms with the question of national autonomy and colonialism. His main argument was that since irnpenalism is the

los To view this platform see Angus, Canadian Boishevikî, 349-350 or see Appendix A,

'06 Norman Pemer, Conadian Cornmunismi The Stulin Years and Beyond voronto: Methuen Publications, 1988), 86. source of, and the driving force behind, aggressive domestic and foreign policies,

Canadian workers needed to fight against both British and American hpenalism. He supported his argument with the foiiowing statement:

The fight of the workers and farmers of Canada against the imperialist war danger must therefore be aimed against the Canadian bourgeoisie as joint partners of British Imperïaiism. But there is another imperialism that is penetrating Canada, seeking to strengthen its hancial and diplornatic bonds, and that is American imperialisrn with its "fine record" in Latin Amenca. The workers and farmers of this country must oppose Arnerican imperialism no less than ~ritish.'~

In 1941, with the invasion of the Soviet Union, the CPC set aside its socialistic aims and concentrated on the war effort. It was not until 1947 that the Communist Party, then called the Labor Progressive Party, once again concemed itself with imperialism. From this time forward, the imperialistic threat becarne an d-pervasive theme of the party's work.

In 1948, the National Committee of the CPC adopted a new slogan. The CPC, using the slogan, "Keep Canada Independent," proposed that nationalization of the economy, rather than American integraiion, would better serve Canadian îuterests. The plan was rationalized in the following manner:

It is clear that the establishment of Canadian control of decisive policy-making is going to involve some measure of nationalization - state ownership. Nationalization of foreign-owned monopolies will open the way for better aU-round economic development. The political necessity for their nationabation would be compelling even if there were no specincaüy economic reasons . . . the monopolies impose upon us, day by day, policies

lm Norman Pemer, The Canadian Lefi (Scarborough: Prentice-Hall, 1977), 91. dictated in the U.S.A., including matters concerning foreign relations, military commitments, acceptmce of a reckless nuclear air attack role in Europe and so odm

In the ensuing years a series of party programs criticized U.S. control over Canadian resources, U.S. state-monopoly capital, and U.S. imperialism. Believing that public ownership would Liberate Canada from the U.S. and the stranglehold of multinational corporations, the party's programs advocated natioaalization of the Canadian economy.

Included in these programs were the foiiowing: "Canadian Independence and Peoples

Democracy," February 1952; "Canadian Independence and A People's Parliament," March

1954; "The Road to Socialism in Canada," redraft in October 1959, April 1971 and

November 1971; "Tirne for a Real Change," April 1979; "A Real Alternative," 1988; "A

People's Alternative,'' 1977.

in 1952 the program proclaimed the fouowing:

From the time of the settlement of Canada four hundred years ago, our people have fought for national independence from France and Britain. Have Our people stniggled through these centuries only to be swailowed now by the United States of America? With one voice every patriotic Canadian will answer: No. To make sure that this will not happen Canadians wili wage the greatest struggle of our history as a people. We Canadians are called upon now to win our national independence hm U.S. domination, to establish the supremacy of Parliament and to regain sovereign Canadian control over our resources, industries, armed forces and foreign and domestic policies. To achieve these high patriotic aims Canadians must unite to defeat the numerically small but powerful clique of speculators and monopolists and

'" Tim Buck, Lenin and Canada (Toronto: Progress Books, 1970), 85-86. their political representation who are perpetrating a national betrayal - to hurl us into a third world war for the U.S. trusts.'0g

In the May-June 1954 issue of National Affairs Monthly an article entitied, "Our New

Party Program," elaborated on the new party program and its attitude towards economic power. It reads in part:

We can end the economic power of the ruiing class by making the banks and great industries the property of the people as a whole. We can introduce the operation of the mighty basic econornic law of socialism, when Man cornes kst. We show that the political power of the niling class can be broken and capitalist democracy transformed into people's democracy, parliament transformed into people's parliament and the state machine made to serve the interests of the working people instead of the exploiters. We on move rnountaios, quite iiterally, change the course of nvers, harness atomic energy to provide a new power base for industry and agriculture, bring about the flourishing of Canadian culture, socialist and humanist content, Canadian in form. We can end the age old servitude of women, reveai new horizons for Our youth, raise our children in an atmosphere of calm and fiendship and peace. We can cut the working day to six and five hours, and fiee man to become cultured in his leisure time, providing the oppominity to each to do things for society which he or she is best fitted to do. No more dead end jobs, shiltifjing monotony, soul-killing dmdgery. AU this, and more, is quite possible in Canada today. If capitalism was able to develop this country as it has, what could socialism do!"'

Similar ideas can he found in nie road to Socialism in Canada, 1971. The following is one of the more outspoken paragraphs:

lai Pemer, nie Canadian Left, 104.

''O , Look on Cana& now (Toronto: Progress Books, 1970), 115. The defeat of monopoly capitaiism requires unity of the working class and other democratic forces in a new political alliance. The Communist Party works for such a new political alliance, a democratic, anti-monopoly, anti-imperialist alliance, based on the working class, the national and democratic forces in French Canada, the farmers, the middle strata, the non-monopolist bourgeoisie, al1 those affected by the monopoly policies."'

The 1979 platform was a very nationdistic one. It called for a publicly operated

Canada-wide energy policy; for a reduction of foreign ownership of industry in Canada through public control; for public ownership of energy and other resources; and for nationalization of ail major cornpanie~.~~~

Indicative of this state of mind are the resolutions passed by the party in regards to the Free Trade Agreement. In 1988, the party's campaign Literature clearly criticized the

FTA. The following is an excerpt £tom the party's pamphlet entitled The Cornrnunist Party saysr Save Canada Defeat the Tories.

The Tories and the business circles they represent have put Canada up for sale. The Mulroney trade agreement surrenders Canadian jobs, medicare, working conditions, culture, water and energy to the giant corporations and their global business ope ration^."^

Criticism of the Free Trade Agreement and transnationais continued into the 1990s.

Communist pamphlets and party resolutions contain numerous passages in which the

11' Cy Gonick, "TheCommunist Party ofCanada: Strategy and Tactics,"Canadian Dimension, 14 (8) (August 1980), 48.

lX2 Rolf Lockwood, "On Orders fiom Moscow," Canada and the Wotid, Vol. 45, No. 3 (January 1980), 2&21.

l l3 Communist Party of Canada, The Communbt Party says: Save Canada Defeat the Tories (Official Party pamphlet, 1988). replacement of Our present system is advocated. The foliowing extract is taken nom

resolutions passed at the 31st Convention of the Communist Party of Canada, May 19-22,

1995:

End corporate handouts; abrogate the FTA and NAFTA; restrict capital fight and "runaway"plants; halt and reverse privatuâtion; bring in currency exchange controls; end foreign takeovers; create a made-in-Canada culture policy; public ownership and democratic control of the banking and insurance system; federal and provincial ownership of banks and insurance companies; support for credit unions and cooperative insurance; support for unionkation of banking and insurance; respect for variety in the social ownership, scale, and regional orientation of financiai instit~tions."~

Similar ideas can be found in the 1997 Cornmunist Party Platform. For example, this platform called for the cancellation of NAFTA; the restoration of Air Canada and CN Rail as public corporations; and the blocking of foreign takeo~ers."~

War and Peace

In 1935, as a result of a proclamation issued by the Seventh Congress of the

Communist International, the Canadian party agreed that Marxist concepts should be subordinated to the stniggle against fascism. In a speech to the Eighth Convention of the

Communist Party of Canada, October 8, 1937, General-Secretary Buck stated the following:

Il4 See p. 6 of 8 at http://www.neetizen.org/CPC/3lstlresolutions/main/main5n5htm

IlS "A People's Alternative for Canada!" People's Voice, Vol. 5, No. 5 (May 1997), 11. The most effective role that Canada can play in the British Commonwealth of Nations is the role of true democracy. The representatives of Canada must express the will of the Canadian people in the Councils of the Commonwealth instead of being, as they are now, instruments of British impenal poiicy in Canada. Canada should play her rightful part as an Amencan country and join hands with other peace-loving nations of the Western hemisphere in making America a force for peace. The manner in which Canada can best be an innuence for peace in the British Empire is by loyaiiy and honourably fuElling all her obligations as a member of the League of Nations. . . .Il6

However, the position regarding Canada's place in the war effort was about to change.

On August 23, 1939, the U.S.S.R. and Gemany signed a treaty agreeing not to go to war against each other. On September 18, 1939, Joseph Stalin issued a directive that al1 Communist parties must oppose the Second World War without equiv~cation."~The non-aggression pact ended the era of the popular front and the war was declared to be unjust.

In 1941 the Gemans broke their pact and invaded the Soviet Union. Russia's entry into the war, according to the Communists, changed its character and it became a "just war, a people's war." Following the Iune attack, Tim Buck, the leader of Canada's

Communist Party, issued the following declaration:

Every Canadian who follows events recognizes the transformation that has corne over the war and its significance to democracy since Hitler's attack upon the U.S.S.R. . . . The Communist Party of Canada which, as a result of the developments indicated above, has changed its estimation of the character of the war and

Penner, nie Canadian Lep, 99.

'17 Penner, Canadian Communism, 161-162. To view the directive, see Appendix B. the ta& it brings forward, stands for the broadest national unity of the Canadian people in the 6ght against the Nazi threat. . . . Such a movement will give loyal support to every measure of the King governent making for increased support to and cmperation with Britain and the United States and for effective aid to the Soviet nio on."*

Meanwhile, the CPC pledged to cease all socialist propaganda for the duration of the war.

The Communist Party, or Labor Progressive Party, as it had been called in Canada

in August 1943, focused on the goal of victory over fascism. However, the victorious

ending of the of the war in Europe on May 8, 1945, and in Asia on September 2, 1945,

brought about a change in policy. The party's post-war line transferred emphasis from

wartirne cooperation to the old theme of the class struggle. From this time forward a

series of party programs and pamphlets showed how Canada, by following the Communist

line, could build and extend the peace movement. According to Lesiie Morris, "the fight

for peace," a central tasks of the LPP, "caps the deepest wellsprings of democratic

strength for the masses and it catches the imperialists on their most vulnerable flank, their drive to war against the socialist sector of the ~orld.""~Included amongst these pamphlets were the following: Time for a Real Change, 1979; Defeat the Tories: Youth fight back! 1988; The Cornunisr Party says: Save Canada Defent the Tories, 1988; For a Real Alternative . . . Vote Communist, 1988; Mat1s the Anti-Fascist Movement? 1997;

me Communist Party Platjiorm: A People's Alternative for Canada! May 1977; NATO

Expansion: The Peace of Imperialism, June 1997.

"* Pemer, Canadian Cmmunism, 182.

li9 Morris, 88. In these documents there are numerous passages in which the Communist Party cails for an independent foreign policy; withdrawal of Canada fiom NATO and NORAD; a political settlement of the Middle East crisis; the abolition of nuclear weapons.'" The following extracts are taken form recent party publications.

In 1988, the Young Communist League published a pamphlet entitled, Defeat the

Tories: Youth Fight Back! This is what the YCL told other young Canadians:

Survival means peaceful c~xistencebetween East and West; a nuclear weapons free world - scrap nuclear weapons bubs, declare Canada a nuclear weapons fiee zone - stop military recmitment, aeate real jobs !!! There is a need for a New International Economic Order. Canada must calI for an end to Apartheid by breaking ail economic and diplornatic relations with South Africa. Canada must support a just settlement in the Middle East based on a Palestinian Homeland. Canada must demand that the US end its interference in Central ~merica.'~'

A pamphlet entitled The Communist Party says: Save Canada Defeat the Tories was published prior to the 1988 general election. The pamphiet suggested that the Canadian govemment should, and the Communists would, if elected, suppoa a 50% cut in strategic offensive missiles and a comprehensive ban on nuclear testing; declare Canada a nuclear weapons free zone; end cruise missile testing; make the Arctic a dernilitarized zone; reduce the military budget; cancel the Tory White Paper on Defence; and withdraw fiom both NATO and NO RAD.'^^

"A PeopLek Alternative for Canada!" People's Voice, Vol. 5, No. 5 (May 1997), 11.

12' Communist Party of Canada, Dejèut the Tories, Youth Fight Back! (Official Party pamphlet, 1988).

See "Defence Submissionffat http://www.netehen.org/CPC/statements/defence.htxn Indicative of this state of rnhd is the 1997 election platform. Ln the May 1977 issue

of People's Voice, there is an article entitled, "A People's Alternative for Canada!" It

reads in part:

Slash the military budget; convert miliiary to civilian jobs. Pull Canada out of the NATO and NORAD. Support global campaigns against weapons of mass destruction and arms exports. Support fair and mutually beneficial international trade. Strengthen fi5endship and trade with Cuba and other socialist countrie~.'~~

Canada's First Narions

Since the early 1970s the Cornmunist Party of Canada has fiequently campaigned on the issue of settling all outstanding land claims and granting self-government to the First

Nations. Party booklets, pamphlets, and programs contain numerous passages in which aboriginal issues are addressed. It is necessary to quote kom these in order to appreciate the party's position. The following extract is taken from the party's 1971 program entitled,

"The Road to Socialism in Canada." The program addressed the aboriginal situation in the following rnanner:

A socialist Canada will taken meaningfid measures to compensate the Native peoples for the historic injustices perpetrated upon ihem by the British and French colonizers in Canada and continued under the rule of monopoly capital. Such measures will include full recognition of their national identity and development of their native cultures; full power of decision making on all questions pertaining to their affairs as Native peoples; the rooting out of al1 vestiges of racism and discrimination, full equality before the law and in society; a massive economic and social program to bring their Living, health, housing and education standards, training and job opportunities up to

'" "A People's Alternative for Canada!" People's Voice, Vol. 5, No. 5 (May 1997), 11. acceptable Canadian standards. The Indian and Inuit peoples will enjoy regional self-government and full rights to their language and c~1ture.l~~

In 1988 an election pamphlet entitied, The Communist Party says: Save Canada

Defeat the Tories was published and distributed by the Communist Party of Canada. In

this pamphlet the party called for a just settlement of Native land daims and

constitutional recognition of self-government.'z In its pamphlet entitled, Defeat the

Tories: Youth fight back! the Young Communist LRague reiterated the party's position by

caiIing for a "just settlement of aii Native land daims and recognition of Native people

At the 31st Convention of the Communist Party of Canada, held between May 19-22,

1995, the party adopted a detailed statement on the nature of the constitutional crisis. As the party stated at that time:

The Meech Lake and Charlottetown Accords failed partly because they were products of backroom, late night negotiations by senior politicians and bureaucrats. The alternative being raised by many Canadians, including the Communist Party, is the convening of a democratically-elected Constituent Assembly mandated to hammer out a new draft constitution for full discussion and ratification by Canadians. In our view, such an Assembly

12' 12' William Kashton, To wardî Socialism: Selected Writings 1966-I 976 (Toronto: Progress Books, 1976), 369.

'2~Communist Party of Canada, Re Cornmunist Party Says: Save Canada Defeat the Tories (Official Party pamphlet, 1988).

126 Comrnunist Party of Canada, Defeat the Tories: Youth Fight Back! (Official Party pamphlet, 1988). should be composed of equal representation from Quebec and the rest of Canada, with the hi11 participation of the First Nations.12'

On the National Day of Action, April 17, 1997, the Central Executive Cornmittee of the Communist Party issued a message of solidarity to the Assembly of First Nations. It reads in part:

The Communist Party stands in solidarity with you today, and will work for unity of our working people, for a new, democratic and equal constitution for Canada's nations- We believe no nation can be tnily free while keeping another in chahs. The fundamental interests of working people in Canada's nations cal1 for a united fight-back against the corporate agenda. To build that unity, non-aboriginal people must understand and support the just demands of the aboriginal peoples. '"

The foregohg documentation makes the CPC appear to be highly oppoministic. It also makes it evident that the Communist Party of Canada sees a need for the development of a new constitutional arrangement. An arrangement that would better serve the needs of the aboriginal population. Furthemore, the party believes that a new arrangement is necessary if the Quebec issue is to be resolved.

ln Communist Party of Canada, Documents of the 31st Convention of the Communist Party of Canada: May 19-22, 1995 (Toronto: Cornmunisi Party of Canada, 1995), 14. See also, http://www.neteizen.org/CPC/3 lst/resolutions/main/main4.htm

'" Communist Party of Canada, Justice Now for Canada !s First Nations (Official Party pamphlet, 1997). Quebec k Nàtioiutl SIotus

Dunng its early years, the Communist Party of Canada paid Little attention to French

Canada. As a socialist party, it believed that the socialist transformation of Canada could only be accompiished through a strong centrai govemment. Since the Communist stniggle is &ed out at the national level, provincial and regional differences are secondary.

Acknowledging this theoreticai weakoess during its early years, Buck responded as follows:

While grasping the signincance of Lenin's emphasis upon the role of the working class in the stniggle to protect the real interests of the nation, the party did not then grasp the full historical significance of the national status of the people of French Canada and therefore failed to put forward the necessq demand for the right of the people of French Canada to national self-determination up to the nght of ~ecession.'~~

In 1938, in its brief to the Royal Commission on Dominion Provincial Relations, the

Cornmunist Party continued to argue that Canadian circumstances require a centralized national government. However, between 1938 and 1943 the Communist Party underwent a marked change in its policies regardhg French Canada.

These changes became evident at the founding convention of the Labour Progressive

Party in 1943. It was at this convention that the Communist Party recognized Quebec provincial rights.

The party's new 1954 program, by recognizing Quebec's right to secede, extended beyond 1943 proposals. This new program is elaborated in the folIowîng passage:

'*' Penner, The Canadian Left, 110. In this stniggle the long-standing demand of the French Canadian people for full national equaiity, unresolved by Codederation, will be satisfied in the oniy democratic way - the guarantee of the right of French Canada to national seif-determination up to and including secession. Victory for this democratic principle wiU open the way for the fiee and voluntary association of French Canada with English-speaking Canada in a federal state based upon the complete national equality of both peopledM

Similar ideas can be found in resolutions passed by the Cornmunisi Party at its

Seventeenth Convention in January 1962 and its Twentieth Convention in April1969. The

following excerpt from the 1969 convention platform is indicative of the party's position:

A just and democratic resolution of the present crisis requires fuli and unconditional recognition of the nght of the French-Canadian people to decide for themselves the course of their national development, the form of their national state, and the nature of their relationship with English Canada. This right means that the French-Canadian nation shall be f?ee to choose separation from Canada and some form of political union with English Ca~~ada,'~'

The CPC, believing that the right to self-determination, including separation,

establishes conditions for equality and creates conditions for voluntary fiatemal unity, continues to support Quebec's bid for self-determination, Nevertheless, in the spring of

1971, the party's policy statement contained the following waming:

The separatist solution, preferred by a section of the French-Canadian petty bourgeoisie, would entail severe additional economic hardships to the working people of both nations and would weaken their political unity against their common enemies: monopoly capital, Canadian and U.S. impenalism. In so far as Quebec separatists fight for national and

lm Ibid., 121.

13' Kashtan, 338. democratic rights of the French-Canadian nation, Communists wiii fight at their side, while criticizing their separatist solution as one which contradicts the reai national interests of Quebec and particularly of the French-Canadian working people. '32

Throughout the ensuing decades the CPC continued to support the right of

self-detennination for Quebecers. Indicative of this state of rnind is a resolution passed

at the 1994 meeting of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Canada. It reads

in part:

Quebec has always been much more than a province - it is a nation, with a common language and temtory, and a unique history and culture. AU nations have fundamental rights, including the right of self-determination, up to and including secession. This is a reality, plain and simple . . . . But this reality has never been reflected in Canada's constitution. The

deniai of Quebec's national status and rights within Canada Lies at the centre * of the curent crisis, which will continue to erupt until these rights are fully guaranteed in the constitution - the fundamental law - of this country.'"

In the May 1997 issue of People's Voice, the party's leader was interviewed in an article entitled, "A critical the for Canadians." When questions about the constitutional crisis, Figueroa issued the following reply:

Our Party recognizes both Quebec's status as a nation within Canada, with the Bght of selfkieter~nination,up to and including separation . . . . While opposing the fragmentation of Canada, and its resulting impact on the sovereignty and social rights of al1 parts of the country, we also reject the constitutional status quo, and the threat of force to keep Quebec in Canada.

IB3 Communist Party of Canada, ï%e Social and Constitutional Crisis: Unite and Struggie for a Democratic Solution (Documents of the October 2&30,1994 Meeting of the Central Committee of the CPC) (Toronto: Communist Party of Canada, 1994), 6. Instead, we project a democratic solution, based on a new constitution, drafted by a democratically-elected Constituent Assernbly.'"

4.2. The Madt-Leninisf Party: Canadu's Revolutiomry Force

The Marxist-Leninist Party of Canada believes that the existing political system by concentrathg political and economic power into the hands of the elite results in greater marginalization of the people fiom the political and economic life of the country. Not willing to renounce this power, the bourgeoisie employ various rneasures in order to preserve the era of imperialism. "The more the people strive to vest sovereignty and decision-making power in their own hands," says National Leader Bains, "the more reactionary the bourgeoisie becomes in its attempts to preserve its nile.""'

Believing that the Marxist-Leninist Party of Canada is "the highest development of the Party established by Lenin," the party sees itself as playing a primary role in leading the proletariat in their fight against the bourgeoisie. indicative of this state of mind is the following excerpt taken fkom a speech delivered by to the Fourth

Consultative Conference of the Marxist-Leninist Party held in Montreai on May 15-16,

1976:

The working class is the leading force of the proletarian revolution, which means millions upon millions of workers put together as one, by the social conditions, to face the onslaught of the monopoly capitalists, on a daily and

'" "A criticai time for Canadians," People's Voice, Vol. 5, No. 5 (May 1997), 11.

Hardial Bains, Modern Cornmunism, The Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) (Ottawa: Cornxnunist Party of Canada Marxist-Leninist, 1996), 10. continuous basis. But to Say that the working class is the leading force of the revolution and to leave it at that is wrong. It is the organizations of the workers which comprise the leading force, the most advanced contingent of which is the Communist Party of Canada (Manu'st-Leninist). 13'

"Stop Paying the Rich, Increase Funding for Social Programs" is the slogan of the

Marxist-Leninist Party and is aimed towards changing the direction of the economy.

Numerous party publications contain passages in which the present capitalistic system is

criticized. It is necessary to quote £rom these in order to appreciate the party's position

regarding this issue. The following statement was made by Hardial Bains in a party

publication entitled Modern CornrnunLrm, The Communist Party of Canada

(Mam'st-Leninisr). "State monopoly capitdism has one basic thing in common with

medievalism; it puts a brake on the further development of society."'" This book is equaily explicit about the attitude of the Manllst-Leninists toward ownership of the

means of production. It declares:

The creation of socialized property will become the condition for the emancipation of the working class and the whole of humanity. What is seemingly weak and helpless now, wiii overcome and overthrow the overbearing, the greatest brake against progress known to human beings other than the medieval penod itself. What appears as the negation of everyihing new will be negated by everything new!

136 Hardial Bains, What Is The Issue? (Montreal: Communist Party of Canada Marxist-Leninist, 1976), 22.

137 Bains, Modern Communism, 44.

Ibid, 48. In the May 28-29, 1997, issue of The Marxist-Leninist Daiiy there is an article entitled

"An Interview with Hardial Bains." It reads in part:

The capitaiist system only develops through violence, through the destruction of the productive forces. The "jobless recovery" is such a stubbom thing that more than one out of five workers do not even get the opportunity to participate in production. This is an example of the productive forces. The fact that the vast majority of the populace are not provided with the living and working standards commensurate with the level society cm actually and potentially provide, according to the level of the productive forces society has attained, is also an indication of the gigantic proportions of the destruction of the productive forces at this time.13'

Party publications also contain various passages in which the overthrow of capitalism by

violence is advocated. In Modern Communism we read:

The world is in the midst of the greatest transition period in its history in which the classless society replaces the class society. The transaction period is the period of revolution and socialism, a period when the entire old society must give way to the new. It is the period of greatest stniggle of the peoples of the world against imperialism and reaction. This is the most exciting and promising penod in the developrnent of human society, a period when criticism and repudiation of everything old becomes the precondition for birth and growth of the ~ew.'"

And further, seeing itself as the vanguard of the working class, the party shows that it is their party which must iead the fight:

As a vanguard and the most organized subjective force of the working class, CPC (ML) must fight to place the working class in the leadership of society. This means that the working class must constitute itself as the

139 "An Intewiew wiîh Hardial Bains," The Momkt-Leninbt Daily, 28-29 May 1997, 2.

'" Bains, Modern Communism, 69. nation, just as the bourgeoisie did at the the it became the dominant class in society. The working class must put itseif in positions of power, in order to ensure that society and the world are remolded according to its own image. This requires deep-going transformations through revolution; so as to place people at the centre-stage by dint of being human and on account of their concrete objective reality.'''

Similar ideas can be found on the party's web site. The foilowing are some of the more ou tspoken paragraphs :

The aim of this stniggle against the anti-social offensive is to establish the reality that it is the will of the people which counts in society. In order to establish the people's will for a pro-social program, the workhg class has to smash the old state machine. This old state machine is consistent with the will of the hancial oligarchy not the people's and must be replaced with a new one consistent with the aspirations and WU of the people.'"

The working ciass must fight to establish a direction for society whereby it is the people who begin to benefit fiom it. This struggle will be most complicated and violent, as the ruhg class, the hancial oligarchy, will never agree to permit a peaceful change in the direction of society £rom the anti-social offensive to the pro-social program.'"

ln its recent electoral platform, the Marxist-Leninist Party of Canada called for an end to the program of paying the rich, democratic renewal, and renewal of international relations. The remaining portion of this chapter focuses on these three proposais.

14' Ibid., 76-77.

14* "On dictatorship, withering away of the state, elections and related questions," page 1 at http:/Eox.NSTN.CUcpc-rnVquestiodquest86.html

Ibid., 1. Stop Poying the Rich

According to the CPC (M-L), Canada's hancial oligarchy rules on the bais of an arrangement between big business and big govemment. Thus the slogan "Make the Rich

Pay!" is directed towards changing the direction of the economy. "If we stop paying the rich," says candidate Peggy Morton, "wages of health Gare workers could be increased, beds could be re-opened, and a red program of home care developed. School lunch programs could be expanded fkst to dl schools in low-incorne areas and then to all children. This cm only be accomplished if we STOP PAYING THE RICH!"'44

On May 22, 1997, the CBC aired a one-hour live debate featuring the

Man

Action Party and the Christian Heritage Party. The Marxist-Leninist Party, represented by Anna Di Carlo, responded to questions posed by host Ralph Benmurgey.

On the issue of the economy, the central question which emerged dealt with social prograrn funding in light of the debt crisis. Candidate Di Carlo indimted that funds could be made available by placing a moratorium on the debt and by nationalizing financial institutions. "The capitalist economy cannot provide employment for the people," said Di

Cario. "What is needed is to have a modem economy and the prograrn of a moratorium on the debt, nationalization of banks and hancial institutions. Using these resources to increase funding for health, education and other social progra~ns."'~~

See "MLPC Calls on Health Care Workers to Join in the Work," at http://'F-ox.NSTN.CaTcpc-darticles/TMI34PIC-TXT

Vote Marxist-Leninist," me Marrisr-Leninist Daily, 26-27 May 1997, 6. Similar ideas can be found in the oficial platform of the Marxist-Leninist Party of

Canada. The first section of this platfom, entitied "Stop Paying the Rich," suggests that, if elected, the Marxist-Leninist Party would:

Stop Paying the Rich Impose a Moratorium on the Debt; Nationalize al1 banks and other Financial Institutions Increase fiscal and budgetary requisitions for health, education and other social programs in order to immediately assist the most vulnerable section of the so~iety'~~

The Marxist-Leninist Party calis for the creation of a new constitution ensuring that the hereditary rights of the Aboriginal peoples are immediately restored and Aboriginal injustices immediately redressed. Indicative of this policy is a joint statement issued in the spring of 1997.

On May 22, the Marxist-Leninist candidates in Winnipeg issued a joint statement for

Native health are. A portion of the statement reads as foilows:

The Manrist-Leninist Party knly believes that the issue of the relationship between Canada and the Abonginal peoples is one of the most urgent problems facing Canada. It is not a problem that can be swept under the mg or put off until the debt and deficit problems are dealt with. Our party has presented a program for the democratic renewal of Canada, a key part of which is the immediate restoration of the hereditary rights of Aboriginal peoples and the payment of indemnity for the past injustices and harm done

'" See "The main thing in the program is to Stop Paying The Rich," at http://Fox.NSTN. Wcpc-mi/articles/IUL33P1AATXrrSee ais0 "Platformof the Marxist-Leninist Party of Canada," The Murxist-Leninist Weekiy, Vol. 2, No. 9 (11 May 1997), 8. To view this proposal in its entirety see Appendix D. to them by the Canadian government. We are also proposing the creation of a new Canadian federation based on the free and equal union of the Aboriginal nations, the nation of Quebec and the rest of Canada.'"

This new and modern constitution, in addition to addressing the issue of Aboriginal

nghts, would establish that:

The rights and duties of dl citizens are guaranteed without any discrimination on the basis of language, race, national ongin, religion, gender, lifestyle, ability, age, wealth or any other basis; The right of Quebec to self-determination, up to and including secession is guaranteed; Sovereignty is vested in the people; The Rights of Al1 Citizens and Residents are Guaranteed by Dint of Theu Being Human.

Furthermore, due to the fact that elected representatives must be subordinated to the electorate, the party proposes that the Constitution must guarantee the right to recall and

initiative.

Internafional Relations

In the sphere of international relations, the party calls for the foflowing:

Support for dl Peoples Fighting for Their Rights; Relations of Equality and Mutual Benefit Amongst Sovereign Nations Based on Peaceful Coexistence; . Non-Interference in the Intemal Affairs of Nations;

'" "Candidates Issue Joint Statement for Native Hedth Care March," The Marrisr-Leninist Daily, 26-27 May 1997, 4.

l* "Platform of the Marxist-Lpninist Party of Canada," nie Matxist-Leninist Weekly, Vol. 2, No 9 (11 May 1997), 8. See also the party's platform at http://Fox.NSTN.Caf cpc-mVmlpc.html. Immediate Withdrawal of Canada from NAFïA and FTA; hediate withdrawal of Canada fiorn NORAD and NATO; . Immediate democratization of the United Nations based on the principle that ail nations, big or smd, have an equal Say; Upholding the nght of dl nations to decide upon their own system and opposîng the efforts of any country or group of countries to dictate what kind of system a country can or cannot have, oppose the Paris Charter and the Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe and oppose the blockade against the Republic of Cuba, the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea and similar pressures exerted against other countries. 149

4.3. Peace, Preservation and Protection: The Green 's Global Promise

The Green Party of Canada, modelled after Green parties in Gerrnany and Sweden,

has an ecological platform that advocates recycling, sustainable development, nuclear

disarmament, environmental protection, the dismantling of nuclear power plants, and the

creation of public councils on ecology.

Considering the preservation of a healthy planet to be the central prionty, more important

than industrial growth and job creation, the Green Party disapproves of big business and

transnationai corporations which it sees as exploiting resources for maximum short-term

profit. Although the party does not advocate a return to post-industrial society, it argues

that developers must recognize the earth's limits and act accordingly.

The central thmst of the green message is that people must not allow the destruction of

their own habitat. Sensing an urgent need for a shift away from excess consumerism, the party follows five basic principles: creation of an environmentally sound economy;

'" Ibid., 8 and http://Fox.NSTN.Ca/-cpc-d/dpc.html development of a conserver society; establishment of nuclear and generai disarmament and world peace; respect for basic human rights; and respect for animal rights.

The Green's economic policy is founded on the beEef that the present "Grey economy" needs to be replaced by a "Green economy." An economy in which progress would be redefined to stop counting the liquidation of nature as income; corporations wouId be held responsible for their products from cradle to grave; new economic indicators would be applied to account for the social and ecological costs of products and services; and to create jobs, incorne and consumption taxes would be replaced with environmentai

The party's conservation policy calls for a shift £iom exploration to sustainability.

A policy which uses matenals in continuous cycles, and harnesses sources of energy that have Little or no negative environmental impacts.

The section on defence calls for a cornplete shift from the high-tech approach to a system based on conflict resolution.

The party's human rights policy calls for the right to sheiter, the right to food, the right to social security, the right to aordable quality education including the option of repaying student loans through community service, and the right to work in socialiy equitable and environmentally sound employment.

The Green Party's animal rights policy calls for a ban on Laboratory tests where animals are tortured for things like the manufacture of soap, perfumes, and cosmetics.

Is0 Sec "The Green Vision" at http://www.green.ca/vision.htn. Focusing on the question of global su~vai,the Green Party of Canada is critical of

ecologicai desecration and industrial society itself. The following excerpts £iom the party's

1997 election platform are indicative of how the party proposes to address this battle

between man and nature.

International Cooperation

The Green Party of Canada would cal1 up the member states of the United Nations to:

ensure that corporations including transnationals comply with national codes, social security, and international laws, including international environmental Iaw; recornmend to the OECD to cease deliberations on the Multilateral Agreement on hvestments (MAI) which if implemented would undermine the United Nations, and the abifity of nation states to harrnonize social and environmental standards upwards; revoke charters of corporations that violate human rights, cause environmental degradation, or contribute to conflict or war; embark immediately and conclude before the year 2000 negotiations on a nuclear weapons abolition convention that requires the phased elimination of al1 nuclear weapons within a time bound framework with provisions for effective verification and enforcement; . prevent further environmental degradation and human rïghts violation and thus to fully act upon the cornmitment under principle 14 of the Rio Declaration which calls for the prevention of the transfer to other states of substances or activities that cause environmental degradation or that are harmful to human health.15'

Foreign Affuirs

A Green Party would undertake to discontinue the amis trade including the banning of anti-personnel land mines; to cease treating the unique ecosystems of the North and

Is1 For further information on the topic of international cooperation see page 20f 3 at http://www.green.ca/platforn.htn the communities living there as commodities for the use of southem urban centres; to

make environmental and social charters the backbone of trade deals; to stop al1 exports

of arms hmCanada; to stop dl export and national movements of hazardous wastes; to

stop sale of nuclear technology from Canada.'52

enforce the World Court decision which affirmed that the use or threat of nuclear weapons is contrary to international humanitarian law; terminate international training exercises with offensive purposes on Canadian soil. This includes low-level flying exercises in Goose Bay, cmise missiloe testing in Cold Lake, and submarine training in Nanoose Bay; reduce the military budget by 50 percent and transfer the savings into achieving a culture of peace-the guaranteeing of human rights, the protection of the environment, the preventing of conflict, and the creating of socially equitable and environmentally sound work; promote the banning of nuclear, chernical and biological weapons, and landmines.'"

A Green Party govenunent would undertake to:

invoke the precautionary principle in relation to practices that would contribute to loss or reduction of biodiversity. Where there is a threat of loss or reduction of Biodiversity it is not necessary to wait until there

ln See pages 3-4 of http://www.green.ca/plarfom.htn.

'" See page 4 of "The Green Vision" at http://www.green.calvision.htn and page 4 of http:/www.green.ca/platform.htn Since its creation in 1983 the party has promoted the banning of nuclear weapons. For information regarding this issue see "Greens sprouting in 30 seats,"Montreal Gazette, 5 October 1988, A 6 and Kevin Annett, "A Green Twig Sprouts in B.C.," Canadian Dimension, Vol. 17, No. 5 (November, 1983), 13. is scientinc certainty that clear-cut logging and other ecologically unsound practices contribute to the reduction and loss of biodiversity; avoid and minimize the threat to biodiversity by banning ecoiogicaily unsound practices; ensure the stability of animal populations; establish a system of protected areas or areas where special measures need to be taken to consenre biological diversity; . promote the protection of natural habitats; promote the maintenance of viable populations; recognite that ail of the species of plants and anbals in Canada are part of Canada's hentage, and if their continued existence becomes threatened or endangered, then part of the hentage of Canada similarly becomes threatened or endangered.'"

Heulth

The Green Party of Canada, if elected, promises to ensure an admonitory labelling strategy for al1 non-nutritive substances and processes affecthg food (eg. genetic engineering); initiate an effective program of public education about the health benefits of uncontaminated food, water and air; establish environmental standards to protect health rather than just promote trade; include the health status of the human population and the ecosystem as critena in any scale or method for assessing prosperity; reorientate the pnonties of the Health Protection Branch to provide a more stringent and holistic review process for new and existing human-made chemicals, technologies and genetic manipulation; take a £riendlier approach to the views of herbalists and citizens who use the-tested, naturally occurring substances in health care.'"

"The Green Vision*" 3. See also page 4 of the party's platform at http://www.green.ca/pladorn.htn

'" See page 8 of the party's platform. See "The Green Party of Canada-Federal Election 1997--Platforrn Highlights," at http://www.gIen-net.ca/sunworks/ke~.htm. If elected, Green Party candidates would undertake to:

guarantee through legislation the right to clean air, clean waier, and the right to uncontaminated food; empower Canadians whose environmental rights have been violated to take govemments, corporations, and individuds to court for violation of these rights: enact a bill of inter-species rights which would guarantee to al1 species native to Canada the following rights: the right to exist; the right to exist in at least one geographical location without human interference; the right to access to food, clean air and clean water.Is6

Finance

A Green Party would aim towards enacting legislation that would ensure that corporate owaers and officers be held legally liable, in criminal and civil court, for any environmental and social hmthey cause. The party would also work towards:

eliminating subsidies to nuclear power and to fossil fuels and to chernical-dependent sectors; . replacing the Gross National Product with the Genuine Progress Indicator (GPI). The GNP excludes social and environmental costs in its accounting, thus facilitating the illusion that community breakdom, crime, the loss of farmland and biodiversity, and unemployment have no economic significance; enacting product stewardship legislation that would require producers to increase the Me span of their products and to assume the hll recycling and disposal costs;

IS6 See page 9 of the party's platform and page 3 of ht tp://www.glen-ne t.ca/sunworks/kem.htd. enforcing the "Polluter Pay Principle," and raising taxes to OECD levels. '''

Environment

A Green Party would undertake to provide preventive and restorative solutions to

problems of environmental and social instability thus moving govemment and society

away from the current "clean up after-the-fact" approach; promote an amendment to the

Charter of Rights and Freedoms to ensure the nght to an ecological heritage and to a

clean and safe environment, and to require political decisions to be made on the bais of

ecological integrity; restructure the current environmental assessment review process so

that it becornes a legitimate environmental assessment and less a project review

mechanism; ensure that Canada implements all international agreements by enacting the

necessary legislation for cornpliance and enforcement, and enforces dl federal and

provincial environmental acts and statutes; strengthen the current Canadian Environmental

Protection Act, and incorporate into the Act an Environmental Bill of Rights; phase out

the production and consumption of ozone-depleting substances; strengthen the resolve to reduce greenhouse gas emissions with time-bound and enforced reduction targets.'"

ln See pages 10 and 11 of the party's pladorm and page 3 of http://www.glen-net.ca/sunworks/ken.htd Also see Shem Barron, "The Greening of Canada," Maclean's, Vol. 96, No. 45 (7 November 1983), 60.

IS8 See pages 11-12 of the party's platform and "The Green Party of Canada-Federal Election 1997--Platform Highlights," at http://www.glen-ne t.ca/sunworks/kerr.htmi Also see Stephen Brunt, "Green Party learned £rom campaign," Globe and Mail, 3 1 August 1984, 5 and Portia Priegert, "Members wait for 'greening' of party," Calgary Herald, 16 August 1993, A 6. if elected a Green Party would undertake:

to support basic and field research in the natural breeding, field trials, propagation and protection of alternative ecologically adaptable crops; . to phase out agriculture Canada and other federal research support for large-sale agibusiness chernical, pesticide and genetic and other bioenginee~gpractices and refocus support on the development of famiIy and community agricultural models, principles and practices such as biologicai soii and pest management approaches like soi1 rebuilding crop rotations, cornpanion planting, intercropping and perenniai pol yculhires; to establish, monitor and enforce Eco-agriculture Standards, Certification and Labebg; . to support each people's right to food self-sufficiency. Where clhatic and other natural Limitations restrict the growing of food necessities by Canadians or other peoples, equitable trade will be established directly between producer and consumer. Cooperatives or similar Green structures would replace transnational food cartels.lsg

If elected to power, the Green Party promises to rabfy the law of the Sea treaty;

establish a network of Marine parks and ecological reserves; prevent risks of disease

transfer £rom netcage fish to wild stocks, such as black CO^, herrhg, and sahon; address

the issue of pollution from fish sewage, contamination of shellfish, and loss of habitat;

address the issue of death, wounding, and harassrnent of mammal and bird populations

due to shootings, net entanglements, and acoustic deterrent de vice^.'^

Is9 "The Green Vision," 2. See &O pages 12-13 of the party's platform at http://www.green.ca/platform.htn.

IM "The Green Vision," 4. See also pages 13-14 of the party's platform at http://www.green.ca/platforrn.htn. Naturd Resources

A Green Party, if elected, would undertake:

to elhinate subsidies for nuclear and fossil fuels and to raise taxes on them to reflect environmentai costs; to accelerate investment in sustainable energy infrastructure; to redirect research and development spending to focus on environmentally sound energy technologies; to change the focus of international energy assistance away fiom mega projects towards appropnately sized cornmunity planned and driven projects; to implement an Energy Research & Development Act to divert in excess of $1 billion in annual federal research and development spending to fund sustainable energy research and deve~o~rnent.'~'

Transporf

A Green government would encourage Canadians to move away from car-dependency. The party would also actively promote the use of rail for al1 heavy loads and extend the rail nehivork to serve ail urban locations convenientfy. The party would also encourage the adoption of the green transportation hierarchy: walking, bicycles, transit, and lastly private travel. Furthermore, the party would promote the reformation of cities to an aggregate of neighbourhoods, to minimize the need for travel.'"

161 For further elaboration see page 14 of http://www.green.ca/pIatfonn.htn.

'" lbid, 15. Also see page 3 of "The Green Party of Canada--Federal Election 1997-Platfom Highlights," at http://www.glen-net.ca/sunworks/kem.html. 4.4. Onward Christiun Soldiers: Canaria's CHP

The Christian Heritage Party believes that Canada needs moral leadership that is

solidly based on the supremacy of God. Supporting a govemment based on bibLical

principles, the CHP opposes abortion except as a fast mort to Save the mother's life,

common-law relationships, premarital sex, prostitution, adultery, euthanasia,

homosexuality, and Sunday shopping. The party also opposes the Charter of Rights and

Freedoms, govemment grants to business and special interest groups, universal daycare,

the privatization of Crown corporations, forced bfigualism, and affirmative quotas.

Issues that receive the party's support include responsible free enterprise under God; compassion for the underprivileged; sanctity of marriage; capital punishment for murder; greater efforts in environmental concerns; preservation of the family as the basic unit of society; strong national identity and defence; education as a parental responsibiiity; whofesome Biblical human relationships; moraiity and integrity in leadership; cutting the deficit through decreased govemment spending; reform of the prison system; and an overhaul of the welfare system The party also proposes that changes be made in regard to Canada's immigration policies.

Despite its clear ties to Christianity and biblical principles, party members insist that the party is not a fanatical organization. "We Ire oot a radical, far-out group," said Ed

Vanwoudenberg. "But we do beiieve in the moral ethic, the Judeo-Chnstian ethic; that legislation should be based on biblical teaching~."'~~The Party's beliefs are evident in

its policies and platforms.

The Sanctity of Humon Life

The Christian Heritage Party of Canada has adopted a clear and concise policy on the sanctity of human Life which reads as follows:

We afnrm that human life is sacred from conception and has God-given value regardless of race, age, gender, or physical or mental handicap. Furthermore, no race or gender has greater uitrinsic value than another. We believe that the hurnan body is the property of God, and that no one but God has the authority to terminate human Me except in accord with the express provisions of Holy Scripture. No person, institution, or government should tolerate, encourage, or decree death by means such as abortion, euthanasia, or s~icide.'~

This affirmation is based on the eihical demands of a creator who says: t'Whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed, for in the image of God made he

Focusing primady on the abortion issue, the Christian Heritage Party's recommendations are as follows:

'" Chisholm MacDonald, "Surrey contractor beats dmfor new Christian party," Vancouver Sun, 18 November 1987, Cg.

Iw CHP, Your fideral Choice (official party pamphlet), 1988. See Julian Beltrane, "Politics laced with Christian ethics can Save Canada, party says," Montreal Gazette, 24 October 1988, A8 and Douglas Todd, "Stilweli presents the tough face of Christian politics," Vancouver Sun, 2 October 1993, Ag. See aiso "Individual Human Worth," section 6.3 (1) of the CHPs Policy Resolutions at http://www.chp.ca.

'" Genesis 9:6 (KJV). We favor the elimination of al1 public funding of organizations that advocate abortion. Abortion is the deiiberate killing of an innocent human being, and therefore is a crime against God, the pre-boni child, the mother and father, and society. It should be treated as such by the Government and must not be permitted or supported. The pre-bom child has the right to iife, liberty and security of the person f?om the moment of conception. These rights of the pre-bom must be protected in Canada's laws through appropriate arnendments to our Criminai Code and the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Once this protection is in force, any person who performs or assists in an abortion, or arranges for a woman to have an abortion, should be charged with a criminal offense. Any medicd practitioner convicted of performing an abortion, or assisting in an abortion, or arranging for a woman to have an abortion should have his or her License suspended. Any individual or corporation that manufactures, distributes, sells, or administers any drug or device for the purpose of procuring an abortion should be charged with a criminal offence. The Govermnent has a moral responsibility to provide hancial assistance to social, community, and volunteer agencies which provide care and support for women du~gand after crisis pregnancies. Medical treatment which is necessary to prevent the death of either the mother or the pre-boni child, or both, but which results in the unintended death of either or both, should not be considered a criminal offense. Every effort should be made to Save both li~es.'~~

Hornosexualiry

The Christian Heritage Party, while declaring its cornmitment to treating homosexuals

with love and compassion, believes that homosexuality is umatural, immoral, and

Biblically prohibited. This belief is based on the ethical demand of God who says, "Thou

shah not lie with mankind, as with womenkind: it is aborninati~n."'~~

Declaring homosexuality to be "an unwhoksome Mestyle," the party proposes that

its acceptance will lead to moral collapse and societai disintegration. Furthermore, the

-

'66 "Individual Human Worth," section 6.3 (2).

'15' Leviticus 18:22 (KJV). party opposes any protection afforded to homosexuals under the Charter of Rights and

Freedorns. Section 7.1 (1) of the CHP Policy Resolutions States that "the insistence of so-called 'Gay Rights' by homosexuals and lesbians is a threat to our nation's family Life and extends civil rights beyond what is appropnate. We affirm that the society which indiscriminately stresses 'rights' is headed for revolution, while the society which stresses

'responsibilities' is headed for revivai. "

Mameand the Family

Accordhg to the CHP,the family is the basic unit of society. As a result, the party is committed to the sanctity of marriage; the integrity of the family as the fundamental

Gad-rdained unit of authority; civil law which strengthens and protects the family unit; the right of parents to educate their children according to the dictates of their conscience.

The party's comprehensive farnily plan is expounded with these words: "But from the beginning of the creation God made them male and fernale. For this cause shall a man leave his father and mother, and cleave to his wife; And they twain shall be one flesh: so then they are no more twain, but one flesh. What therefore God hath joined together, let not man put a~under."'~~

'" "Rights and Freedorns," section 7.1 (1) of the party's Poiicy Resolutions at http://www.chp.ca See the pany's media release regarding Bill c-33 at http://~~~.fieenet.edmonton.ab.ca/~hp/c33.htdSee also Kevin Marron, "Christian party closes door on media," Globe and Mail, 20 November 1987, A18.

lWMark 105-9 (KJV). Concerning parental nghts and responsibilities, the party bais its poiicies on these

words, on these words, "Train up a child in the way he should go: and when he is old,

he will not depart fiom it."""

In discussing the sanctity of maniage and the family, the Christian Heritage Party

advocates the following principles.

On Marrioge: The CHP is committed to the sanctity of marriage which it sees as

being divinely ordained; the integrity of the family as the fundamental, God-ordained unit of authority; and civil Law which strengthens and protects the family unit.17'

On Family Responsibilities: The Christian Heritage Party believes that the family units sphere of responsibility includes the conception, health, physical care, spiritual nurture, and discipline, education, and supervision of the children, and Gare and respect for the elderly.lR

On State Intervention: The Party denies the nght of the state or any state-sanctioned body to intervene in the family or to remove any child from a Family except in cases of demonstrated abuse of the ~hi1d.l~~

On Mofherhood: The party affirms that the most important role which mothers can play is that of homemaker and rearer of children. Furthermore, the party beiieves that

17' CHP, Your Federal Choice (official party pamphlet), 1988. See also "Sanctity of Marriage and the Family," section 6.4 of the party's Policy Resolutions at http://www.chp.ca

ln Ibid.

ln Ibid. Mure in this role impenls the rising generation and the future of both society and the state. As a result, the party proposes that the government should do enough so that

mothers don? have to work outside the home; homemakers must receive equal recognition

under the Iaw; those who choose to be homemakers should have the option of contributing to the Canada Pension Plan; wives contributions should be deductible fiom their spouse's taxable in~orne."~

On Child Cure: In regards to this issue, the Christian Hentage Party holds the following beliefs:

1) the govemment should not raise the children of the nation; 2) it is the responsibility of the parents to raise and educate the chiidren; 3) the rearing of children should take place in the home and it is the responsibility of government to encourage this; 4) where it is not possible to raise children in the home, the party wishes to see a viable family-oriented alternative provided; 5) the establishment of a govemment funded daycare program wiil serve ody to provide hirther incentive for families to send both parents to work; 6) taxpayers shouldn't be asked to pay for child care for women who choose to work. 17'

Desiring to return Canada to morality, integrïty and responsibility, the party offers a senes of alternative policies. In addition to addressing family issues, the party has also developed poücies regarding Aboriginal rights, multiculturalism, bilingualism, resource management, justice and national finance.

''' Ibid. See also "New party champions moral leadership," Winnipeg Free Press, 23 September 1986, 18 and Julian Beltrame, "politics laced with Christian ethics can Save Canada, party says," Montreal Gazette, 24 October 1988, A8. Section 1.2 of the party's Poiicy Resolutions conveys the party's message regarding

First Nations peoples. The message is that Christian principks demand that one love one's

neighbour as oneself and honour ail treaties. According to Ed Vanwoudenberg, this poiicy

is based on biblical teaching found in Numbers 30: 2. This verse reads as foliows, "If a man vow a vow unto the Lord, or swear an oath to bind his sou1 with a bond: he shall not break his word, he shaU do according to ail that proceedeth out of his rno~th.""~

While admitting that the party lacks the in-depth bnowledge and insight required to solve the aboriginal dilemma, the party recognizes the need to address the social, moral and socio-economic concems of the native peoples. While arguing for the settlement of treaty claims, the CHP proposes that government cannot be held responsible for that which is beyond its control. In section 1.2 of the party's Policy Resolutions we read:

Treaty claims should be settled equitably, as soon as possible, having consideration for both the histone and legal rights of the native and non-native Canadians. No people, group, or culture can reasonably expect govemment to be responsible for isolating them £rom the changing conditions of international affairs and technology which in turn impact upon national politics. However, govemment should, where necessary, work with them to keep them adjust to societal change?

'" Numbers 30:2 0.

'" See section 1.2 of the party's Policy Resolutions at http://www.chp.ca Mulriculturalism

The Christian Heritage Party beiïeves îhat Canada's lack of national unity lies in the lack of resolve to defend, promote, and advance our Christian hentage. Whüe claiming that it does not deny or attack multiculturalism, the party proposes that multiculturalism is fine so long as it does not diminish respect for Canada's Christian herïtage or erode Our sense of being cana dia^.'^^

Bilingualkm

The CHP recognizes Quebec as a province within Confederation with distinct language needs. It also supports the teaching of English as a second language in Quebec schools and the teaching of French in English schools. While acknowledging that bilingual govemment services should be available where warranted, the party draws the

Line at enforced bilingualism. In A Matter of Choice we read that, "to enforce French upon regions of the country where it is neither necessary, desired or warranted, or to insist on bihgual capabilities as a condition of employment in positions or locations that neither require nor warrant it, is folly and fiscally irresp~nsible."~'~

The party is also against the millions of dollars spent to translate Manitoba laws into

French.

'" See section 1.1 (3) of the party's Policy Resolutions at http://www.chp.ca '" Ed Vanwoudenberg, A Matter ofChoice (Canada: Premier Printing Limited, 1989), 64. See also section 1.1 (4) of the party's Policy Resolutions. Resource Management

The CHP believes that man is a steward of God's earth and as such is responsible to

God for preservation of al1 the world's resources. The CH'offers, in Section 3.0 (2) of

the party's platform, a description of this responsibiiity. "We affum that responsibility to

develop the earth and harvest its resources was given to man, and that man is therefore

accountable to God for his role as a steward. Stewardship of property must include the

right to produce, but, seil, trade, donate, or bequeath goods or property.'"

This poücy, according to the party was legislated long ago when God told his people

to "be hithil, an multiply, and replenish the earth, and subdue it: and have dominion

over the fish of the sea, and over the fou1 of the air, and over every living thing that

moveth upon the earth."18'

Justice

Basing its principles on the Holy Scriptures, the CHP favours the death penalty for

&st-degree, pre-meditated murder. Furthermore, the party wants the justice system to emphasize making criminals provide restitution to their victims. Crirninals should face their victims, compensation should be demanded, restitution should be made, and the concept that crime does not pay should be enforced.'"

'" "National Prospenty," section 3.0 (2) of the party's Policy Resolutions.

18' Genesis 1:28 (KJV).

'" Chishoh MacDonald, "Surrey contractor beats dmm for new Christian party," Vancouver Sun, 18 November 1987, Cg. See Juiian Beltrane, "Politics Iaced with Christian ethics can Save Canada, party says," Montreal Gazerte, 24 October 1988, AS. See also "CHP Platfonn" at During the 1988, 1993, and 1997 elections, the CHP advocated restitutional justice

and the implementation of programs designed to actively engage offenders in "gainful

activity coupled with opportunities to leam skius and biblicai morality useful for future

integration in ~ociety."'~~Furthemore the party proposes that "the letter of the law

should provide for capital punishment upon conviction of capital crimes."'"

Nafional Finances

The CHP believes that the time has corne for govemment to practice sound fiscal

management. In order to facilitate fiscal responsibility, the party suggests that all governmental departments shouid be obliged to review their efficiency and productivity

levels, govemment waste should be minimized, duplication of services must be avoided, checks on spending should be implemented, grants to special interest groups and N.G.0.s

need to be re-examined, and govemment shouid strive to operate within a balanced budget. Last but not ieast, the party advocates the adoption of a constitutional amendment prohibiting budgetary deficits.'''

'" CHP, Your Federal Choice (official party pamphlet), 1988. See also sections 6.7 and 6.8 of the partyls Policy Resolutions at http://w.chp.ca " Ibid.

lg5 "National Finances," section 4 of Policy Resolutions. See also http://www.freenet.edmonton.ab.ca/chp/ludwigl.htmI and http://www.fkeenet.edmontou.ab.ca/chp/pla~orm.htmi 4.5. Bubbling Bik and Mas Meditation: The Natural Luw Party of Canada

The Natural Law Party of Canada, which espouses the teachings of transcendental meditation guru Maharishi Yogi, says it could solve the country's problems if people would leam its naturai law techniques. According to the party, "transcendentd meditation is a simple, natural, eaisly-learned mental technique that is practiced for 15-20 minutes twice daily, sitting cornfortable with the eyes ~losed."'~~

Yogic Flying, an aspect of the transcendentd meditation program, results in periodic bodily levitation. " "When a person practices Yogic Flying," says Deputy Leader Deans,

"it creates coherence in the i~dividual."~~The party suggests that if Canadians spent approximately thirty minutes a day in deep meditation, they would imrnediately reap numerous benefits. Among these benefits would be increased happiness and self confidence, decreased stress and anxiety, increased intelligence and creativity, improved academic performance, increased job performance and job satisfaction, reduced incidence of disease, improved persona1 relationships and reduced use of alcohol and drugs.

If elected, the Natural Law Party would train students in the fields of meditation, yoga, massage techniques and yogic flying. These 10,000 yogic flyers, according to the party, would eliminate the basis of dl stress and strains and create an integrated national consciousness. To quote , former party vice-president:

For further information on transcendentd meditation see http://www.natural-law.ca/yflying/yogic.html

See page 2 of 3 at http://www.natural-law.ca/press/actionpl The govemment is closely tied to the consciousness of the people. If the consciousness is incoherent, and angry and stressed, the govemment will be angry, incoherent and stressed. That's what the situation is in Canada. There's so much stress and tension, and then the govenunent makes bad policies, and it creates more stress, and the govemment reflects that back to the people.'"

The Natural Law Party beiieves it is the only party capable of breakhg this cycle.

In order to do this, transcendental meditation and yogic flying must be practiccd.

By creating a group of 10,000 YogÏc Ryers, the Natural Law Party hopes to create a country Living in harmony with natural la^.''^ A consciously aware nation in which negative trends can be eliminated and problems prevented. At the end of the day, mass meditation would reduce crime and violence, health care costs, and high school drop-out rates. This in turn would enable the party to cut taxes and reduce both inflation and unemployment while balancing the budget and reducing the debt.'" In an interview with the Canadian Public Affairs Channel (Cpac), addressed this issue in the following rnanner:

If you hamess the infinite organizing power of natural law in daily life in the same way that the universe uses it to govern itself, then you couid accompLish anything. What we're saying is what has really been rnissing Erom our understanding and the understanding of al1 civilization today, is that human

188 Kevin Gnfnn, "Henning sends out de-stress signds," Vancouver Sun, 18 October 1993, AS.

'" The number 10,000 was amved at mathematicaily: the square root of one percent of the projected future 10 billion world population.

'" Nicole Parton, "New party vows to deliver more bounce to the ounce," Vancouver Sun, 21 August 1993. See also Joe Sinasac, "Take a nier on us, Natural Law Party urges Canadians," Montreal Gazette, 21 Septernber 1993, A6 and Frank Armstrong, "Yogic flyers fiom Natural Law party will be more down to earth," Halifax Chroniele-Hernld, 10 May 1997, A5 potential is essentially innnite. That we've been using only five to ten percent of that potential. And, you can imagine trying to govem a country where people are using five to ten percent of their potential. What are you going to have? You are obviously going to have problems with productivity and creativity. You're going to have problerns in education. If the physiology isn't functioning properly you're going to have problems with health. You're certainly going to have problems and you can trace aIl of these problems to the fact that human beings are not using their full potentiai. The Natural Law Party has the knowledge to reconnect individual intelligence with this unified field of nature's intelligence and allow any individual to unfold their energies.19'

In addition to training yogic flyers, the Natural Law Party proposes the creation of

an aii-party govemment integrating Natural Law's programs with the best ideas of dl

parties. Under a Natural Law govemment, a "govemment of national heroes," there would

be no MPs hurhg insults at each other across the floor of the House of Cornmons. "We

propose to form an all party govenunent of experts irrespective of party affiliation," said

Gilles Bigras, the party's flag-bearer in Halifax. "This would take away the partisan wranghg that robs Canada of the cooperative, effective administration that we deserve.

This would bring emphasis to finding constructive solutions to our pmblems instead of the usual criticizing of political leaders. "'"

The party also wants to usher in a penod of health and harrnony by getting MPs and senators to use the east entrance to the Parliament buildings instead of the southem main entrance. According to the party, buildings properly orientated to the east or north protect

19' Ashley Deans, lntewiew broadcast on the Canadian Public Affairs Channel (Cpac), 28 May 1997.

'" Gilles Bigras, leiter written to the author on 27 Iune 1997. See also http://www.naturaL- law.ca/platform97/heroes.htrnI and http://www.natural-law.ca/platfonn97/creathg.hûd and enhance the well being of their inhabitants as these entrances are in harmony with

the paths of the sun and planets. "It is no surprise that the Members of Parliament are

consistently quarrehg," says Neil Paterson. "The mistakes in the design of the House of

Commons are clearly reflected in the tense and disharmonious atmosphere in the

&me." Ig3

According to the p~ciplesof Naturai Law based architecture, "the negative effects

of improperly designed homes manifest in suffering, disease, bad Luck, family breakdown

and can aMict the whole family generation after generation as long as they continue to

live in that Ln order to overcome these negative effects the party advises

Canadians to enter their homes via the east or north entrances. Furthemore, since Canada

possesses a southem "national entrance," the party suggests the alteration of border points.

"Canada has the longest southem entrance in the world," said Ashley Deans. "While the

deal is a good one for the Amencans, for hem the entrance faces north, it is a bad one

for Canada, except at Niagara Falls where Americans technically enter Our country from

the east."lg5 As a result, the party plans to establish a few kilometers of international space at the border, so everyone can corne into Canada by an east entrance.

The Natural Law Party also believes that it has the only solution to Quebec separatism. The party believes that if people are in tune with themselves they can handle al1 of life's problems, including maintaining unity while supporting diversity. According

193 See page 3 of 3 at http://www.natural-law.~a/platform97/recons~.htd

Ibid., 1.

19"had Skelton, "Fringe party off to flying start," Globe and Mail, 12 May 1997, A7. to Ashley Deans, the Quebec issue can be understood by employing the foliowing plant

If you eoliven the level of unity on the level of the Sap, then what actually happens is the petals get pinker if it is a puik carnation, the leaf gets more healthy, the stem gets more healthy, the whole thing gets more healthy, the whole thing gets more diversfied. So if we identify Quebec with the petais, they want to preserve their pinkness, they'li become more pink if you enliven the sap. If Ontario is the green leaf it will become more green. And yet the harmony between the two will be presented. They will both realize, we're both necessary for the hinctioning of the plant. And if we cut off this and cut off that in order to preserve the plant then we're destroying the thing. It doesn't ~ork.""~

At the end of the day, in an effort to "enliven the level of the sap," the party would employ the services of its coherence creating group of Yogic Flyers.

The Natual Law Party, whose ultimate goal is creating a "heaven on earth"' designed its platforni in accordance with naturai law. The following excerpts from the party's 1993 and 1997 election platforms are indicative of how the party proposes to address various issues confronting the electorate.

Unemployment

The Natural Law Party, if elected, will reduce unemployment through: . Providing the unemployed with access to Transcendental Meditation and TM-Sidhi programs which have been proven to increase individual and societd creativity ; Ushg increased creativity and lower taxes to sustain economic growth; Providing students with more interesting and effective job training, with special care for dropouts;

Ig6 Ashley Deans, Cpac interview. Shortening the work day, thus fieeing up more tirne for family Life.lg7

Finance

Elirninate the national deficit in three years by saving govenunent $57 billion annudy through eliminating problems and thereby reducing the necessity for high expenditures to deal with these problems; Immediately eliminate the GST. The relief created by this will trigger an imrnediate upsurge in economic vitality; Disallow future govemments £rom indebting the nation; Introduce proven prevention-onented health problems that wiIl dramaticaiiy reduce Canada's $72 billion expenditure on ihess; Revitalize the educational system, producing graduates with both the creativity and practical skills to act as a potent force for economic growth. lg8

Change the emphasis of Our present system disease care system to a true health care system through the introduction of a preventive approach; Reduce disease by 50 percent in three years through prevention-oriented health education and natural medicine, saving Canada billions of dollars annually, and preventing a great deal of pain and suffering; Provide Canadians with the fieedom to choose natural, traditionai approaches to hedth, including herbal supplements; . Stop the introduction of untested geneticaily engineered foods into our

'" See page 1 of "Our Proven Solutions to National Problems," at http://www.natural-law.calplatform97/w~

lP8Ibid. See also "Creativity is Key to Economic Growth," at http://www.natural-law.calpIatform97/creativ.h and Sherri Borden, "GST,deficit, education: no problem, says Natural Law," Halifax Chronicle-Herald, 21 May 1997, C3.

Ig9 See page 1 of "Our Proven Solutions to National Problems," at http://www.natural-law.ca/pla$orm97/~g.hun1 See dso "A New Threat to Public Health: Genetically Engineered Foods," at http://www.natural-law.ca/platform97/genetic.hand "Naturai Defence

Along with Canada's current conventional army, navy and air force, the Naturai Law

Party suggests that 7000 yogic niers could create an invincible defence of Canada. Their

role would be to generate coherence and harmony in the collective consciousness.

Enacting a powerful force of peace, the group of £lien would ensure that Canada would

never have to defend itself by military meansa

Education

if elected, the Natural Law Party would undertake: to unfold the full creative genius of every student through consciousness based programs designed primarily to make students aware of themselves and their surrounding environment; to ensure that each student develops the technical skills necessary for achievement in our changing society; to develop research into consciousness in order to develop higher consciousness so the everyone lives in perfect harmony with Naturd Law--1ife fiee fiom mistakes and suffering."'

Law Party Caus on Health Canada to Promote not Obstruct Natural Medicines," at http ://www .natutal-law .ca/platform97/herbal-html

am Parker Robinson, "NATURAL LAW party floats defence, economic policies," HaLifar Chronicle-Herald, 8 October 1993, A142 See also "Our Proven Solutions to National Problems," at http://www.natural-law.ca/piatform97/winning.html

201 See "Our Proven Solutions to National Problems," ai http://www.natural-law.ca/platform97/~ See ako Erin Munro, Success is improvement, not victory, for Naniral Law," Calgary Herald, 1 March 1997, A3 and Ashley Deans, Cpac interview. Agricuhre

If elected the Natural Law Party promises to promote profitable, sustainable agriculture to produce natural, heaithy food; "bringing every fmer the full support of

Natural Law--on the Ievel of the soil, seed, crops, and seasons--to ensure abundant yield~.~~

Law and Justice

The Natural Law Party promises to simpw the legal system and reduce the incidence of repeat offenders by offering them courses in transcendental meditation. The party aiso promises to eliminate the bais of crime, stress in the individual and society, by having 7000 transcendental meditation experts rneditate together daily?

4.6. me $70 billion solution: The Canadian Action Party

The Canadian Action Party, launched in January 1997, wants the Bank of Canada to stimulate the economy by donating $70 billion from cash reserves to the government over the next four years. As a means of injecting this money into the economy the party proposes that the Bank of Canada buy shares in Canada at a price of $1 billion each. Ten shares would be sold the fist year with the remaining 60 to be sold over a three year

m2 See page 2 of "Our Proven Solutions to National Problems," at http://www.natural-Iaw.ca/platform97/winning.html

Ibid. See also "National Councii for a Crime Free Canada," at http://www.natural-law.ca/platform97/crimefre.html and Bob Cox, "Yogicfliers now want to help prisoners go straight," Montreai Gazette, 11 December 1993, A10. penod. According to Paul Heliyer, leader of the CAP, this idea is based on past practice.

"The Canadian Action Party's plan is based on the Lessons of history," said Hellyer. "It was the Bank of Canada which helped the government of Canada finance World War 11 and the 'Golden' post-war years by providing (near) zero cost money. About 1974, the

Bank of Canada began to abandon that policy and has reverted to the one in effect in the

1930's

According to the Canadian Action Party, a retum to the 'Golden' years and its infusion of debt-free funds would increase economic growth by 40 percent a year, make it possible to eliminate the goods and service tax (GST)and create 770,000 new jobs by the year 2000. This dramatic economic improvement would enable the party to maintain and enhance health care, build a quality educational system, provide seniors with adequate pensions and protect the envir~nment.~

Promising to restore HOPE for al1 Canadians, the CAP declared a war against poverty, illiteracy, ill-health, pollution and inadequate housing. The following party platform is indicative of how the party proposed to achieve these promises and restore

HOPE to ali Canadians.

Canadian Action Party, Join the Canadian Action Purîy and help restore HOPE for Canadians of ail ages (official party booklet), 1997, 23.

ZM Lynda Dugdale, "Trudeau-era Gnt kicks off new pany with assault on GST," Calgary hld,17 January 1997, A3. See aIso Tanya Talaga, "Party Iaunched with a $70 billion plan," Toronto Star, 17 January 1997, A12. ï7ze GST

If elected, the Canadian Action Party promises to aboüsh the goods and service tax.

The governmrnt would immediately eliminate the GST on books, newspapers, penodicals,

postage stamps, and theatre tickets. The party's ktbudget would result in the GST being

reduced kom 7% to 5%. The GST would be reduced to 3% in the second budget. The

GST would be abolished in the party's third year in office.

The CAP also promises to employ the full employment strategy that

was envisioned when the Bank of Canada Act (1934) was passed: As a million people go

back to work, Employment insurance and welfare costs will decrease, by about $10

billion, and tax revenues will increase by about $8 billion, about enough to offset the loss

of revenue f?om the GST. Computer simulations show that the tax can be eliminated over

three years without increasing the federal defi~it.~"~

Health Care

A Canadian Action Party, critical of the present health care system, would undertake to:

. provide provinces with the funding necessary to maintain Canada's health care systems; restore jobs for health care workers; ensure quicker access for elective surgery; test the potentiai benefits of alternative medicine; increase federal hnding for research in HIV, Cancer Diabetes, Leukemia, Alzheimer's, Stroke, Cardiovascular;

CAP, Canadian Action Party (officiai party pamphlet), 1997, 4. 0 increase federal hinding for breast, ovarian and uterine cancer resear~h.~

Bducafion

The Canadian Action Party beiieves that post-secondary education should be

available to all quaiified students. As a result, if elected, the party plans to replace the

pnvate bank, interest-bearing loan system with loans made interest-£ree directly from the

Govenunent of Canada. Such interest-free status wiU remain in effect as long as the

student, upon graduation, makes the agreed payments punctually"B

Environmental Concerns

0 preserve, on a self-sustainhg basis, Canada's forests and fish stocks; make a greater effort to protect the qudity of air we breathe, the water we drink and the soi1 which enriches our food; increase hnding to the provinces on the basis that it will be used for environmental protection an impro~ernent.~~~

Transfer Payrnents to Provinces

A key part of the Canadian Action Party's plan to get Canada working is to transfer funds to the provinces to create jobs in the fields of heaith care, education, environmental protection, and relief to municipalities which have been assigned additional burdens due

" Ibid., 4.

Ibid., 4.

Ibid., 4. to the downloading of responsibility hom one level of govenunent to another. The CAP proposes that instead of Mercuts, transfer payments be increased to the provinces on a per capita basis. For example, payments would be increased by $1,863,864,000 to

Ontario and the Yukon would receive an additional $5,201,000.210

Arts, Culture and the CBC

According to the Canadian Action Party, "one of the most wondrous Canadian achievements since our centennial year in 1967 has been the explosion of creativity in the

*.If211 Criticking successive governments for their lack of cornmitment to the arts, the

CAP promises to increase funding to the National Arts Council by $15 million in the fïrst year. Furthemore, the party promises to increase the CBCs budget by $100 million in the first year.

Pension Plan

Critical of 's policies, the CAP promises to: cal1 a round table on pension reform which includes seniors, economists, pension consultants, industrial representatives, and representatives from both federal and provincial govemments; create a pension system that is hilly vested from day one, portable and adequate for retirement needszL2

210 Ibid., 5.

2" ibid., 5.

212 Ibid, 6. See the party's web site at http://h0me.istar.ca/3ap.pac Homes for the Hmeless

The Canadian Action Party would undertake to establish good affordable housing for

ail Canadians; to support co-operative housing; and to provide adequate housing for the

mentally chailenged and homele~s?~

During the 1997 election campaign the Canadian Action Party also promised that if

elected it would review gun control legislation; make nearly al1 votes in the House of

Commons for votes; hold a referendum on the subject of voters' initiative, referendum and

recall; pass legislation ensuring that Members of Parliament do not receive their pensions

until age 65; review the FTA and NAFïA agreements; and enhance opportunities for First

Nations young people to achieve post-secondary ed~cation.~'~

4.7. The Rhinocems Party: Leviîy and Loughter in Canadian Polilics

The Rhinoceros Party, formed in Quebec during the time of the Quiet Revolution, has

consistently satirized political parties and the political process. Unlike other fringe parties,

which tend to offer serious political platforms, the Rhinos were interested only in having

fun. Since its creation in 1963 their promises--to revive the seal hunt by breeding a seal

that sheds its pelt, for example-has added welcome levity to poütics.

In the 1964 Quebec by-elections, under the slogan "One Canada fiom pond to pond," the

Rhinoceros Party fielded two candidates and adopted the following platform:

2'3 Ibid., 7.

'14 '14 See the party's booklet, pamphlet and web site. Increasing stronger and unconditional union with the United States by purchasing US. Bornarcs and installing them in TCA planes; Repatriation of the Queen and the entire royal family in Canada; Adoption of a distinctly Canadian flag depicting a rhinoceros wailowing in the centre of a Union Jack; Formation of a second army, navy and air force for the purpose of protection the existing forces £rom kidnappers; Increasîng British imports by purchasing night sticks, iïke those used by the London police, to arm ail Our soldiers beyond the rank of commissioned ofi~er.~'~

Similar humorous programs were proposed in the following general elections.

In 1979, promising to resign if elected, the party offered up another saiiricai platform.

With their keen sense of the absurd, the party proposed abolishing srnall businesses and

replacing them with very small businesses--those with less than one employee. Other

highiights of the platform included the following:

Energy. The party is committed to tuming the Athabaska oil sands into a breeding ground for rhinoceroses and politicians. Natural waste fi0111 these two sources will be converted into a high-grade methane gas; The metric system. If God had wanted Canada to go metric. She would have given us 10 apostles instead of 12; Women'i rights. The Rhinoceros Party believes women are right at least half the tirne; Quebec and national unity. The party advocates the nationalization and application of Krazy Glue to keep the country together. It had asked the Parti Quebecois not to hold its referendum during the football, baseball or hockey se as on^.^'^

21S Roger Hili, "Defeat at poils, pff! Rhinos may go national," Financial Pas?, 15 February 19641. See also Laurent Chiasson, "Rhinos'second army could Save army no. 1," Financial Post, 16 February 1980, 5.

2'6 Lany Black, "Carnival of the Animals," Maclean's, Vol. 93, No. 1 (1 January 1980), 15. See also Anderson Charters, "If you're disenchanted, you can vote Rhinoceros," Financial Post, 16 February 1980, 5. in 1984 the Rhinoceros Party charged into the election carnpaign by promising to

repeal the law of gravity; provide tax credits to Canadians for sleeping; establish a

national Eranchise of the parliamentary restaurant accessible to all Canadians on

govenunent payroii-not just MPs and senators, but those who are on unemployment

insurance, welfare, or family allowance; create a Guaranteed Annuai Orgasm through a

network of regulated brothels; and declare sex, bgs and rock 'n' roll as naturai

resources."' Furthemore, in order to attract support in Newfoundland, the party

advocated the following two proposals:

The building of a causeway linking Newfoundland with the mainland; The creation of a new 250-de fishing Mt to be drawn offshore in water color to make sure the fish can see it and stay within the Canadian bo~ndary.~"

Throughout the years, the party made aumerous ludicrous proposals. These proposals

included the following:

. hport Rolls-Royce cars for all officers of the Canadian army, from the rank of Lieutenant up. A Rolls-Royce is a prestige item--a status symbol-and it would enhance the grandeur of the military; To bone up on the economy, the Rhinos suggested the creation of a task force designed to seek solutions from Canadians, especially the 1.5 million "yuppies" --young unemployed people; Clear the deficit with Amencan Express;

2" "Rhinoceros party charges into election campaign," Toronto Star, 20 July 1984, A10. See also Bruce Wallace, "The Rhinos are coming," Maclean's, Vol. 97, No.36 (3 September 1984), 23 and "Beware of imitations," Globe and Mail, 2 May 1985, 6.

218 "RhinocerosParty has Newfoundland platform," Hulifar Chronicle-Herald, 25 Juiy 1984, 8. . Build a dam on the St. Lawrence to make Montreal the Venice of North America; . Place a tax on mik to finance the appointment of Rhino followers to a new Ontario senate; Paving over the Bay of Fundy for use as a parking lot?9

In 1993 as a means of protesting the new election laws, the party abstained fkom participating in the federal election. Nevertheless the faugh-loving Rhinos, under the slogan "Vote for Yourselves," encouraged Canadian voters to write their own name on the ballot and mark an X beside it.

By law, if a party fails to field 50 candidates, at a cost of $1000 per candidate, then the party becomes deregistered and has to sell its assets. Mer thirty years, the roar of the

Rhino was silenced.

Conclusion

In seeking to maximize their electoral support, several fringe parties are willing to emphasize policy positions that are attractive or at least acceptable to a wide segment of the electorate. Setting aside the Natural Law Party, which believes that ail of Canada's problems can be solved through the practice of transcendentd meditation and the

Rhinoceros Party which offers a satincal platfonn, fringe parties offer detailed but widespread platforms designed to increase their Legitimacy by appealing to a large number of voters. For instance, the Canadian Action Party declared a war against poverty,

219 Laurent Chaisson, "Rhinoceros solution to British trade gap," Financial Post, 7 March 1964,19. See also "Rhinoceros party charges into election campaign," Toronto Star, 20 July 1984, A10 and Paul Delean, "Rhino party homs out afier 22 years in politics, " Montreal Gazette, 1 May 1985, Al. See "Beware of imitations," Globe and Mail, 2 May 1985,6. illiteracy, ill-health, pollution and hadequate housing; the Christian Heritage Party cdied

for integrity in leadership, reform of the prison system, an overhaul of the welfare system,

and the need to address native issues; the Green Party advocated recycling, sustainable

development and nuclear disarmament; both the Communist Party of Canada and the

Comrnunist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) cailed for an increase in social program

funding and the settlement of Aboriginal injustices. Furthemore, like the NDP, the CPC

and the Marxist-Leninist parties advocated a strong union movement, and like the

Liberals both were critical of the Free Trade Agreement.

The difference between the hgeparties and the traditional parties lies in the fact that, brokerage positions set aside, several portions of their platforms veer fiom the middle of the road approach. In the 1997 election, for example, the Green Party was more concemed with environmental protection than job creation. The CHP's opposition to abortion, common-law relationships, premarital sex, homosexuality, and the Charter of

Rights and Freedoms certainly lacked general apped. Furthermore, the communist parties cal1 for the abolition of the present capitalistic system and the nationalization of banks and hancial institutions was largely at odds with the capitalist mindset of most

Canadians.

It is perceived that fringe parties acquire a degree of legitimacy by focusing on prevaikg issues. Furthemore, their alternative policies sometimes generate new ideas about govermnent and politics Formed primarily to express discontent with the choices offered by the major parties, hgeparties work for their objectives within the electoral system. Although these parties have been largely unsuccessful in influencing election results, they are not to be judged only by their lack of electoral success. These parties, seeking reforms, caii attention to new issues, fiequently advocate unpopular policies, and sometimes force the major parties to adopt the substance of their platform. htroduction

Operating outside the political rnainstream, thousands of Canadians sacrifke time and money in prornoting their beliefs. Ideologicaily or mordy motivated, they argue that a fundamentai change in society is needed. Hoping to bring their message to a wider audience, these fringe parties nin dozens of candidates in federal elections. For example, in the recent federal election, five fige parties fielded a total of 391 candidates?' The task facing these parties is a formidable one: they are up against citizens who prefer the status-quo and a system that restricts their de~elo~rnent.~'The work of those operating on the political fi-inge frequently goes unrewarded. Nevertheless, fervently believing in theK cause, leaders, candidates and their supporters trudge onward. The following contains an examination and an analysis of why these men and women devote themselves to these parties.

This figure does not include the thirteen candidates fielded by the deregistered Communist Party of Canada.

"' On May 7,1993, Bill G114 was given royal assent. Raising the deposit a candidate must make in order to run in a federal election from $200 to $1,000, the new bill makes it more diEicult for poor people - and fige parties - to field candidates. Bill C-114 and other issues pertaining to the development of fige parties WU be discussed in the foiiowing chapter. 5.1. The Communist Party of Cancrda

Outside the political mainstream, ideology is the most powemil motivation. For those

within the Communist Party, this ideology has not only cost them tirne and money, it has

aiso fiequently cost them their freedom. Among those who sac*ced and dedicated their

Me to the cause were the founders of the Party. The following is a list of those who

founded the ~arty.*

William (Bill) Moriarty, the fist general-secretary of the CPC, emigrated fiom

London, England, in 1910. A draughtsman by training, Moriarty joined the Socialist Party

during the war. One of the fist SPC rnembers to join the communist movement, Moriarty

was a member of the underground movement and then served as National Secretary of

the Workers' Party during its first year of existence. Pior to his trip to Moscow in 1925,

he was business manager of The Worker. Upon his return in 1926, he was made National

Organizer of the party. Although expelled from the party in the aftemath of the Sixth

Convention in 1929, Moriarty remained loyal to the party until his death on May 14,

1936.

Walter Mills, like Moriarty, emigrated kom England to Canada. Although he took part in the Guelph Convention, Mills' association with the Communist Party was

There have been very few articles, documents or books providing definitive bibliographie sketches of communist leaders or supporters. As a result, the foiIowing information has been derived from numerous sources. While these sources can be located in the bibliography at the end of this thesis, three of the most useful sources bear mention. See Ian Angus, Canadian BoMevikr: The Early Years of the Communist Party of Canada (Montreal: Vanguard Publications, 1981) and William Rodney, Soldiers of the International: A History of the Communist Party of Canadu 19194929 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1968). See also William Beeching and Dr. Phyillis Clarke, eds., Yours in the Struggle: Reminkcences of Ibn Buck (Toronto: NC Press, 1977). short-lived. Mïils, who homesteaded in Saskatchewan, eventually became a businessman

enforcing foreclosures.

Michael Buhay had been a member of the Young Socialist People's League in

London before moving to Canada in 1913. On arriving in Canada at the age of 23, Buhay

became a member of the Social Democratic Party in Montreal. During the First World

War he was elected secretary of the Cloakmakers Union and paaicipated in the

anti-conscnption rallies. During the early 1920s he was an organizer for the Amaigamated

Clothing Workers Union. Together with his sister, Rebecca Buhay, he played a leading

role in the formation of the Montreai Labour College in 1920. Buhay was a founding

member of the Communist Party of Canada and became a key figure in the development of the communist movement in French Canada. In 1925, he became editor of the

Communist Party's Yiddish paper, Der K;ampfi Before Leaving the party for a bnef period in 1929, he was appointed editor of The Worker. He retumed to the party in 1930 and in

1992 was elected to the Montreal city council on a communist ticket. He remained a party member until his death in 1947.

Florence Custance, the only woman in the party's central leadership was bom on

December 31, 1881, in England and trained as a school teacher. Prior to the war,

Custance helped found the Socialist Party of North America. In 1919, she was arrested, and later released, for her role in attending a conference for the purpose of establishing an organization to further the struggle for socialism in Canada. In 1920, she helped found the Toronto branch of the United Communist Party of America. Throughout the 1920s she was president of the Toronto Women's Labour League, secretary of the Toronto Committee for Labour Defence, and was placed in charge of the Canadian Committee for

Soviet Famine Reiief. in 1923, she was elected to the Central Executive Committee.

However, attacked by several party rnernbers for having right-wing tendencies, Custance

lost her position on the Central Executive Committee in 1929. She died shortly thereafter.

loe Knight and his wife Johanna emigrated to Canada £'rom England in 1907. She

was a nurse and he was a carpenter who joined the Carpenter's Union local and was

active in Edmonton's Trade and Labour Council. He was one of the organizers behind the

Friends of Soviet Russia in Canada - a relief group sending supplies to Russia following

the revolution. Following the First World War, Joseph became a member of the Executive

Committee of the One Big Union. Disgusted with the independent Labour Party, Joseph

played a leading role in the Cornmunist Party of Canada in the 1920s. He became a

well-known spokesman of the Workersf Party and toured Nova Scotia and Ontario.

Knight, as a result of ideological differences within the party, left the Canadian party in

1924 and emigrated to the United States.

Tim Buck was bom in the English town of Beccles in East Anglia on January 6,

1891. At the age of twelve he was employed at a smaii machine-shop and was soon

enrolled as an apprentice at the Adnan iron Works. It was here that he came into contact

with union rnernbers and socialists. In 1910, at the age of nineteen, Buck emigrated to

Canada and found employment at the John Abel1 Company, a Toronto plant that

manufactured steam tractors. When the plant closed, Tim worked at a senes of temporary jobs in the United States. Du~ghis two-year stay in the United States, Tim exchanged

ideas with many socialists and became convinced of the need for trade unionism. On his return fkom the States in 1915, he joined Toronto Local 235 of the International

Association of Machinists, threw himseif into the trade union movernent, and rejoined the

Socialist Party of Canada. With the formation of the Independent Labour Party in Ontario in 1916, he became an active member. With the end of the war, Buck became a member of the Communist Party of America. In 1921, he attended the Guelph convention and became a district organizer for the underground CPC. Buck served through the 1920s as the Communist Party's trade union director and secretary of the Trade Union Educational

League (TUEL). Buck, after a penod of upheaval within the party, became general secretary in 1929. Arrested and tried in 1931 for being a member of the Cornmunist Party of Canada, Buck was sentenced to five years in Kingston Penitentiary. Despite imprisonment until November 24, 1934, Buck retained his post as general secretary. In

January 1962, due to ill health, Leslie Morris replaced Buck as general secretary. Tim

Buck died on March 11, 1973, in Mexico at the age of eighty-two.

Jack MacDonald was bom in Falkirk, Scotland, in 1888. He was a highly skilled pattern-maker who played a prominent role in socialist and labour politics in Falkirk.

When he emigrated to Toronto in 1912, MacDonald joined the Pattern Makers Lodge and became one of that union's principal spokesmen in the Toronto District Labour Council.

In 1919, he was vice-president of the Meta1 T'rades Council, the organization which initiated the Toronto General Strike. Following the defeat of the general strike movement,

MacDonald unsuccessfully ran as a candidate for the Independent Labour Party in the

Ontario provincial elections. He was later elected second vice-president of the ILP and president of the Ontario section of the Canadian Labour Party. From July 1919 until January 1921. he served on the executive of the Toronto Trades and Labour Council. In

early January 1921, a disenchanted MacDonald left the ILP and joined the Communist

Party of America. When he joined the Communist movement he brought dozens of radical

trade unionists with him. In Guelph, MacDonald was elected to the new Central

Cornmittee and took a stand very early for the organization of a legal party. In 1923, Jack became general secretary. Expelled £rom the party in the aftermath of the Sixth

Convention of the CPU, May 31 to June 7, 1929, MacDonald joined forces with Maurice

Spector in an effort to establish a Canadian Trotskyist party. Aithough their efforts failed,

MacDonald remained a devoted Manrist. He died in Toronto on November 8, 1941.

Maurice Spector was bom of Jewish parents on March 19, 1898, in the Ukraine.

Shortly thereder, his family moved to Toronto where Spector's father became a hardware merchant. While a law student at the University of Toronto, Spector became interested in the writings of Bernstein, Sorel and Shaw. After the , he became interested in Marxism and the comrnunist movement. In 1919, Spector was a mernber of the Dominion Executive of the Social Democratic Party; in 1920 he participated in the formation of the Toronto branch of the United Communist Party of Arnerica; in 1921 he attended the Guelph Convention and with the emergence of the overt Workers' Party of

Canada in 1922, Spector was elected party chairman. He edited The Communist in 1921 and The Worker from 1927 to 1928. During this time he also edited the Communist

Party's magazine Canadian Labour Monthly. Spector, a great orator, theoretician, and writer, was considered by the Comintem to be the real theoretical leader of the party.

Following his expulsion from the party in November 1928 as a Trotskyist, Spector joined forces with MacDonald, in an effort to establish a Canadian Trotskyist party in Canada.

The effort failed and Spector emigrated to New York in 1936.

Several Finnish and Ulaainian immigrants played a signincant role in aeating the

Communist Party of Canada. Organized in separate language federations which were fiated to the party and entitled to representation on the Centrd Executive Cornmittee, several of these men were influentid in establishing the party and setting overall policy.

In the Finnish organization of Canada, John Latva, a Finnish Carpenter, played a pre-eminent role. John Ahlgvist, a Finnish tailor, aiso played an active role in the establishment of the Communist Party.

Born in Finiand in 1881, John Ahlgvist became active in the Canadian Finnish

Organization in 1911. Seven years later, he became a member of the Ontario Independent

Labour Party. Following his arrest for being in possession of prohibited literature,

Ahlgvist becarne a founding member of the Canadian Comrnunist Party. Following a brief suspension in 1929 on the grounds that he sympathized with the views of Trotsky,

Ahlgvist retumed to the party. He remained an active and loyal member until his death in June 1940.

WeU-known Communist leaders in the Ukrainian Labour Temple Association included J. Boychuk, M. Popowich, and J. Navis. John Navis, a close -worker with

Popowich, was instrumental in developing the Ukrainian heritage in Winnipeg.

Born in the Ukraine on November 15,1892, John Boychuk came to Canada in 1919.

Boychuk, a tailor by trade, was a well-hown leader of the Ukrainian Social Democratic

Party. Despite being sentenced to two years less a day at Burwash for his role in attempting to create a Communist Party in 1919, Boychuk participated in the meeting at

Guelph in 1921. Arrested and tried in 1931 for being a member of the Communist Party of Canada, Boychuk was sentenced to five years in Kingston Penitentiary. Released Juiy

12, 1934, Boychuk continued to stmggle for socialism in Canada.

Born in the Ukraine on August 21, 1890, Matthew Popowich taught school before coming to Canada in 1911. While in Canada, he edited and wrote for Ukrainian radical papes Rabochy Narod, Holos Praci and übayinski Rabotnychi C'tsty. Popowich was one of the leaders of the Communist movement among the Ukrainians. He helped create the

Ukrainian Labour Temple Association and became its national secretary in 1921. He was arrested on August 11, 1931, and tried under section 98 of the Criminai Code. Convicted for being a member of an illegal organization, namely, the Communist Party of Canada, he was sentenced to five years in prison. Foilowing his release on July 6, 1934 Popowich remained devoted to the revolutionary movement. He died on July 17, 1943.

Born Mach 30, 1882, in Prince Edward Island, Malcolm Bruce was one of the few native-bom Canadians to have a prominent roie in the developrnent of a Canadian

Communist movement. Bruce, a carpenter, moved to Saskatchewan in 1910 and became active in the Socialist Party of Canada and the United Brotherhood of Carpenters. He was a founding member of the One Big Union and fiom 1923 to 1924 he edited The Worker.

Like Popowich, Bruce was arrested and tned under section 98 of the Criminal Code. He was sentenced to prison in November 1931 and released July 12, 1934. Trevor McGuire, a native-born Canadian fkom Ontario, was a World War one veteran. Upon returning home from the war, McGuire helped estabiish the Communist

Party of Canada. In 1922, he became the first communist to be jailed for sedition.

Tom Bell, an Irish-bom lithographer and engraver, was a member of the Sociaüst

Party of North America. Io 1919, he was arrested, tried, and sentenced to two years plus a day in Kingston Penitentiary on the charge of attempting to create a cornmunist party in Canada. Following his release in 1921, he became active in the United Communist

Party of America. From September 1921 until March 1923, Bell was the District Four party organizer in Winnipeg, Manitoba. He was then transferred to Cape Breton, Nova

Scotia, where he played a role in bitter labour struggles and edited the Maritime Labour

Herald. Unable to £ïnd work, Beil moved to the United States in 1924.

Like Bell, Jake Pemer made his home in Winnipeg. A veteran socialist and communist, Pemer ran for alderman as a Workers' Unity League candidate. He won his seat and began a tenure of office that lasted until his retirement in 1962.

Alex Gauld, a plurnber and steam fitter fkom Montreal, became an active member of the International Association of Plumbers and Stearnfitters. Following the establishment of the Canadian Communist Party he was elected to the Presidium at the 1923 Workers'

Party Convention.

Jan Lakeman, a Dutchmaa who came to Canada in 1909, worked on the Grand Trunk

Railway and became an active member of the Brotherhood of Railway Carmen. The

Workers' Party, missing no opportunity to demonstrate its union roots, elected him to the

Presidium in 1923. Abraham Green and Jack Margolese also attended the meeting held in Guelph. Green was a tailor who later moved to the United States. Margolese, a tailor who emigrated to

Canada fiom Poland, was active in the Arnalgamated Clothing Workers in Montreal.

In addition to Moriarty, MacDonald and Buck, four others have held the position of general secretary of the Communist Party of Canada. They are as follows: Leslie Mons,

William Kashtan, George Hewison and Miguel Figueroa.

Leslie Moms was elected national secretary of the Young Communist League at its fkst convention in February 1923. After serving his apprenticeship with the YCL, he entered the Communist Party of Canada and later studied at the Lenin School. In the

1930s, in addition to being editor of The Worker and a member of the Political Bureau of the CPC, Morris ran for the aldemanic seat in Winnipeg's North End in 1931 and

1932; he was defeated both times. In 1962, Moms replaced Buck as secretary general of the CPC. Moms died in 1964 and was replaced by William Kashtan.

William Kashtan was born in Montreal in 1909. He became a Communist at age 18 and since then has devoted his life to the Communist cause. After moving to Toronto,

Kashtan becarne the southern Ontario organizer of the Young Communist League. He subsequently became national secretary of the Young Communist League. In 1938, he returned to Montreal where he became the party's organizer. Pnor to becoming party leader, Kashtan was both labour secretary and national executive secretary.

George Hewison, former secretary-treasure of British Columbia's United Fisherman and Allied Workers Union, replaced Kashtan as general secretary in December 1987.

Descnbed by party members as "an outgoing, grassroots unionist," Hewison was the party's trade and union secretary prior to his appointment." In 1992, following a period

of intemal conflict, Hewison relinquished bis party membership. Denouncing his

affïiliation with the Communist Party, Hewison referred to the party as a "nonsensical

~ect."*~He was replaced by Miguel Figueroa.

Expelled fiom the party in 1991 as a result of disputes conceniing ideological

development and the sale of party assets, Miguel Figueroa emerged as party leader in

1992. Described in the Globe and Mail as a "full-blooded, true-believing Communist,"

Figueroa has consistentl y campaigned against cutbacks and privatization.m Active1y

opposing Mulroney's fiee trade deal, Figueroa served as a deiegate to the Halifax

Coalition Against Free Trade. A former correspondent for the Canadian Tribune,Figueroa

has always been actively involved in community &airs. Throughout his career, Miguel

has been a staunch supporter of equal nghts for women, First Nations peoples and

national minorities. He has also campaigned against racism and apartheid.

A rnajority of the founders of the CPC had previously been members of socialist

movements or parties. Several of them also held positions of authority within the developing union movement. In addition, most of them were in their late twenties or early

thirties. Throughout the years, as elections have corne and gone, the types of individu&

who either run as candidates or support the party has remained consistent.

2U Kirk Makin, "Communist Party of Canada chef to retire after 22 years as leader," Globe and Mail, 23 December 1987, Al.

224 Stephanie Innes, "Socialistsregroup under old bamer," Globe and Moi& 7 December 1992, A17.

"John Barber, "AU roads lead to Mr. Figueroa," Globe and Mail, 13 July 1993, A2. Throughout the course of time, Communist candidates and their supporters have

consistently been militant workingmen and women, union organizers, farmers and young

people: Joe Salsberg was a party labour organizer in the 1930s; Sam Walsh organized the

unemployed in the 1930s and was party troubleshooter; Liz Rowley, a young housewife

from Hamilton, ran as a candidate in Ontario in the Iate 1980s and 1990s; Marianne Roy,

working with pnsoners and trade unions has been involved in radical politics since she was twelve years of age; , a thirty-six-year-old unemployed Edmonton native, ran in the federal riding of in 1993; party supporter Med

Dewhurst was a former logger; supporter Muni Taub was an organizer with the Fur and

Leather Workers' Union in the 1930s and 40s, and Jack MacDonald, a retired Acadia professor and former union organizer, ran in the federal riding of Kings-Hants in 1997.

When asked what sort of people are attracted to Cornmunisrn in the 1990s,

Communist Party candidate Malek Khouri issued the following reply. "Students, ethnic people, workers and creative artistic types. But especially young people. 'lm

5.2. The Murxist-Len inists

Hardial Bains moved to Canada in 1959 and began his post-graduate studies at the

University of British Columbia in 1960. He established the Intemationalists in 1963 and was elected President of the B.C. Student's Federation in 1965. After graduahg îkom

UBC in the sarne year, he established the Necessity for Change Institute of Ideological

Studies. He continued to work for the Institute until his recent death in August 1997.

Mark Hill, "Postcards from the mge,"Ottawa Citizen, 31 May 1997, B4. Bains was a founding member of the Cornrnunist Party of Canada (Manllst-Leninist) in 1970 and has been its chainnan ever since. He founded the Cummittee to Defend

Democratic Rights in Montreal in 1969. He was also instrumental În establishing the East

Indian Defence Cornmittee (EIDC) in 1973 and the People's Front Against Racist and

Fascist Violence in 1980.

In addition to writing several essays, Bains published two books dealing with

Canada's constitution crisis, ï?ze Essence of the Comemus Report on the Constitution, A

Future tu Face and Power tu Share. His most recent book is entitled Modern

Cornmunisrn: The Communist Party of Canada (Mamkt-Leninist).

As National Leader of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist), Hardina1

Bains led the stmggle for socialism. He passed away with the strongest conviction that socialism will triumph in Canada and elsewhere and that capitalism will certain be overthrown.

Hardind Bains died at age fifty-eight. He was married and had six children. He and his wife, Sandra, lived in the Ottawa regi~n.~~

With a slogan of "Stop Paying the Rich," the self-declared "working class party" claims that its greatest electoral support cornes nom the working class. In addition to the working class, the party claims that it appeals to women and the younger voter.

The party fielded sixty-£ive candidates in the June 2, 1997, federal election.

Twenty-eight, or 43 percent, of these candidates were women. The candidates came nom

See the party's website at http://fox.NSTN.dcpc-muhbains2.htrnl. See aiso http://fox.NSTN.ca/cpc-ml/ùbains.html. To view Bains' obituary see "In Memory of Hardiai Bains," Globe and Mail, 30 August 1997, A19. a wide variety of occupations, including industrial workers, students, teacherç, professors and other professionals. Thus, while party officiais clah that the rnajority of candidates corne from the working class, this claim tends to be exaggerated?

Marg Askin, one of two Alberta candidates, was the Marxist-Leninist representative for . Running in Calgary, home of Canada's oil industry, Askh knew that she was facing an uphill battle. Nevertheless, she beiieved that Calgarians, like the rest of Canadians, need an alternative to mainstream parties. "There is as much or more of a need in Calgary for an alternative to mainstream parties," said Askin. "Why not in

Ms. Askin, who became a member of the Marxist-Leninist Party while attending the University of Alberta, is presently employed at Alberta's private telephone corporation, Telus Corp.

Peggy Morton, the party's other Alberta candidate, ran in the riding of Edmonton

West. Morton, now employed in the health care sector, worked for the Canadian Union of Students in the 1960s. She blames the Chretien Liberais and the Klein government for the deteriorathg Alberta health care system. Suggesting that too many Canadians are marginalized and dnven to the sidelines by the political process, Morton advised her fellow workers to "get involved and make a break from the old politics which gives us no role in decision-rnaking.'"O

PS See the party's website at http://fox.NSTN.c;ircp~~mVpress.html.

Alanna Mitchell, "Marxist-Leninisi not stock option in Calgary Centre," Globe and Mail, 27 May 1997, A10.

='For information on Peggy Morton see the party's website at http://fox.NSTN.ca/kpc-mVarticles/tml34p 1c.txt. Di Carlo, forty-three, grew up in Toronto. The daughter of Italian immigrants,

Di Carlo studied linguistics at the University of Guelph. She is currentiy responsible for

publishing the party's daily newspaper. On June 2, she ran in the nding. It

was her fifth election. Redizing that her chances of getting elected were slim, the Ottawa

candidate saw the election as part of the ongoing working class stx-uggle."'

5.3. The Green Party of Canada

The Green Party, established in 1983, draws its strength largely from Ontario and

Bntish Columbia. For example, in the 1997 election, the party fielded one candidate in

Newfoundland; three candidates in Quebec; thirty-six candidates in Ontario; nine in

Alberta and thirty in Bntish Columbia. The party was unrepresented in the Yukon, the

Northwest Temtories, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Prince Edward Island, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. Although organizing drives have been held throughout the country, the party has had Little success east of Quebec. "Marithers are pretty true ," said Philip

Burpee, the party's Halifax spokesman. "It's hard to convince them that the Greens offer as much to the cantankerous oId rednecked farmer as it does to the wild-eyed hippie still flashing a peace ~ign.""~

Throughout the course of its development, the party has competed in four federal elections. Each the the party has been represented by a different leader. Dr. Trevor

"' Chris CObb, "Stalin not sa bad, Ottawa candidate says," Ottawa Cirizen, 26 May 1997, A2.

Shem Barron, "The Greening of Canada," Maclean 5, Vol. 96, No. 45 (7 November 1983), 60. Hancock, a Toronto physician and founder of the Green Party, was chosen leader at the party's founding convention. Kathryn Cholette, a forty-year-old Vancouver residenl was elected leader of the Green Party on September 3, 1988. Chris Lea, a Toronto architecf led the party in 1993. Joan Elizabeth Russow, the current leader and candidate for the

Victoria, British Columbia nding, and a professor, led the party in its 1997 electoral bid.

Io the 1997 federal election, 55,213 Canadians voted Green. That was up fiom 26,912 ballots in 1984. Those who voted for the party tended to be young, white-collar and middle-class peoples. Motivated by the ever-increasing ecological desecration of the planet, people join the Green Party due to its cornmitment to global survival. When asked what sort of people are attracted to the party, Jutta Keylwerth issued the following reply:

"The buk of Our membership is in their 30s and 40s. But we get some seniors and teen-agers and there are strong student groups in Downsview and Kingston. We have some ex-Liberals and ex-NDPers, but the rnajority of Our membership has never been involved in a political party before."" Added Susan Berlin, a party organizer, "The

Green Party does attract people from both the left and the right, but it's Our values that bind us t~~ether."~~~Susan Berlin was justified in making ihis claim. A brief look at several Green Party candidates makes it evident that candidates, as well as party members and supporters, share a cornmon ideology.

233 Lydia Bailey, "The Canadian Greens," Globe and Mail, 4 Febmary 1984, L5.

Ibid. For Susan Berlin, a former social planner for the City of Toronto and the party's

Toronto Trinity candidate in the 1984 election, it is not a question of matenal secwity but one of swival: "1 can't see the world heading toward ecological and nuclear disaster, and not try to do anything to stop it," said Berlin. "If you care about this, it's worth a shot.

But of course, you might lose, and if you do lose you have to regroup and take another shot. I can't not try."='

Frank de Jong, a forty-one-year-old public school teacher, was the party's Ottawa

Centre candidate in the 1997 election. Actively participating in several community environmental projects, Mr. de Jong is aitical of our present lifestyles and business practices. "It's tirne we looked at regionai qingcapaciiy and conscription levels," said de Jong. "We must recognize that all wealth, al1 jobs, all economic activity came fkom nature, and act accordingly .""'

Stuart Langstaff, a husband and father of two young children, works for an Ontario high-tech Company. As a candidate in the -Nepean nding, the thiay-£ive-year-old engineer is deeply concerned about the present state of our environment. A nature lover, Stuart believes that "action must be taken now to preserve the integrity of our environment so that it may be enjoyed by my children with their children. "237

" Stephen Bmnt, "Green Party leamed fiom campaign," Globe and Mail, 31 August 1984, 5.

2)6 See page 2 of 2 at http://www.greenpartyartyon.ca/news/nr97OS2O.htmlsusan.

Ibid. For Gai1 Waker, a moîher of five and supervisor at Sol Naturd Foods in Aylmer,

the Green Party is the only party capable of addressing her concems. "1 woddn't have any

interest in politics if it weren't for the Green Party," said the Huii-Ayimer candidate. "But

I now believe that it is possible to reaiiy change govemment to one that benefits the

planet and ail Living being~."~~

Susan Brandum is a writer and CO-author of Get a Life! How to make a good bu& dance around the dinosaurs and Save the world whîle you're ut it. The forty-year4d

resident of Port Ehsley is c~hairof the Coalition for a Green Economic Recovery in

Toronto, a director of the Rideau Environmental Action League and a member of the

Greening of Perth Committee. As a candidate for Lanark-Carleton, Brandum offers an alternative to the present system: "While the other parties squabble over the ber points of tax deductions, the Green Party is proposing a reversai of the tax system, removing taxes ftom plentiful human labour and applying taxes to scarce and polluted naturd resources. Instead of catering to the interests of large corporations to create jobs, the

Green Party prornotes cornmunity economic development, the only area where sustainable jobs are being ~rated."*~

Richard Kerr is a graduate of McGill and Concordia universities with a Masters degree in Building Engineering. For eighteen years he has owned an energy products and services Company in Ontario. He recently served as a member of the Citizens Cornmittee for the Waste Management Study in the Hawkesbury area and has been active on the

Ibid.

239 Page 2 at http://www.greenparty.on.ca/news/nr97052O.h~susan. organizing cornmittee of Focus on Canada, a local forum concerneci with questions of

Canadian unity and democracy. Firmly beiieving that "the Environment, Social Equality

and a Sustainable Society al1 matter more than megacities, massive bank profits, and

foreign4wned corporate agendas,"240 the Glengarry-Prescott-Russell candidate is

committed to the Green's environmental agenda.

5.4. The Christian Heritage Putty

The Christian Heritage Party, which draws its strength mostly from rural areas and localities with a strong fundamentalkt tradition, was founded in 1986. Throughout the course of its development the party has had five leaders. The following List includes only those who have been leaders of the CKP.

Ed Vanwoudenberg was bom on October 21, 1938, in Vieuten, the Netherlands. He and his family moved to Canada in 1954. In 1966, he married Audrey Dewit. He and

Audrey have three children. Ed has a marketing diploma and a college certificate in construction management. In addition to a career io the manufacturing and construction business, Ed has served on the board of directors of several companies. A long-tirne member of the Maranatha Canadian Reformed Church, Ed has served as both a youth leader and an elder. Vanwoudenberg was a founding member of the Christian Heritage

Party and was elected its leader at the party's founding convention in Hamilton, Ontario.

- -

240 Ibid. See also http://www.glen-net.ca/sunworks/herr.h tml. In September 1991, Vanwoudenberg announced his intention to resign. He was replaced by Charles Ca~ilIa?~'

In November, 1991, 250 delegates selected Charles Cavilia as party leader. Cavilla, a 57-year4d librarian at St. Mary's school, a Roman Catholic elernentary-junior high in Medicine Hat, pledged to keep the party focused on God's dl.A native of Gibraltar,

Cavilla came to Canada in 1962. The father of eight, who holds a master's degree in medical biophysics, joined the party in its early stages. Crediting the "grace of God" for his election to the party leadership, Cavilla insists that the party "is so much more than what people see. We are not right, left or centre. God has no political ideol~gy."~~~In

1993, Cavilla resigned in order to spend more time with his family. He was replaced by

Heather Stilwell.

Heather Stilwell, a forty-nine-year-old Catholic mother of eight, was declared interim leader of the CHP in April, 1993. In addition to being a founder of the CHP,

Stilwell founded the Cloverdale Merchants Association- Prior to her election as a school tnistee, Heather and her husband owned and operated a Cloverdale antique store. In the early 1990s, Stilwell was national president of Miance for Life. She also belonged to several prdife organizations. Canada, according to Stilweil, is "going down the tubes

See Chishoim MacDonald, "Surrey contractor beats dmfor new Christian party," Vancouver Sun, 18 November 1987, Cg; and Dave Cunningham, "The wowes of this world," Aiberfa Report, Vol. 18, No. 37 (7 October 1991), 19. See ais0 Ed Vanwoudenberg, A Matter of Choice Voronto: Premier Printing, n.d.).

242 Lorne Gunter, "Theological politics,"Alberta Report, Vol. 6, No. 43 (30 December 1991), 14. because we're giving up on Christian values. This country should be getting better, but it's getting worse. Because of that, you can't afford to run out of steam in this battle.Itu3

In March 1994, the Christian Heritage Party held a convention in Vancouver. It was at this convention that Heather Stilwell was replaced by Jean Blaquiere. Blaquiere, a retired RCMP offker from Montreai, campaigned for Iaw and order and a return to the death penalty? The forty-nine-year4d defeated two other contenders: Anglican priest

Ivor Ottrey, recior of St. Bamabus parish in Medicine Hat, Alberta; and AlEred Kiers, a greenhouse manager fiom Dumeville, Ontario.

Roy Gray, a fieelance journalist, is the CHP's current leader. In his early sixties,

Gray's extended family includes several children, stepchildren and foster chiidren. A religious man, Gray was a founding director of Trinity Western College in British

Columbia. His current concems include national unity, fiscal responsibility, and the justice system.

Believing that a unique blend of cultures, rather than one particular Christian denomination has contributed to Canada's Christian hentage, the CHP originated not nom one particular Christian denomination but from many. To quote Ed Vanwoudenberg, "A unique blend of cultures has contributed to Canada's Christian heritage. Similady, the membership of the CHP is made up of a wide variety of people of diverse backgrounds

243 Douglas Todd, "Stilweii presents the tough face of Christian politics," Vancouver Sun, 2 October 1993, Ag.

"Ex-Mountie to lead party," Calgary Herald, 13 March 1994, A10. and cultural ori@s, united in a firm resolve to offer Canadians a political program based

upon universally held Christian views.""

Motivated by a love for God and country, people join the CHP due to its cornmitment

to preserve a standard of law and order based on Bibiical precepts.

The party has been upfront about Limiting membership to Chnstians. They address

the membership issue by pointing out that the CHP was designed to be a responsible

alternative based on Bibiical wisdom. "But who can apply Bibiicd wisdom to human

affairs? Surely oniy someone who knows and understands Scripture. Has anyone ever

corne to an understanding of the broad message of the Bible without the aid of the

Author? No, we know (because we're told) that the message of the Cross, is to them that are penshing, foolishness. "'"

The Christian Hentage Party has also been upfiont about its candidate qualifications.

Before members can become candidates, party poiicy dictates that they "rnust pass an

integrîty screening, designed to find out whether their Lives dernonstrate their professed values, and whether their real desire is to serve God and the nation."z47ThrOughout the course of its history numerous candidates have met these qualifications. The following is but a mere sample of those candidates.

Larry Heather holds a Bachelor of Arts in Reiigion - Theatre Arts, a Bachelor of

Religious Education and a graduate diploma of Christian Studies. The

- - -- -

245 Vanwoudenberg, 15.

246 See the party's website at http://www.freenet.edmonton.ab.ca/chp.co~3-14.h~.

247 Ibid. forty-three-year-old resident of -West is president of Christians Concemed

for Life in Calgary, a Bght to Me society. As a candidate in the Calgary South-West

riding, Larry believes that CHP policies are needed in order to "restore Canada to its tme

basis for unity in the present and prosperity in the future."248

John Ludwig, an Edmonton Redtor and Municipal Administrator, graduated fiom the

University of Alberta in 1966. He obtained his M.Ed. degree in 1970. He was Dean of

Business at Alberta College in the 1970s and taught accounting, law and economics. Since

1981, Ludwig has been President of Risia Realty. Chosen as 's federal candidate for the 1997 general election, Ludwig believes that the CHP offers voters a real alternative. According to Ludwig, "CHP is different. We are a party with timeless biblicaliy-based principles that will not change. What you vote for is what you are going to get."249

The Skeena riding candidate in the 1997 election was Rod Freeman. Residing in

Tenace, British Columbia, with his wife and five children, Rod works for the North Coast

Regional Correspondence School. In addition to owning and operating a srnail business,

Rod has been a CHP member for several years. Committed to Party principles, Rod believes that Canada needs leadership based on the supremacy of God and the rule of law.

"Building on this foundation in our democracy," said Freeman, "mens that we take the

Bible senously, for in it we understand who God is and what His law dernand~."~

2a See page 1 of 2 at http://www.fieenet.edmonton.ab.ca/chpmeat.

249 See page 2 of 3 at http://www.fieenet.edmonton.ab.ca/chp/lu.

See http://www.netshop.nef/-siph/candidat.htm. Teny Marshall, candidate for , iives in Kingston Township

with his wife Betty and their four children. He graduated with distinction kom the

technology program of St. Lawrence College, and is currently employed as a computer

technician for the Frontenac County Board of Education. Terry and Betty actively participate in their church and local community organizations. A former member of the

Ontario FamiIy Coalition Party, Terry became a member of the CHP in 1987. Described as a "family man," Terry believes that "moral leadership in goverrunent gives people a sense of secunty that traditional values wiU be protected and an honest effort wiU be put into making decisions that are good for the country as a whole."*'

Nellie Shgerland was bom in the Netherlands in 1933 and moved to British

Columbia in 1953. Ln 1967, she married Alberta farmer, Jacob Shgerland. Having worked in extended care and therapy, Nellie sits on the advisory board of Rehoboth handicap association. In addition to having been a former president of her church Ladies

Aid for ten years, Nellie helped found the Lethbridge chapter of Birthnght. Having been involved with the Christian Heritage Party since 1986, Nellie ran in the 1997 election as the party's Lethbridge candidate. She supports the CHP for the following reasons:

O It is the only political party that 1 as a Christian can wholeheartedly support It was founded on God's word. O We support six days of work and one day of rest. 1 am Pro-Life, al1 candidates of the CHP are PrwLife.

See http://ikweb.com/chp/marshaii.htm. . We are the only party that believes the beginning of Canada's Constitution that says: This nation was established on belief in the supremacy of God and the Rule of Law. The other parties do

5.5. The Nàîural hwParty

The Natural Law Party, based on the teachings of transcendental meditation guru

Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, fielded candidates in both the 1993 and 1997 elections. h 1992, pnor to its establishment, two of its founding members ran for Naturai Law in Btitain.

One of these founders was Neil Paterson. Doug Henning was the other candidate.

Dr. Neil Paterson, forty-four, a native of Edmonton, Alberta, attended Notre Dame

Coiiege in Wilcox, Saskatchewan, and then went on to receive his doctorate fiom

Maharishi European Research University (MERU) in Switzerland. His doctoral degree is in the Science of Creative Intelligence - the systematic study of the ongin, range and development of creative intelligence in both man and nature.

Paterson sits on the board of directors of numerous schools, colleges and universities which offer consciousness-based education. He also sits on the board of directors of

Maharishi Heaven on Earth Development Corporation, an organization active in the fields of education, crime prevention and rehabilitation, health care, and resource development.

Paterson became leader of the Natural Law Party of Canada in 1992.

Boni in Winnipeg, Manitoba, Doug Henning graduated from McMaster University with an Honours degree in Physiological Psychology. He received his doctoral degree in

ZR See http://ww.fieenet.edmonton.ab.ca/chp/s~. the Science of Creative Intelligence fiom Maharishi European Research University,

Switzerland.

During his youth, Kenning's hobby was magic. Upon graduating fiom McMaster he

decided to make the art of illusion his career. After travelling around the world for many years performing his magic, Doug retumed to Canada. In October, 1993, Doug Henning, twice-a-day yogi flyer and senior vice-president of the party, ran as a Natural Law candidate in the Toronto nding of Rosedale. According to the illusionist, who calls himself Canada's Arnbassador of Magic, "The Natural Law Party is the only party that can solve al1 the nation's problems and prevent any future dficulties form arising.""

It was for this reason that Doug Henning suppoas the Natural Law Party.

Allen Faguy, President of the Natural Law Party of Quebec, was bom in Quebec

City. He obtained a degree form Champlain Regional College and graduated £rom

Maharishi's University of Management with a degree in Philosophy.

Faguy, forty, is an administrator and entrepreneur. He has founded several manufacturing, retailing and fkanchising companies. He is currently Enroiment Director for Scholarship Consultants of North America offering Registered Education Savings

Programs .

During the 1988 election, he worked in the Prime Minister's Office. In June 1992, he helped establish the Natural Law Party of Canada.

" NLP, The Natural Law Parîy of Canada (official party flyer), 1993, p. 2. Men Faguy has conducted research in the field of consciousness for more than eighteen years. He has lectured extensively on the benefits of Transcendental Meditation and TIMSidhis programs.

In 1993, the Natural Law Party fielded 232 candidates. The party fielded 136 candidates in 1997. The following list includes several of those candidates.

Chnstopher Colirin, a native of Saint John, New Brunswick, graduated with a B.A. fiom Saint Mary's University in Halifax. Following graduation, Collrin worked for the

New Brunswick Department of Justice. Since 1982, Chnstopher has been freelancing in the human resources training and development field. In 1997, he ran in the Saint John riding.

Helene Darisse, candidate in the nding of St. Catherines, earned her Masters degree in Educational Technology in 1980. Following graduation she taught video production at

Maharishi Lutemationai University, and subsequently owned and managed her own documentary video production Company from 1990 to 1994. In 1995, she qualified as a high school teacher at Brock University and presently works as a high school tutor in the

Niagara Region. In the 1993 federal election, Helene ran for the Natural Law Party in the

Oshawa riding.

Dr. Ronald Decter fïrst becarne aware of the principles of Natural Law as a young student in Winnipeg. Then in 1972, he attended an international symposium on the

Science of Creative Intelligence at Queen's University in Kingston, Ontario. The keynote speaker at the symposium was Maharishi Mahesh Yogi. In 1974, Decter studied the

Maharishi's theoretical and practical teachings. In 1983, Decter received his doctoral degree in the Science of Creative Intelligence kom the Maharishi European Research

University in Switzerland. Since then he has travelled extensively, lecturing and teaching courses on the theory and application of Natural Law. He is currently the vice-president and director of a Canadian land development and real estate firm. As candidate for

Winnipeg South Centre, Dr. Decter supports the party because "it offers to create a government based on complete knowledge of Natural Law and sound scientifïc p~ciples."*

Bob Hyman, forty, was bom and raised in Toronto. He has a B.A. in Business

Administration with a specialization in Research on Consciousness as a Field of AU

Possibilities from Maharishi University of Management, FaXîeld, Iowa. Following graduation Bob ran his own business and subsequently worked in the securities industry. ui 1988, he began teaching Transcendental Meditation and TM-Sidhi programs. He is currently director of Maharishi Vedic College in Toronto. A yogic flyer, Bob is President of the Natural Law Party of Canada for the province of Ontario. In the 1997 federal election, Hyman ran in the Broadview/Greenwood nding.

Ruth Arme Taves, fifty, earned a B.A. Erom McMaster University and a B.Ed. and

M.Ed. ffom Queen's. Following graduation, Taves taught school for twenty-three years.

Specializing in teaching students with learning disabilities, Taves has co-authored a book on young people with learning disabilities. Ruth Anne is currently a Director of Maharishi

Vedic College Okanagan-Kootenay and teaches courses in Transcendental Meditation. In

1997, she ran in the British Columbia riding of West KootenayIOkanagan.

254 See http://www.natural-law.ca/candid/rondecter.htmi James Hea was boni in Montreal in 1956. Hea's interest in the Natural Law Party

began when he was sixteen. In 1972, James began the Transcendental Meditation program

and in 1976 became a teacher of Transcendental Meditation. In 1978, he began the

TM-Sidhi program. In 1984, after briefly workùig in the housing industry, James was

employed in the automotive industry. Since 1992, James has been working in the high-tech sector. In 1993, he ran as a candidate in Carleton/Gloucester. He ran in the same riding in 1997. Hea supports the Naturai Law Party for the €ollowing reasons:

1 am familiar with the programs of the NLP because 1 personaily practice them. 1 have reviewed the scientific research in detail. The programs have been scientifically validated as being effective."

Gilles Bigras, the Natural Law party candidate for Halifax and its provincial leader, ran for the party in both 1993 and 1997. Admitting that he does not expect to be elected

MP, Mr. Bigras supports the party because it "sees in nature the supreme working mode1 of an ideal governrnent." According to Bigras, "Everyone is a master of their own destiny.

Whether you believe it or not, the Natural Law Party can create a better governrnent and a problem fiee nation."z6

Like Gilles Bigras, Natural Law candidate Bernard Wayne Gormley acknowledged that he would not win his Sackville-Eastern Shore riding. However, he acknowledges that he may be able to raise public awareness. According to the forty-seven-year-old teacher,

255 See http://www.natural-Iaw.ca/candid/jameshea.html.

This quote was taken fkom a letter that Giiles Bigras wrote to the author on 27 June 1997. "Our purpose in runaing is to show that al1 aspects of society need to be addressed to

solve the complex probIems facing kMzn

Dr. Ashley Deans received his B.Sc. in Physics korn the Royal CoUege of Science,

London University, England, and his Ph.D. from York University, Toronto. He did his

post-doctoral work at Maharishi European Research University, where he studied

Electroencelphelographic (EEG) Coherence. He served as a research Coordinator for

MERUts Global Research Program in Canada. He is currently director of Maharishi

School of the Age of Enlightenment in Fairfield, Iowa. He has pubiished in journals such

as Planetary and Spoce Science, Journal of Geophysical Research and the Canadian

Journal of Physics. A candidate in Trinity/Spadina, Deans is both the Natural Law Party

spokesman for education and the partyts deputy leader. According to Deans, it is young

people who are most willing to support the Party. "We're getting the youth vote," said

Deans. "They are open rninded. They are looking for something new and they haven't yet

become disillusi~ned."~~

Young Canadians, concemed about their future in a country burdened by debt and

high unemployrnent, frequently question the policies of the establishment. As a result,

they are frequently inclined to support unorthodox policies. According to Sylvia Danyluk,

a recent University of British Columbia graduate, "Allowing the same parties to be

re-elected is asking for the same old ineffective solutions and a perpetuation of the same

" Randy Jones, "Piecemeal riding job-starved," Halifax Chronicle-Herald (27 May 1997), Al 1.

2~' On May 28, 1997, Cpac aired a program entitled "Total Election Coverage: Natural Law Party of Canada." It was during this program that Ashley Deans made the preceding statement. old problems. What we need are innovative approaches to problems, like the new ideas

offered by the Natural Law ~arty."~'~

Sylvia Danyluk is not aione in her support of the Natural Law Party. Across the country, students are attracted by the party's scientific proposals. "The scientific research makes solutions more tangible and real," said Jodi Trauscott. "Other parties just ta& about concepts that have a good chance of Mure. With the NLP programs, 1 think we have an excellent chance of solving problern~."~~~

Although the Natural Law Party is largely attractive to young people, their proposals are also supported by older Canadians. For example, Stan Darling, a former Conservative

MP fiom Ontario, supports their proposal to teach transcendental meditation to prisoners as a means to reduce the incidence of repeat offenders. "Maybe it's crazy," said Darling.

"But what wetve been doing is an abysmal fail~re."*~~

5.6. Canadian Action Party

Paul Theodore Hellyer was bom and raised on a farm where his father pioneered his ginseng business. He studied aeronautics in California, worked at Reet Aircaft in Fort

Erie, served a couple of years in the Royal Canadian Air Force, married in 1945 and graduated frorn the University of Toronto in May 1949. In June 1949, he was elected to

259 To view Danyluk's statement, see page 1 of 2 at http://www.natural-law.ca/pIatfonn97/students.h~.

Bob COX,"Yogic flyers now want to help prisoners go straight," Montreal Gazette, 11 December 1993, A10. the House of Commons at age twenty-six. In 1957, he became the youngest federal

cabinet minister in Canada's history.

In 1963, after a period in opposition, Hellyer became Pearson's Minister of National

Defence and was responsible for integrating the Canadian Armed Forces. Mer being defeated by Trudeau in the 1968 leadership race, Heuyer became Canada's Deputy Prime

Minister and headed the Federd Task Force on Housing and Urban Development.

in 1969, he resigned fiom the Trudeau cabinet on a matter of principle. Mer a disagreement with Trudeau in 1971, Hetlyer quit the Liberals and founded a populist movement dedicated to the achievement of hi11 employment and zero infiation. In 1972, after abandoning Action Canada, he joined the Conservative Party. Although he won his seat in 1972, Heuyer was defeated by his Liberal opponent in 1974. In 1976, he launched a failed challenge to replace as leader of the Conservative Party. He returned to the Liberals in 1982.

In addition to a disthguished parliamentary career, Hellyer has business experience in manufacturing, retailing, construction, land development, tourism and publishing. In addition to autho~gsix books, Heuyer studied voice at the Royal Conservatory of

MUS~C.~~

Hellyer, now seventy-three, launched the Canadian Action Party on January 16,1997.

He currently lives in Toronto with his Me, Ellen.

- --

262 Since 1971 Heuyer has written the foilowing six books: Agenda: A Plan for Action, Eril Inflation, Jobs for All: CapifdiSm on Trial, Damn the Torpedoes: My Fight to Unifi Canadnk Armed Forces, Funny Money, and Surviving the Global Financial Crisis: The Economics ofHope for Generation X. The Canadian Action Party was fotmded by a coalition of 126 Canadians from diverse political backgrounds. The party's founding members, says Heuyer, "are people

£rom cuast to Coast fiom Newfoundland to British Columbia and they encompass all walks of He. They are professional people who are concemed about the future of

canada. 'lm

As support for the party broadened, the party continued to attract people fiom diverse backgrounds. In addition to professional people and b1ue-coUa.r workers, the party also attracted the unemployed. For exarnple, Paula Williams, a single mother Living on welfare, was chosen as the party's candidate in Ottawa South. When asked why she decided to run for the party, Williams responded with the following reply: "I've got to get the word out.

1 want to see what happens when an unemployed, single mom mns for Parliament. I'm testing the system at the same time I'm following my beliefs.""

In addition to candidates, those who voted for the party in the 1997 election tended to be disenchanted votes. Aside from voting for the party as a means of protesting against the established parties, those who supported the paty tended to believe in

Hellyer's economic platform. According to Darren Earle, a twenty-twc+year-old electrician fiom Brantford, Ontario, it is Heliyefs economic platform that he bds most attractive. "1 thought 1 was going with the Liberals," said Ede. "But I've decided 1 like the Canadian Action Party and Paul Hellyer - the one that look iike Don Cherry. They've

Lynda Dugdaie, "Tmdeau+xa Gnt kicks off new party with assault on GST," Calgary Herald, 17 January 1997, A3.

~4 Mark Hill, "Postcards fiom the hge,"Ottawa Citizen, 31 May 1997, B4. convinced me that their economic plan is solid. It's been tested and proven to be sound.

So I'm voting for them."Z65

5.7. The Rhinoceros Party

Known for its spoofs on govenunent in general and the old line parties in particular, the Rhinoceros Party of Canada was founded by Dr. Jacques Ferron and Andre Godet.

Dr. Ferron was educated at College Brebeauf and Laval University, Quebec City. He practiced medicine for three years in mral Beauce County before moving to Montreal.

During the 1960s, he was active in the separatist movement. In 1970, Ferron helped negotiate the surrender of Quebec Labour Minister Pierre Laporte's abductors and murderers Paul Rose, Jacques Rose and Francis Simard. Described as "one of the most subtle minds and one of the most solid and constant wrïters in Quebec literature," Ferron won the Governor-General's Award for literature in 1964?

Ferron, described by party workers as a man who taught "the power of positive absurdity in the face of absolute idiocies," named Cornelius 1, a baby rhinoceros, as his success~r.~~~The former leader and founder of the Rhinoceros Party died of a heart attack in Longueuil, Quebec, on Apnl 22, 1985.

Chris Cobb, "Where they stand: Our voter poil," Ottawa Citizen, 31 May 1997, B2.

Hilary MacKenzie, "The Rhinos' fareweti,"Maclean's, Vol. 98, No. 20 (13 May 1985), 20.

267 Paul Delean, "Rhino party homs out after 22 years in politics," Montreal Gazette? 1 May 1985, Al. Andre Goulet, a native of Montreal, attended College Ste. Marie and the Schooi of

Graphic Arts. For a year he studied and travelied in Europe. Upon his return to Canada he became involved in the printing and publishing business.

Keeping in line with the party's humourous foundations, a rhinoceros becarne party leader in 1979. Cornelius, reputed former leader of the Rhinoceros Party, was bom

December 10, 1979, at the Granby Zoo, Quebec. He was later transferred to the Sari

Diego Zoo. In 1985, when the party disbanded, Cornelius was named leader in exile and

"delegated to serve in perpetuity as the party's token envoy in the western White HO US^.'^^^

Unlike the Christian Heritage Party, the Rhinos have no membership qualifications.

According to Charles Mackenzie, a long-time party organizer, "anyone can run as a candidate provided they don? promulgate sexism, racism or violence."269Nevertheless, those who support the party, be they candidates or voters, tend to enjoy the levity the party provides. For example, in 1979, 63,000 Canadians voted for the party. The party's proposa1 for keeping the country together - nationalking Krazy Glue - was more appealing, or at least more inventive, than anything the other parties had suggested.

Throughout the years, the Rhinos have attracted people such as Charles "The Janitor"

Mackenzie, Jean Lefevre, Sonia Cote, Roger Millet and Vickie "Spoiled Ballot"

Butterfield. The least serious of al1 fiinge parties, the Rhinos have fielded candidates such

Lawrence Martin, "Rhino headquarters announces burial of a political joke," Globe and Mail, 1 May 1985, 9.

569 Bruce Wallace, "The Rhinos are coming,"Maclean's, Vol. 97, No. 36 (3 September 1984), 23. as Frank Quinlan. in a 1987 by-election in St. John's East, Frank "The Codfather"

Quinlan campaigned for "rubber side-walh so dninks wouldn't hurt themselves or lose

w~rk."~'~Sound ludicrous? Well, that is the sort of political group the Rhinoceros Party

was.

Conclusion

Like the estabiished political parties, the fige parties aim to bring together iike-minded people in an attempt to maximize their control and Uinuence over the govemmental process. Whiie fringe party leaders, candidates and supporters are not entirely different from those operating within the political mainstream, an examination indicates that there are distinguishing differences. For example, Naturd Law leaders, candidates and supporters tend to practice meditation and follow the teachings of the

Maharishi; CHP leaders, candidates and supporters are cornmitted to bibiical principles; the CP and the CPC(M-L) personnel are devoted to replacing our capitalist system; fige candidates and supporters tend to possess greater and more narrow ideological motivation; people continue to rua for parties and vote for the candidates regardless of limited chances at the poils. Furthermore, with respect to hgeparties, distinguishing differences exist among these parties.

With the passage of tirne, al1 major parties came to select their leaders through a national party Leadership convention. Such a process is representative, open, cornpetitive

Stewart MacLeod, "A tongue in a bearded cheek," Maclean's, Vol. 100, No. 38 (21 September 1987), 11. and based on the majority principle. Since their establishment, the Communist Party, the

Green Party and the Christian Herïtage Party have chosen their successive leaders in this manner. Each leader was chosen due to the fact that he or she was perceived to be quickly capable of grasping complex issues. Above ail, each was perceived to be a person of principle who would not avoid unpopular tasks or issues.

The success of any political party is directiy Linked to leadership of the party. The characteristics of the individual parties has an impact on the type of leader chosen. For the Mancist-Leninist Party, the Natural Law Party, the Canadian Action Party and the

Rhinos, there was no question of leadership. One reason why Hardial Bains, Neil

Paterson, Paul Hellyer and Jacques Ferron emerged as party leaders lies in the fact that they were instrumental in creating their respective parties. Furthemore, each man's intellect, personal appeal and charismatic style far outshone that of other party members.

For the fringe parties that regularly field candidates, Canada's political system continues to restrict their development. Ln fact, these parties believe that politics in

Canada is indeed a closed system - and they are outside of it. Bill C-114 and our

"fist-pst-the-post" system hinders their development and success. Furthermore, their policies rarely make the nightly national TV news or the fiont pages of daily newspapers.

Yet in successive federal campaigns, the political system's fringe candidates enthusiastically hit the campaign trail - apparentiy oblivious to past defeats. However, for these people, winning elections is not the imrnediate issue. As previously indicated, fringe party candidates and supporters have no illusion about forming the govemment. Concemed with changing society rather than gaining power, the chief value of the

election process lies in its use as an educational and promotional tool.

From the outset, the Communist Party of Canada's leadership and membership were

largely based in the industrial class. During the early years, most of the party's candidates

and supporters were young immigrants who had previously experimented with a variety

of socialist movements. For these people, the Communist Party of Canada was more than

a political organization. The party offered hope and class consciousness identification to both immigrants and the working class. At the end of the day, this bred a particular

loyalty to the party. Successive leaders, candidates and members have been involved in the trade union movement.

The Workers' Party of Canada had roots in the United Mines Workers of Alberta and

British Columbia, in the Longshoremen's Union of British Columbia, and in the Garment

Workers' Union in Winnipeg, Toronto and Montreal. The largely Finnish Lumber workers

Industrial Union was also under Communist leadership. The Communists continued their leadership role throughout the 1920s. By 1929, the CP had succeeded in forming and leading a number of unions, including the Mine Workers' Union of Canada, the Lumber

Workers Industrial Union, and the Auto Workers Industrial Union. The Communists continued to make considerable headway in the trade union movement, excluding the period from 1943 to 1945 when the party focused on the war effort.

Following the Second World War, the Communists intensified their carnpaign to place Labour-Progressive members into strategic positions. However, due to postwar affluence, the cold war, and an adherence to Stalinist orthodox, there began a concerted effort to dislodge the Communists fkom their union positions. By 1951, the anti-Communist effort was successful in eroding the Communists' trade union effort.

Nevertheless, the CPC stiU considers its trade union activity to be its most important work. In fact, the Communist Party persists in pretending that it alone represents the working class. Whiie the party may be wrong in its assumption, the partytssmail suppoa base continues to lie with the working class.

The Manrist-Leninist Party was very much Hardial Bains' party. Since its creation,

Bains has been the partyts chairman. Furthemore, a great deal of the party's üterature has been written by Bains. Espousing the overthrow of the capitalist class, a fundamental difference between it and the other non-communist parties, it comes as no surprise that both candidates and supporters tend to belong to the working class. Although membership is open to perçons eighteea years of age or older regardless of sex, race, colour, religious beiiefs or nationality, members' loyaity to the working class and the revolutionary movement must be unquestionable.

In reality, Green Party members and supporters are not just a bunch of granola-eating or hippie-like utopiaos. Concemed with the well-being of the planet within which the individual lives, its membership consists of serious ecologists and like-minded people who have been stmggling to build an environmentally active party.

In November, 1987, some 600 delegates attended the three-day founding convention of the Christian Heritage Party in Hamilton, Ontario. Hoping to capitalize on a growing among Canadians, the party calied for a retum to moral responsibility and accountability. Believing that a party does not have to be elected in order to influence politics, the party hopes that its candidates will be able to focus the debate on questions of moral substance and provide a conscience for the other parties. Al1 the party's leaders and candidates, and a majority of its supporters, believe in biblical morality and the inspired word of God. As a result, the party believes that it must fist be responsible to

God and then to the electorate. Due to the fact that the Bible on only be understood by those who have a personal knowledge of God, CHP leaders and candidates must be

Christians. That is the fundamental difference between it and the other parties.

The Natural Law Party, which bases its policies on the teaching of Maharishi Mahesh

Yogi, has definite links to the Maharishi and his business empire. For instance, the party's leader received his doctoral degree fiom the Maharishi's Switzerland university and sits on the Board of Directors of the Maharishi's Heaven and Earth Development Corporation.

Many of the party's candidates are Maharishi employees or have studied at the Maharishi university in the United States. Numerous supporters are also familiar with the

Maharishi's teachings and practice transcendental meditation. Even though electoral success has eluded the party, radio, broadcast and the print media provide the party with fiee publicity for their party and the transcendental meditation movement.

In addition to promoting transcendental meditation, the Maharishi's ritual of herbal foods, chanting and massages is also promoted by the party. While TM has managed to

Iïnd a market among the spiritually starved, the "cult" has been criticized as being unhealthy. "There are psychiatrie hazards in prolonged involvement with the TM cul4 wro te University of California at Berkeley ps ychiatrist Margaret Singer.

Nevertheless, a steady Stream of curious people are willing to pay for transcendentai

meditation courses, buy the herbal products and support the party.

To date, the party has failed to elect a member to the House of Commons. So why

does it bother to field candidates? According to Roger Foster, a former TM devotee, the

political venture bestows the party with a vitality it would otherwise lose. "Running for

office helps the movement create a sense of importance in people's mind," says Foster.

"They have to keep doing new things, like proposing to build a fantasy park, or ninning

for office, to keep re-infusing Life into their movement. It helps them gain access to

popular culture and sel1 their practices to a larger a~dience."~

The Canadian Action Party, a coalition of Canadians from various political

backgrounds, is very much Paul Hellyer's party. CAP candidates and supporters view

Hellyer as an unquestionably convincing man: soft-spoken, capable, intelligent and

motivated by his beliefs. Supporters and candidates follow the party line in their belief that the current economic situation is mismanaged. At the end of the day, candidates largely joined the party and voters supported the party due to their belief that Hellyer offers the country its only viable economic alternative.

The Rhinoceros Party, compnsed of Canadians fiom various backgrounds, has attracted people with a keen sense of the absurd. Devoted to mocking the political system,

ni Steve Chase, "Free advertising for the Maharishi," AIberta Report, Vol. 20, No. 45 (25 October 1993), 12.

Ibid., 13. the party understood what was funny and knew how to express it. Neither its leaders, one

of whom has been an actual rhinoceros, nor its candidates and supporters, feel any deep

attachment to the political process. Formed to give voice to discontent, the party is the oniy one declaring its aversion to electing candidates. For îhese reasons, the Rhinos were quite unlike any other party, before or since.

The party was also unique in that until 1979 the Rhinos were active only in Quebec and among francophones. For example, in the 1979 election the Rhinoceros Party fielded sixty-one candidates in Quebec and only three outside the province. Created by Dr.

Jacques Ferron who was unhappy about the maiibox bornbings and the threatening tone of antifederal protest in Quebec in the 1960~~the party was designed to serve as a peaceful outlet for disgmntled Quebec voters. Designed by and for a group for whom federal politics had no meaning, the vote in Quebec was probably more one of discontent than of nationalism. Until 1979 the Rhinos were active oniy in Quebec and among francophones. In 1979, Charles Mackenzie, a native of Vancouver, became the party's fïrst anglophone to join the party. He set out to promote the party in other provinces. Before dissolution, the party's support outside Quebec was strongest in Ottawa and Vancouver. Inîroduction

For the politicai parties that regularly field candidates, electoral Iaws in Canada create obstacles to their electoral success. Features such as the requirement of a $1,000 deposit and the fifty candidate minimum pose signincant barriers to fige parties. It is also argued that Canada's single member plurality system is biased in support of the political establishment, prevents the representation of certain alternative voices, and results in a decreased voter tumout. Since a large number of Canadians abstain nom taking part in our most democratic activity - voting - and since voter turnout is indicative of the health and vitality of Canada's political system, this chapter focuses on ways to increase voter tumout and create a more representative House of Commons.

Section 6.1.

Voting is the easiest and the most popular method of political participation. Although

Canadians generally believe that their record on voter turnout is quite good, between 20 and 30 percent routinely abstain from the process. As Table 5.1 indicates, turnout in

Canadian general elections since the turn of the century averaged around 73 percent. Source: Adapted fiom Murray Beck, Pendulum of Power (Scarborough: Prentice-Hall Ltd., 1968), and Minister of Supply and Services Canada, Voter Turnout in C&, Vol. 15 of the Research Studies on Electoral Reform and Party Financing, Herman Bakvis, ed. (Toronto: Dundum Press Limited, 1991), 34. Numbers for 1993 and 1997 were taken £rom "Election 97," Globe and Mail, 4 June 1997, A6.

When compared with 32 other democracies, Canadian tumout was about 73 percent in the 1980s. The figure puts Canada in 28th place. If one bases the cornparison on the countries that do not have compulsory voting, Canada places 22nd out of a field of 27

(See Table 6.2).

Over the years, political scientists have conducted sample surveys in order to explore voting beha~iour.'~While differing as to the degree of innuence, these studies conclude that politicai participation is related to a number of socio-economic factors such as age, iucome, education, residential stability, religious cornmitment and marital status. It has also been concluded that voter tumout is affected by "administrative disenkm~hisernent.~~

This tem refers to those individuals facing obstacles at election the. hcluded in these numbers are the seriously ill, those confined to home or hospital and those out of the country or away £rom their home constituency.

TABLE 63 -OUT RATES IN CANADAAND 32 OTHER DEMOCRACIES, 1980s

Rank

1 * 94.3 2 Belgium* 93.8 3 Austria 9 1.5 4 New Zealand 90.5 5 Bahamas 90.3 6 Italy* 89.8 7 Iceland 89.2 8 Sweden 89.1 9 Luxembourg* 88.1 10 Germany 87.3 11 France 86.2 12 Denmark 86.1

Among many others, see Harold Clarke et al., Absent Mandate: The Politics of Discontent in Canada (Toronto: Gage Publishing, 1984); and Jon H. Pammett, "Voting Tumout in Canada," in Voter Turnout in Canada, Herman Bakvis, ed. (Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1991). Venezuela Netherlands Norway Greece* Mauri tius Israel Costa Rica* Finiand Barbados Jamaica Portugal Botswana Ire1and United Kuigdom Spain Canada Japan India Trinidad and Tobago United States Switzerland

* Countries with compulsory voting

Source: Voter Turnout in Canada, 87-88.

In addition to recognizing that individuai differences and circumstances determine voting behaviour, scholars also propose that institutions matter a great deai.

Acknowledging the difficulty in altering some of these factors, numerous proposals suggest that administrative changes be undertaken. Contributors to the Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing suggested that institutionai changes could produce a turnout rate of 85 percent. According to Pammett and Black, voting opportunities for individuals could be expanded by scheduling elections on Sundays; adopting a more flexible way for the unenumerated to be added to the voters list; extending the advance poll fiom three days to three weeks; adopting a system whereby

sick or vacationhg voters could mail their ballot to the chief retuming officer; developing

a rnechanism whereby an individual cm cast his or her ballot in a polling area other than

the appointed polbg station?74

Section 6.2.

Proportional representation has also been debated in regards to the effect it would have on voter turnout. Andre Blais and R. K. Carty, in thei. empirical study of 509 elections, conclude that PR does foster higher tumout. The study indicates that the three reasons attributed to higher tumout under PR, an increased number of parties, increased competitiveness, and reduced distortions, does not have the effects predicted by the proponents of PR. First, Blais and Carty conclude that multipartyisrn does not foster higher turnout. Secondly, although the study concludes that PR, with its multi-member districts, provides parties with an incentive to campaign in each nding and voters with an incentive to vote, the relationship between competitiveness and participation is very weak. The study does conclude, however, îhat while electoral participation is not encouraged by the degree of disproportionality, the mere fact that voters have an electoral procedure that assures some proportionality between votes and seats encourages a higher tumout. Everything also being equal, tumout is seven percentage points Lower in a

274 See Jon H. Pammett, "VotingTumout in Canada," in Voter Turnout in Canada, Herman Bakvis, ed.; and Jerome Black, "Reforming the Context of the Voting Process in Canada," in Voter Turnout in Canada. It should be noted that some of these changes have been adopted. plurality system, and five percentage points lower in a majority system as cornpared to PR?''

Markus Crepaz, however, in his study on party polarization and postmaterialism,

concludes that the bigger the degree of party polarization, that is the greater the

differences between the parties, the more people are stimulated to vote. Crepaz's sixteen

country studies proposes that the greater the number of parties involved in an election

carnpaign, the higher the voter turnout. "In a rich and diverse political landscape electors

have more opportunity to iden- themselves with 'their' party which stands for 'their'

cause," says Crepaz. "ln such a political environment, voter tumout tends to be higher

than in systems with a narrow political spectmrn or in two-party sy~tems."~~

Furthemore, according to Crepaz's study, proportional representation is a precondition for

the creation and growth of postrnatenalist parties such as the Greens.

At the end of the day, while there are a wide variety of explmations for increased voter tumout, and a lack of consensus as to the predictors of tumout, both these studies conclude that PR would foster voter tumout. Whether the proportionality between votes and seats or the proliferation of parties is seen as the most significant factor, it cm be concluded that proportional representation would aid both voters and fige parties.

The single member plurality system elects one member or representative fkom each constituency. In this system, the candidate receiving the most votes wins the riding. For

''' Andrew Mais and R. K. Carty, "Does proportional representation foster voter tumout?" European Journal of Political Research, Vol. 18 (1990), 167-181.

n6 Markus Crepaz, "The impact of pady polarization and postmatenalism on voter tumout," European Journal of Political Research, Vol. 18 (1990), 200. example, in Canada, iike Great Britain and the United States, a candidate has to win a riding to win a seat. As a general mie, in our electoral system, any party that wins forty percent of the popular vote stands a chance of gaining a majority goveniment (see Table

6.3). Furthemore, under our present system, there is Little chance the fringe parties will gain a seat. "If you don? get 10 to 15 percent of the vote nationdly youfre not going to get seats," says Robert Paehlke, a political scientist at Trent University in Peterborough,

Ontario. "And therefore, many who might support you d~n't."~

Party Votes % Popular Vote Seats Liberals 4,93 1,590 38 255 Reform 2,490,078 19 60 PC 2,425,748 19 44 NDP 1,422,400 Il 21 BQ 1,374,260 11 20 Others * 21 1,884 2 1 TOTAL 12,855,960 100 301

* Independent candidate elected

Source: "Election 97," Globe and Mail, 4 Iune 1997, A6.

Other electoral systems based on single member constituencies use a majoritarian formula based on the alternative vote or the second bailot. Multi-member proportional representation systems are essentially of two types: party List systems and the single

Portia Priegert, "Members wait for 'greening' of party," Calgary Herald, 16 August 1993, A6. tramferable formula. Mixed systems or additional member systems represent a

combination of plurality and PR formulas.

Proportional representation systems are by dennition designed to reduce the distortion

of political parties in Parliament according to the2 proportional success at the polls.

Although no system can provide a perfect correspondence between the proportion of votes

cast and representation, it is argued that PR fosters efficacy of the vote which fosters the

ideal of "one person, one vote."

In its most simple form, the party iist system, each party makes a list of candidates.

Then based on its percentage of the total votes cast, the party is allocated a corresponding

percentage of seats. Seats are allocated according to the top candidates on each list. Under

such a systern, if the seats were apportioned based on national results, three fringe parties

would have gained seats in the newly formed House of Commons (see Table 6.4). If the

seats were apportioned province-by-province, there would still be a Liberal minority government but with the following composition: Liberals, 115; Refom Party, 59;

Progressive Conservatives, 59; New Democrats, 38; Bloc Quebecois, 29; Green Party, 1.

Liberal 116 BQ 33 Reform 58 Green 2 PC 57 Christian Heritage 1 NDP 33 Natural Law 1

Source: "Election 97," Globe and Mail, 4 June 1997, A6. Section 6.3

There are additional factors reducing the number of parties and hence, following our

argument, reducing tumout. Prior to 1993, each political candidate needed the

endorsement of 25 electors and was required to provide a $200 deposit to the returning

ofncer of the riding. To be eligible for registration each party had to have at Least twelve

representatives in the previous federai Parliament, or had to nominate at least 50

candidates to run in the election. Registered parties were eligible to run candidates with

the party name designated on the ballot, issue tax receipts to donors, and be reimbursed by the federal govemment for specific expenses.

Under the recently amended Elections Act, which professor Frederick Fletcher says was designed "to deter independent candidates and candidates from srnalier parties," those parties not fielding a minimum of 50 candidates at a cost of $50,000 are automatidy made to forfeit their registration."

In 1988, the Social Credit Party fielded only nine candidates. However, it was officially recognized as a party because of its long political history. This was made possible because, under old legislation, it was up to the chef electoral officer to decide whether a party would actuaüy lose its registration if it failed to field 50 candidates. in

1993 and 1997, the Communist Party, which has had a longer existence than the Social

Credit Party, was denied official status. The reason being that now, under the new law, the chief electoral ofncer has lost his discretionary role.

na Thomas Claridge, "Election Act may be unconstitutional," Globe and Mail, 1 May 1997, A6. Under this new legislation, which has also been described as "an economic means test

to dent the economically marginalized the enjoyment of full and unnltered access to the

democratic process," the party aiso loses its right to issue tac receipts to donors, List its

name on the ballot, and receive access to broadcasting Bill C-114 also States

that a deregistered party has ninety days to file a &ancial retum, Liquidate the party's

assets, pay its debts and forward the balance to the chief electoral officer, who then tunis

it over to the government. "As we see it, this legislation is a venus flytrap that aims to

eliminate aU the small parties and dissenthg voices in Canada," said Communist Party

leader Figueroa. "It Lures smail parties with the promise of tax receipts and baiiot-paper recognition, while raising the financial threshold so high that small parties, by definition undefended, will be quickly pushed to the wall. There they wiil face Section 31 (11-15), the sehre of their bank accounts and the annihilation of their organizati~ns.'~The

Green, Christian Heritage and Rhinoceros parties expressed similar outrage.

On April 30, 1997, the Communist Party of Canada launched a constitutional challenge against these revisions. Madam Justice Anne Malloy was asked to declare unconstitutional provisions to the Canada Elections Act that since 1993 have adversely affected Canada's smail political parties. Peter Rosenthal, lawyer for the CPC, asked judge

Malloy to finci that Bill C-114 denied these parties freedom of expression, fieedom of association and equal benefit of the law without discrimination as guaranteed to them in

Charlie McKenrie, "Why the voice of the Rhin0 isn't heard in the land," Giobe und Mail, 25 April 1997, A19.

Miguel Figueroa, "How the Elections Act mugged the Communist Party," Globe and M ail, 29 Aprü 1997, A19. the Charter of Rights and Freedum."' Federai lawyer Debra McAllister argued that

the matter be postponed until after the election. Malloy rejected her bid.

The following day the constitutional challenge was adjourned until November 17, but

not before Justice MaUoy granted the Communist Party $20,000 in compensation for legal

fees and promised to file an injunction requiring the Communist name to appear beside

that of Miguel Figueroa, leader of the CPC and candidate in the Davenport riding. "There

is no principle more profoundly central to a democracy that the rÏghts of its citizens to participate in fiee and open elections," declared Justice Malioy. "The issues raised by the plaintiff go to the core of Our electoral system... these issues are of importance to Canadian society as a hol le."^"

Judge Malloy, of the Ontario Court's General Division, filed the injunction on May

8. However, an Ontario court rejected Figueroa's bid, which it deemed as "inappropriate because it came on the eve of the election and would have required the Chief Electoral

Officer to break the la^."^'^ Judge Mailoy's injunction was rejected. Figueroa and twelve Communist candidates ran as independent candidates in the 1997 election. The

Natural Law, Green, Marxist-Leninis t, Canadian Action and Christian Heritage parties, while continuhg to express disapproval, managed to field the required 50 candidates. As for the Rhinoceros Party, they have not competed in an election since 1988.

"' Thomas Claridge, "ElectionAct may be unconstitutional,"Globe and Mail, May 1997, A6.

282 "Cornmunisthead wins right to nin for party in Toronto,"Halifnx Chronicle Herald, 9 May 1997, A10.

Ua "No go for Communists," Vancouver Sun, 14 May 1997, A4. While it has been suggested that smalier parties are blowing the increase out of proportion, one must be aware of their particular position within the electord fiamework.

For instance, under the law, candidates who receive 15 percent or more of the valid votes in their riding are eiigible for the retum of one-half of their $1000 nomination deposits.

The remaining $500 is refundable if the candidate submits an election's expenses return within the prescribed thne Mt. AU unrefunded deposits are forfeited to the Crown.

Fringe candidates can meet the second criteria but it is unlikely that they can meet the first. Unlike their Conservative, Liberal, Reform, Bloc and NDP counterparts, ninge candidates consistentiy see half of their deposit forfeited to the Crown. For smaii cash-strapped parties, the loss of $25,000 is significant. Furthemore, the loss of tax, ballot, and broadcast priviieges only further serves to rnarginalize these parties.

Elections are serious business. They are also more expensive if more candidates are on the baiiot. Therefore, 1 believe that certain desand regdations regarding registration are required. If you are a credible candidate representing a credible party, you cm put down a modest deposit and mn.

Democracy is best served when the electord process is inclusive rather than exclusive. However, election procedures, which are central to the operation of our political system, tend to favour traditional parties and their candidates. By impiementing new qualifïcations, the hancial threshold bas been raised so high that smalier parties, by definition undebded, are pushed to the wall. At the end of the day, several hge parties have Little hope of coming up with a minimum of $50,000 to run candidates in at least 50 of the 301 ridings. If the fee were dropped back to $200 and the number of required candidates Iowered to twelve then the party would initially have to put up $2400.

After the election was concluded and the candidates were reimbursed for submitting their

expenses, the candidates would each have spent $100 instead of $500. For the hge

parties that regularly field candidates, politics in Canada would become a more open

system.

As for the courts, one can only wait and see what happens. The constitutionai challenge

may be successful; then again, it rnay not.

Conclusion

The people who work on the poiiticai figes play an important role in a healthy poiiticai system. Past experience indicates that figeparties are capable of rnobilizing a core group of voters and using this support to pressure other candidates to change their positions on certain issues or help defeat candidates supporting diametrically opposed ideals. These parties can influence parties in power by putting forth policies that are popular with the people, place new issues on the agenda and give voice to alternative ideas. However, if an electoral system is to be fair, their positions need to be articulated where it counts - in the House of Commons.

The faimess of the electoral system requires equal access to the House of Commons for figeparties who represent the special interests of their supporters. In this regard, our electoral system creates obstacles to the election of such candidates. Rather than depriving the system of alternative voices, hge parties should be encouraged to contribute effectively to public debate. A system of proportional representation would allow for the representation of interests that are net normdy represented under the single-member plurality system. A more representative electoral system would also increase voter tumout and give a voice to the 60 or so percent of voters who do not support the govemment but mainstream opposition parties.

Changes to the electoral system and the registration process would serve fige parties well by increasing their prospect of electing members. Whether the suggested proposals will be initiated rernains to be seen. If not, it is likely that Canada's alternative parties will remah not ody on the political fige but outside of the normal electoral process aitogether. The traditional nineteenth-century view of Parliament revolved around a twwparty system. Based on the British example, the system was bst chailenged by the Patrons of

Industry and the McCarthyites in 1896. At the same time, these precursors to modem hge parties were considered an aberration. It was not unti1 1921 that the

Liberd-Coaservative duopoly was challengeci when the Progressives were elected in signincant numbers. Emerging as a protest movement formed by Western agrarian interests, the Progressive Party constituted the £ïrst third-party challenge to the twwparty system. Since 1921 third parties have been suficiently strong to prevent complete dominance of election outcomes by the two largest parties, the Liberals and the

Progressive Conservatives. The success of fige parties such as the Patrons of Industry and the McCarthyites, and the success of third parties such as the Progressives and Social

Creditors can be attributed to the fact that their support was concentrated in particular regions, giving them the bonus associated with the plurality system. The same argument can be made regarding the Reform Party and the Bloc Quebecois. Fringe party candidates, with a tiny dispersed base of support have not been so fortunate. In fact, ody the Patrons of Industry and the McCarthyites in 1896 and the Communist Party in 1943 and 1945 successfully elected candidates. If we ask the average Canadian to name a politicai party, chances are that the most

comrnon responses would be Liberals, Conservatives, New Dernocrats, Reformers and the

Bloc Quebecois. Nevertheless, more than a hundred other parties have Eelded candidates

in federal elections. Their motives, platforms, policies, leadership style and support base

have been varied and their success unusudly poor, but most have agreed on one thing: the electoral system continues to restrict their development. In fact, these parties believe that politics in Canada is indeed a closed system - and they are outside of it.

To work outside the rnainstream, these people require a high degree of motivation and a passionate belief in their cause. They face not only an electoral system which makes success difficult, but they face a citizenry who is often unaware of their policies and platforms. Since the people who work on the politicai kinges play a role in a healthy democracy, by introducing new concepts onto the political landscape and providing an alternative outlet for Canadian voters, they are an important ingredient in a democratic society.

The creation of fige parties is symptomatic of a seething discontent about the

Canadian system and the existing political vehicles. The people and parties working on the political fringes play a role whose importance far exceeds their nurnbers. They represent alternatives in terms of both candidates and public poiicy. As a result, they formulate alternative positions; represent social and econornic protests that are not given voice by the traditional or third parties; enter elections in order to cal1 attention to new issues; sometimes advocate unpopular policies; and occasionally force the major parties to adapt the substance of their platforms. Even parties lüce the Communist Party of Canada and the Marxist-Leninist Party, with a program designed to replace our present

system, may be functional in that they provide a Legitimate and peaceful outlet for the

expression of dissent. Were this dissent to be expressed through rioting, bombing, and

kidnapping, the effect would be devastating. In addition, by providing focal points for

dissent, fige parties keep us aware of the fact that certain portions of society have

grievances that must be dealt with, if not accommodated. T'us, parties operating on the

fkinge provide numerous useful hinctions.

Crepaz's argument, as previously stated, suggests that voter tumout tends to be higher in systems with a broad politicai spectnun. It is also argued that voting is our most democratic activity. Therefore, it one believes in these arguments, one can conclude that democracy is best served by having a wide range of candidates representing diverse views. However, features of the political system pose significant extemai barriers to the creation and success of hgeparties. The proliferation of new parties was recently challenged by the more stringent official requirements in 1993 that deprived official party standing to parties such as the Rhinos and the Cornmunists. Bill C-114 not only attacks fringe parties but idkinges and endangers the public's right to free political expression and free political association - both of them nghts guaranteed in the Charter of Rights and

Freedoms.

Another obstacle to figeparty success is Canada's single member plurality system.

Comparative studies conducted by Blais and Carty concluded that proportional representation fosters higher tumout. Taking this a step Mer, Crepaz's study indicated that the greater the nurnber of parties involved in an election, the higher the voter tumout. Furthemore, according to his study, proportional representation is a precondition for the creation and growth of these alternative parties.

Since the implementation of Bill C-114, the number of fnnge parties competing in elections has deched. If we accept Crepaz's suggestion that a larger number of parties results in a higher voter tumout, the decline in the popular vote may be directly related to Bill C-114. However, it is not yet clear whether Bill C-II4 is directly related to decreased turnout. Any comection between the two cannot be deterxnined until future elections can be studied.

In my view, the absence of philosophical differences, as provided by fiinge parties, erodes the legitimacy of electoral democracy and thus is undesirable. Although elections do provide voters with a choice of candidates and give voters a Say in who foms the goveniment, our present system consistently fails to give parliamentary representation to a majority of people who do not support the victorious party.

Elections are serious business. As a result, 1 believe that candidate and monetary requirements are necessary in order to limit the number of participants in the electoral contest. If you are a credible candidate representing a credible party, candidate and monetary stipulations are not onerous requirernents. Such stipulations, if modesr, would reinforce the seriousness of the electoral process while continuing to allow for the representation of fige parties. At a minimum, fringe parties should be encouraged by lowering the registration quallications. Ideally, a system of proportional representation should be irnplemented as it would, generally speaking, give voice to al1 electors. More specifically, it would give a voice to fringe parties and their supporters. However, it takes strong forces to initiate change, and such change must be seen as profitable to the estabüshed politid parties. In aii reality, we may be left with the status quo. As a result, it is dificult to predict what the future holds for mge parties. The Workers' Party has arisen in consequence of the failure of the hitherto existing parties to co-ordinate and lead the working class in its struggles against capitalism. The Socialist parties have practically disappeared fiom the political scene owing to their sectarianism. The reformist labour parties have failed to recognize the class stniggle and function chiefly as electioneering machines. In opposition to the principles and tactics of the above parties the Workers' Party will stnve to be at one and the same time a party of action which is also the party of the masses.

The general programme of the Workers' Party shail be:

1. To consolidate the existing labour organizations and develop them into organizations of militant stmggle against capitalism, to permeate the labour unions and strive to replace the present reactionary leadership by revolutionary leadership.

2. To participate in the elections and the generai political life of the country. Its representatives in the various legislative and administrative institutions will expose the sham of democracy of capitalism and help to mobilize the workers for the final stmggle against the capitalist state. They will give conscious and public expression to the everyday grievances of the working class in concrete demands upon the capitalist govemments and their institutions.

3. To lead in the fight for the Unmediate needs of the workers, broaden and deepen their demands, organize and develop out of their everyday suuggles a force for the abolition of capi talism.

4. To work for the overthrow of capitalism and capitalist dictatorship by the conquest of political power, the establishment of the working class dictatorship and the workers' republic. The present war is an Mperialist and unjust war for which the bourgeoisie of all the beliigerent States bear equal responsibility. in no country cm the Communist Parties or the working class support the war. The bourgeoisie is not conducting the war against fascism as Chamberlain and the leaders of the Labour Party pretend. War is dedon between two groups of imperialist countries for world domination. The international working class may under no condition defend Fascist Poland, which has refused the aid of the Soviet Union and repressed other nationaiities.

The division of States into fascist and democratic States has now lost its former sense. From this point of view the tactic must be changed. The tactic of the Communist Parties in the belligerent countries in this first stage of the war is to operate against the war, to unmask its imperidkt character.

The Cornmunist Parties have fought against the supporters of Munich because these have prevented a red anti-fascist bont with the participation of the Soviet Union in order to be able to carry on a robber war. The war has fundamentally changed the situation. . . . It must be made clear to the masses that war will bring them nothing but new troubles and misery. . . .

The Communist Parties have to take on everywhere the offensive struggle against the treacherous policy of . The Communist Parties which acted contrary to those tactics must now imrnediately correct their policy. The Cornmunist Party of Canada recommends the foiiowing policies for Canada to be a true voice for peace and dismament in the world. We believe that an independent, made-in-Canada policy of a just peace, reduced military spending and respect for the sovereign nghts of nations to equality and self-determination would beset serve the interests of Canadians.

The Communist Party supports a defence policy that refiects the interests of the majonty of Canadian citizens, labour, women, youth, seniors and abonginal peoples, rather than the narrow, profit-oriented interests of Canadian transnational corporations. Under capitalism the threat of wars of different types will not disappear, but it is essential to adopt policies which can reduce the danger of war significantly.

Specifically, the CPC recommends the following:

1. Limit Canadian anned forces to:

(a) preservation of Canada's territorial integrïty, such as land borders, the Arctic archipelago and the 20û-mil offshore limit,

@) aid to federai, provincial and municipal govemments for civil, but not political, emergencies, such as search and rescue and natural disasters; ban the military fiom involvement in the democratic right of nations in Canada to exercise the right to self-determination,

(c) the original, non-intewentionist mandate of U.N. peacekeeping.

2. Cut military spending by half, to reflect the needs of military's new roie; in particular, cut Canada's high seas navy and submarines and both the "multi-purpose" or "specialized" mode1 for the armed forces as vague and a deceptive cover for Canadian participation in U.N./imperialist "peacekeeping" operations.

3. Make a real peace dividend; create a child care program, and improve existing programs which have been viciously gutted; improve environmental protection programs; immediately begin a conversion program to create jobs for laid off or demobilized military base personnel, and to assist communities affecteci by based closures. 4. Full Parliamentary debate prior to cornmitmeni of armed forces outside of Canada.

5. Amend the constitution and laws to impose strict safeguards on the use of the Canadian military, reflecting points 1 and 4.

6. Withdraw £rom NATO and NORAD; remove NAFTA's military clauses; revoke the Canada4J.S. Test and Evaluation Agreement, under which the cruise missile and other weapons can be tested; ban low level Elight testing over all temtories which are the subject of unresolved land claims by First Nations, particularly in Labrador, and everywhere else.

7. Absolute and cornprehensive disarmament of nuclear and dl weapons of mass destruction; a strong comprehensive test ban treaty; permanent renewal of a much more comprehensive Non-Proliferation Treaty; stop the export of nuclear matenals, components and technology to countries which have not signed the NPT, such as Taiwan; oppose imperialism's "ktstrike" nuclear weapons policy; halt al1 public and private involvement with nuclear weapons development, including the still active Star Wars program; ban visits by nuclear armed naval vessels and submarines; make Canada a nuclear weapons fiee zone.

8. Work to declare the use of nuclear weapons illegai in international law; make a submission to the World Court which wïil decide the issue by September 20, 1994.

9. Work for comprehensive, balanced and verified disarmament of di military forces; encourage confidence-building measures between nations such as de-militarized zones, including in the Arctic region.

10. Strict controls and clearer reports on al1 arms exports, re-exports and impoas, with enforced end-use rules; and al1 govemment funding and programs to market Canadian arms; ban arms exports to govemments which threaten or violate the sovereignty of nations.

11. Clear, comprehensive reports on DND procurements by contractors, region and amount; and arms industry employment, production and analysis.

12. Expose and end the corruption of UN peacekeeping into peacemaking for imperiaiist interests; and sanctions against Iraq; retum to the original purposes for peacekeeping, to promote a negotiated solution to international conflict; oppose the continuing violation of international law and the sovereign nghts of nations by UN Secunty Council-approved and other military forces; work to increase the authority of the UN General Assembly and to make the Security Council more representative of UN members. 13. Support a completely new relation to smd and les economically advanced countries based on equaiity and mutual respect; promotion of Law-govemed international relations for a new international economic order of equal, mutually beneficial economic relations; support for the democratic right of nations to self-determination and non-interference in the affairs of other countries.

14. Peaceful co-existence and niendship with socialist and developing counhies.

15. StBpenalties for Nazi sympathizers, racists and other far-right elernents within or organizing within the armed forces.

16. Review the content of training and education among aU ranks with the ahof ensuring cornpliance with international law and fostering a greater understanding of human rights, history and social sciences, in addition to miiitary science.

17. Promote more public reviews or studies of Canada's historic role in nuclear weapons developrnent and proMeration, the arms trade, operations within Canada, foreign Canadian military operations and compliance with international law, Canada-U.S. militq reiations, and the training of foreign military forces.

18. Encourage public participation in regular reviews of defence and foreign policy; conduct combined defence and foreign policy reviews. The main thing in the program Stop Paying the Rich is the change in the direction of the economy. The direction at this time is to finance the rich. Various bourgeois politicai parties openly clah that if the rich are more successhl, the economy will be better. They then dole out rnonies for ''job creation." The mechanisrn, the method established to pay the rich is to have the state take ail the risks and let the nch reap al1 the benefits. It is this mechanism and this method which will be abolished with the program Stop Paying the Rich. Neither wiU the state take the risks, nor will the rich reap the benefits.

A new mechanism, a new method wiU be established by implementing the Stop Paying the Rich program. The state would develop the sectors of health care and education and increase funding for social programs in order to ensure that ail the vulnerable sections of the society are looked after. Production would then have a very a broad base and the economy would begin to satisfy the increasing material and cultural needs of the people.

Changes will be brought about in the political rnechanism to make the elected officiais subordinate to the electorate. People will be able to set an agenda and participate in govemance. A modem constitution will follow which will not only defend national sovereignty, but aiso guarantee the sovereignty of the people. For all intents and purposes, the working class will constitute itself the nation, ensuring that al1 people have rights by dint of their being human.

The starting point of the change in the direction of the economy is to establish the Stop Paying the Eüch program. A moratorium on the debt will be immediately declared under this program. AU financial institutions, banks and trusts will be nationalized. The education and health sectors of the economy will receive first-rate attention, and social programs will look after dl the vulnerable sections of the people.

This new mechanism, this new method whereby the state openly interferes on behdf of the people will be further perfected by people actudly goveming themselves. It is this mechanism, this method which must be estabiished by the people declaring themselves on the side of the program to Stop Paying the Rich. The main thing is to s~ppoathis mechanism, this method which stops paying the nch, on the other hand, and start looking &ter the well-being of everyone, especially the most vuherable sections of the society, on the other. Books

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----- "Communist up in arms over party property sale." Globe and Mail (21 October 1991), A4.

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Pamp Mets

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iivinur rvHLUNIIUN TEST TARGET (QA-3)

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