AC Vol 41 No 19
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Country Advice Zimbabwe Zimbabwe – ZWE36759 – Movement for Democratic Change – Returnees – Spies – Traitors – Passports – Travel Restrictions 21 June 2010
Country Advice Zimbabwe Zimbabwe – ZWE36759 – Movement for Democratic Change – Returnees – Spies – Traitors – Passports – Travel restrictions 21 June 2010 1. Deleted. 2. Deleted. 3. Please provide a general update on the situation for Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) members, both rank and file members and prominent leaders, in respect to their possible treatment and risk of serious harm in Zimbabwe. The situation for MDC members is precarious, as is borne out by the following reports which indicate that violence is perpetrated against them with impunity by Zimbabwean police and other Law and Order personnel such as the army and pro-Mugabe youth militias. Those who are deemed to be associated with the MDC party either by family ties or by employment are also adversely treated. The latest Country of Origin Information Report from the UK Home Office in December 2009 provides recent chronology of incidents from July 2009 to December 2009 where MDC members and those believed to be associated with them were adversely treated. It notes that there has been a decrease in violent incidents in some parts of the country; however, there was also a suspension of the production of the „Monthly Political Violence Reports‟ by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (ZHRF), so that there has not been a comprehensive accounting of incidents: POLITICALLY MOTIVATED VIOLENCE Some areas of Zimbabwe are hit harder by violence 5.06 Reporting on 30 June 2009, the Solidarity Peace Trust noted that: An uneasy calm prevails in some parts of the country, while in others tensions remain high in the wake of the horrific violence of 2008…. -
Volume 30, December, 1984 Chad, Page 33310 © 1931-2006 Keesing's Worldwide, LLC - All Rights Reserved
Keesing's Record of World Events (formerly Keesing's Contemporary Archives), Volume 30, December, 1984 Chad, Page 33310 © 1931-2006 Keesing's Worldwide, LLC - All Rights Reserved. CHAD Effects of worsening famine The widespread drought affecting all of Sahelian Africa during 1984 had particularly severe effects on Chad, including the cotton producing areas in the south of the country, which were normally free from famine. The resultant problems of food shortages and the breakdown of farming communities were exacerbated by continuing fighting between government and pro-GUNT rebel forces in the south, with the result that thousands fled from their homes to refugee camps in Sudan and the Central African Republic (CAR). The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) estimated on Oct. 11 that up to 30,000 Chadians had crossed into Sudan to escape from the effects of the drought. Appealing for international food aid, the Ministry of Natural Disasters on Sept. 8 spoke of ‘countless’ people and cattle dying from starvation and the consumption of poisonous roots and plants, while a representative of the British Red Cross warned in early November that Chad was facing a famine crisis of potentially more disastrous proportions than that suffered by Ethiopia, since massive transport and logistical problems would need to be surmounted before any major relief operation could be launched. Continued fighting in south At the end of June, Radio Bardai claimed that renewed clashes were currently taking place south of the capital, Ndjaména, between government forces and ‘commandos’ of the National Liberation Army (NLA—set up under the ‘National Peace Government’ established by eight of the original GUNT factions in October 1982-see page 32104). -
Dismantling the System of Mugabeism
Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic or mechanical including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the author. ISBN 978-3-00-059482-3 First Edition © 2018 1 Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism Dedication. To my fellow Zimbabweans, we defeated Mugabe the person but Mugabeism is still intact. We must dismantle this system and bring total democratization of our country Zimbabwe. My children Lilly, Tanaka and Nkosilathi,Jr you don’t deserve to grow up in such a collapsed country which is now a shadow of itself. This is the little contribution I can make towards challenging a regime which is putting your future at stake. ‘This is the history of a failure’ (Che Guevara, The African Dream) 2 Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism Foreword. I feel refreshed and motivated to write this book in this new-old political dispensation. New in the sense that, this is the first time ever since I was born to see this country having another President who is not Robert Gabriel Mugabe and old in the sense that those who are now in power are the same people who have been in charge of this country for the past four decades working alongside Mugabe. Yes Mugabe has gone but the system he created is still intact. Are the Mnangagwas of this world going to reform and become ambassadors of peace, tolerance, democracy and respect of the rule of law? Or they will simply pick up the sjamboks from where Mugabe left them and perpetuate his legacy of brutality? Is corruption going to end considering that a few former Ministers who were arrested by Mnangagwa’s administration were being used as scapegoats, most of the criminals and kleptocrats who committed serious crimes against humanity and corruption are still serving in the post-Mugabe ZANU PF government? The same old people who bled Zimbabwe dry serving in the kleptocratic regime of Robert Mugabe are the same people who are serving under Mnangagwa. -
The Real Change Times Movement for Democratic Change a Party of Excellence! the Official Mouthpiece of the MDC
Iz qula enzo u I G ze o n ir z it o a G M u q a j u n l i a h C C h o i r n i t j i a a M M a a i j t i n r i o h C The Real Change Times Movement for Democratic Change A Party of Excellence! The Official Mouthpiece of the MDC Tuesday 26 June MDC Information & Publicity Department, Harvest House, 44 Nelson Mandela Ave, Harare, Zimbabwe Issue 112 2012 MDC not formed to fight army The MDC was formed to fight Zanu PF formed to fight the army; it was formed who was one of the election observers and not the army, a parliamentarian said to contest Zanu PF,” he added. in Malawi’s first ever democratic last week. election in the early 1990s said people Hon Chitando explained that the must differentiate between transfer of Masvingo Central Member of the introduction of the motion was power and transitional process. House of Assembly, Hon Jeffreyson motivated by the fact that Zimbabwe Chitando said this when he introduced will hold elections within a year and “I would like to emphasise on the a motion to deal with pre and post- the manifestations of violence already transfer of power which would happen election transition. emerging in the country. where the winner is declared and the loser acknowledges the election; that is Hon Chitando’s call comes in the wake Before the start of the debate, during transfer of power. of peaceful power transition in Zambia, the Prime Minister’s Question and Malawi, Senegal and Lesotho. -
JOURNAL of AFRICAN ELECTIONS Vol 4 No 2 Oct 2005 VOLUME 4 NO 2 1
JOURNAL OF AFRICAN ELECTIONS JOURNAL OF JOURNAL OF AFRICAN ELECTIONS Special Issue on Zimbabwe’s 2005 General Election Vol 4 No 2 Oct 2005 Vol Volume 4 Number 2 October 2005 VOLUME 4 NO 2 1 Journal of African Elections Special Issue on Zimbabwe’s 2005 General Election ARTICLES BY Peter Vale Norman Mlambo Sue Mbaya Lloyd M Sachikonye Choice Ndoro Bertha Chiroro Martin R Rupiya Sehlare Makgelaneng Volume 4 Number 2 October 2005 2 JOURNAL OF AFRICAN ELECTIONS Published by EISA 14 Park Rd, Richmond Johannesburg South Africa P O Box 740 Auckland Park 2006 South Africa Tel: +27(0)11 482 5495 Fax: +27(0)11 482 6163 e-mail: [email protected] © EISA 2005 ISSN: 1609-4700 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher. Copy editor: Pat Tucker Printed by: Global Print, Johannesburg Cover photograph: Reproduced with the permission of the HAMILL GALLERY OF AFRICAN ART, BOSTON, MA, USA www.eisa.org.za VOLUME 4 NO 2 3 EDITORS Denis Kadima, EISA, Johannesburg Khabele Matlosa, EISA, Johannesburg EDITORIAL BOARD Tessy Bakary, Office of the Prime Minister, Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire David Caroll, Democracy Program, The Carter Center, Atlanta Luis de Brito, EISA Country Office, Maputo Jørgen Elklit, Department of Political Science, University of Aarhus, Denmark Amanda Gouws, Department of Political Science, University of Stellenbosch Abdalla Hamdok, International -
The Struggle for Democracy in the Political Minefield of Zimbabwe
THE STRUGGLE FOR DEMOCRACY IN THE POLITICAL MINEFIELD OF ZIMBABWE A STORY OF THE POLITICAL VIOLENCE EXPERIENCED BY BLESSING CHEBUNDO, MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT, KWEKWE MOVEMENT FOR DEMOCRATIC CHANGE, ZIMBABWE Julius Caesar wrote: “I came, I saw, I conquered”. And I say: “I entered the Zimbabwe Political arena, I fight for Democracy, I will continue the struggle”. My story starts with the Zimbabwe Constitutional Referendum, held on the 12th February 2000, which saw President Robert Mugabe’s Zanu PF getting its first national defeat in the Political Arena and thereby setting the tone for Zimbabwe’s political violence. Sensing danger of a political whitewash by the newly formed MDC, Zanu PF gathered all its violent political might to crush the young MDC Party and its supporters. By voting against the changes in the Zimbabwe Constitutional Referendum, the people of Zimbabwe had taken heed of the call by the combined efforts of the MDC and the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) and had demonstrated their intolerance to the misrule of the prior 20 years by Zanu PF. As is 1 already known, the first targets were the white commercial farmers, their workers and the MDC activists. The whirlwind of political violence began with an opening bang in February 2000!! I had worked with Paul Themba Nyathi both under the NCA and since the inception of the MDC, during the peoples pre-convention. Pre-convention is the period for intensive coordination of Civic Society organisations leading to the birth of the MDC. Paul was a member of the MDC’s interim National Executive Committee (NEC), whilst I was the Interim Provincial Chairman for Midlands North. -
Political Violence Report: the Campaign of Recrimination 16-31 March 2002
ZIMBABWE HUMAN RIGHTS NGO FORUM POLITICAL VIOLENCE REPORT: THE CAMPAIGN OF RECRIMINATION 16-31 MARCH 2002 A report by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum 28 March 2002 Political Violence Report: Update to 25 March 2002 Overview Despite the fact that the ruling party, Zanu-PF, retained the presidency, there has been a chain of retributive attacks against MDC office bearers and supporters. The post-election period has seen a determined attack on those who served as MDC polling agents in the just ended Presidential election. Five MDC polling agents have since been reported as having been murdered for serving the opposition. Three of these were allegedly killed by soldiers. Other attacks have been in the form of abductions and torture of polling agents as well as the burning of their homes. Polling agents as well as other opposition party supporters are being forced to flee their rural homes out of fear. MDC polling agents have had to flee from Gokwe East and West, Chipinge North, Buhera South and Mazowe East. Politically motivated murders committed in the post-poll period totalled 11 bringing the total since the 1st of March to 16. Of those murdered 12 were MDC supporters, 3 of unknown political affiliation while the sixteenth was a war veteran. There has been a resurgence of attacks on commercial farmers and farm-workers. Scores of farmers have been evicted from their farms without notice by militia, or have had property damaged or looted. As will be evident from the bar graph below. The cumulative total cases of torture are alarming. -
Africa Briefing, Nr. 38: Zimbabwe's Continuing Self-Destruction
Update Briefing Africa Briefing N°38 Pretoria/Brussels, 6 June 2006 Zimbabwe’s Continuing Self-Destruction I. OVERVIEW increasingly close to martial law. It has banned rallies, marches and prayer meetings during the period surrounding the anniversary and put security forces With scheduled presidential elections less than eighteen on high alert. Growing numbers of students, religious months away, Zimbabwe faces the prospect of greater activists and members of other civil society groups have insecurity and violence. The economy’s free fall has been detained. deepened public anger, and the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) party wants The rising influence of the military leadership in the to avoid a popular vote by using the legislature it controls succession struggle is troubling. Zimbabwe’s armed to establish a “transitional presidency” and appoint a forces have always been a pillar of the ruling party’s successor to Robert Mugabe, who has said he will retire. power but recent months have seen increasing military By engineering a transition, Mugabe also intends to secure involvement in the party machinery and policy formulation. a dignified personal exit that includes a retirement package The crumbling economy has meant a loss of government and security guarantees. However, such plans may come revenues, and the military rank and file are being paid less unglued due to wrangling within ZANU-PF. Through all and at irregular intervals, leading them into criminality, this the opposition Movement for Democratic Change allegedly including cross-border armed robbery. (MDC) has been weakened by a major leadership split. Government difficulties in paying the troops raise a question of whether the security forces can still be relied Low voter turnout in November 2005 deprived the newly on to put down protests. -
Côte D'ivoire's Downfall: Flawed Civil-Military Relations and Missed Opportunities
Scientia Militaria, South African Journal of Military Studies, Vol 33, Nr 1, 2005. doi: 10.5787/33-1-5 89 NOT A MIRACLE AFTER ALL… CÔTE D'IVOIRE'S DOWNFALL: FLAWED CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS AND MISSED OPPORTUNITIES Asst. Prof. Boubacar N’Diaye Departments of Political Science and Black Studies The College of Wooster, Ohio, USA Introduction Long touted as an island of political stability and (relative) economic prosperity in West Africa, since December 24, 1999, Côte d’Ivoire* has joined the more common category in the sub-region: praetorian states mired in political uncertainty and unending turbulence. Indeed, on September 19, 2002, it came very close to collapsing altogether, a fate very few would dare to predict only a few weeks earlier. This stunning evolution started with the military regime of General Robert Guei, which lasted less than ten months. Eric Nordlinger’s definition of praetorianism as “a situation in which military officers [in the case of Africa non- commissioned officers as well] are major or predominant political actors by virtue of their actual or threatened use of force”1 fits Ivory Coast perfectly today. Political violence has already claimed thousands of victims. As witnessed in the recent resumption of fighting and bloody upheaval, the threat to the country and the entire sub-region has by no means disappeared − despite the Marcoussis and Accra agreements and continued efforts to end the crisis.2 Since that faithful Christmas Eve 1999, when the military peremptorily stepped on to the political scene, Cote d’Ivoire has definitely entered a critical era in * By decree dated October 14, 1985, the Ivoirian government decided to name the country "Côte d'Ivoire" and to no longer accept translations of this French name. -
ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT April 2004
ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT April 2004 COUNTRY INFORMATION & POLICY UNIT IMMIGRATION & NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Zimbabwe April 2004 CONTENTS 1 Scope of the Document 1.1 –1.7 2 Geography 2.1 – 2.3 3 Economy 3.1 4 History 4.1 – 4.193 Independence 1980 4.1 - 4.5 Matabeleland Insurgency 1983-87 4.6 - 4.9 Elections 1995 & 1996 4.10 - 4.11 Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) 4.12 - 4.13 Parliamentary Elections, June 2000 4.14 - 4.23 - Background 4.14 - 4.16 - Election Violence & Farm Occupations 4.17 - 4.18 - Election Results 4.19 - 4.23 - Post-election Violence 2000 4.24 - 4.26 - By election results in 2000 4.27 - 4.28 - Marondera West 4.27 - Bikita West 4.28 - Legal challenges to election results in 2000 4.29 Incidents in 2001 4.30 - 4.58 - Bulawayo local elections, September 2001 4.46 - 4.50 - By elections in 2001 4.51 - 4.55 - Bindura 4.51 - Makoni West 4.52 - Chikomba 4.53 - Legal Challenges to election results in 2001 4.54 - 4.56 Incidents in 2002 4.57 - 4.66 - Presidential Election, March 2002 4.67 - 4.79 - Rural elections September 2002 4.80 - 4.86 - By election results in 2002 4.87 - 4.91 Incidents in 2003 4.92 – 4.108 - Mass Action 18-19 March 2003 4.109 – 4.120 - ZCTU strike 23-25 April 4.121 – 4.125 - MDC Mass Action 2-6 June 4.126 – 4.157 - Mayoral and Urban Council elections 30-31 August 4.158 – 4.176 - By elections in 2003 4.177 - 4.183 Incidents in 2004 4.184 – 4.191 By elections in 2004 4.192 – 4.193 5 State Structures 5.1 – 5.98 The Constitution 5.1 - 5.5 Political System: 5.6 - 5.21 - ZANU-PF 5.7 - -
Zimbabwe: in Search of a New Strategy
ZIMBABWE: IN SEARCH OF A NEW STRATEGY 19 April 2004 ICG Africa Report N°78 Nairobi/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS ....................................................... i I. THE EVER DEEPENING CRISIS............................................................................... 1 A. THE ECONOMY’S COLLAPSE .................................................................................................2 B. DETERIORATING GOVERNANCE ............................................................................................3 1. Press freedoms ...........................................................................................................3 2. Political violence .......................................................................................................4 3. Civic freedoms...........................................................................................................5 4. Crackdown on corruption: Political scapegoating .....................................................6 II. MUGABE'S VICTORY ................................................................................................. 7 A. ZANU-PF: IN SEARCH OF LEGITIMACY................................................................................7 B. THE MDC: IN SEARCH OF A STRATEGY ................................................................................8 III. TALKS ABOUT TALKS............................................................................................. 10 A. THE PARTIES.......................................................................................................................10 -
Gouvernance Du Secteur De La Sécurité En Afrique De L'ouest : Les Défis À Relever
Alan Bryden, Boubacar N’Diaye et ‘Funmi Olonisakin (dir. publ.) Gouvernance du secteur de la sécurité en Afrique de l’Ouest : les défis à relever Centre pour le contrôle démocratique des forces armées – Genève (DCAF) LIT Alan Bryden, Boubacar N’Diaye et ‘Funmi Olonisakin (dir. publ.) Gouvernance du secteur de la sécurité en Afrique de l’Ouest : les défis à relever LIT Table des matières Avant-propos ix Préface xi Carte de l’Afrique de l’Ouest xiii Liste des abréviations xv I Introduction 1 Gouvernance du secteur de la sécurité en Afrique de l’Ouest : 3 comprendre les enjeux Alan Bryden, Boubacar N’Diaye et ‘Funmi Olonisakin II Etudes de cas 2 Le Bénin 29 Sadikou Ayo Alao et Theodore Loko 3 Le Burkina Faso 49 Larba Yarga et Halidou Ouedraogo 4 Le Cap-Vert 65 Adelino Handem 5 La Côte d’Ivoire 79 Raphaël Outtara 6 La Gambie 97 Abdoulaye Saine 7 Le Ghana 115 Eboe Hutchful 8 La Guinée 139 Boubacar N’Diaye 9 La Guinée-Bissau 159 Adelino Handem 10 Le Libéria 177 Thomas Jaye 11 Le Mali 195 Nouhoum Sangaré 12 La Mauritanie 215 Auteur anonyme et Boubacar N’Diaye 13 Le Niger 233 Boubacar Issa Abdourhamane 14 Le Nigéria 253 J. Kayode Fayemi et ‘Funmi Olonisakin 15 Le Sénégal 281 Saidou Nourou Tall 16 La Sierra Leone 295 Al-Hassan Kondeh 17 Le Togo 317 Comi M. Toulabor III Conclusion 18 Gouvernance du secteur de la sécurité en Afrique de l’Ouest : 339 relever les défis Alan Bryden, Boubacar N’Diaye et ‘Funmi Olonisakin Annexe A Instruments de la CEDEAO i.