Doing Gender on a College Campus Jeff Lockhart FCRH '13 Fordham University, Furj15@Fordham.Edu

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Volume 2 | Issue 1 Article 4

January 2014 Gendered Classrooms and Gendered Attire: Doing Gender on a College Campus Jeff Lockhart FCRH '13 Fordham University, [email protected]

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Recommended Citation Lockhart, Jeff CF RH '13 (2014) "Gendered Classrooms and Gendered Attire: Doing Gender on a College Campus," The Fordham Undergraduate Research Journal: Vol. 2 : Iss. 1 , Article 4. Available at: https://fordham.bepress.com/furj/vol2/iss1/4

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Research access to this iconographic tradition during his military career, of both Soror, otherwise portrayed as an orgiast, and Neoboule, Jeff Lockhart, FCRH ’13 and finds occasion to use it only after having cast Neoboule as a whose character wavers between positive and negative. Soror’s lascivious orgiast, as he does in fragments 30W-48W. Preserving manipulation in this instance, as demonstrated above, enhances the character of Neoboule as virtuous and beautiful would have the abusive force of the epode against Neoboule and Lycambes Gendered Classrooms and Gendered Attire precluded such an inclusion and thus limited his art. and satisfies yet another sympotic goal, the vilification and bitter rebuke of one’s enemies. Archilochos’s invocation of Amphido Research While these discrepancies are illustrative enough on their own to Doing Gender on a College Campus both meets the second function of sympotic poetry, praise of the indicate the Lycambids were more likely literary characters than dead or those not present, and embellishes the virtue of Soror. historical figures, consideration of both the perfection in their familial construction to fulfill various functions of poetry and the This, also, is impossible without manipulating Soror’s character. Gender and social identity rank as high priorities for undergraduate students, putting significant weight on their choice of apparel ridicule during symposia indicates another reasons for Archilo- For a possible attack on someone present, one need only look at and accessories. In a university, students must also navigate the pressures of academic disciplines, which have their own norms of chos to have characterized them the way he does. He thus erodes Archilochos’s inclusion of premature ejaculation. Since it is un- appearance and gender. Credibility in a discipline often hinges on one’s ability to conform to those disciplinary standards, but people their historicity all the more. In the sympotic context, we see an likely that he would imply that he himself had prematurely ejacu- whose social gender role does not match the gender of their discipline, such as womyn in the sciences or men in gender studies, will Archilochos who, attempting to maximize his anger against Lyc- lated and because such a phenomenon is a unique poetic topos find these two forces at odds. This study leverages statistical observations of clothing and accessories to examine how the gender ambes, establishes a familial construction that magnifies and mul- yet explicitly stated, that he refers to someone present to chide performances of undergraduate students are affected by the gender of their discipline of study. The results go beyond prior work and tiplies the force of his invective, while simultaneously fulfilling them for an event to which they admitted or are otherwise framed reveal a depth and complexity to the system of gender influence that challenges simplistic narratives about pressure to conform to Women’s Studies Women’s the objectives requisite of quality sympotic poetry. The combined is quite likely. The last two goals remaining, profession of erotic disciplinary gender norms. variation and contextual perfection signify manipulation of the attraction and description of sexual activity, are particularly reve- characters to meet the demands of the context. The symposium latory because they, were it not for the manipulation of the char- is not a setting in which it is hard to imagine Archilochos; in fact acters of Soror and Neoboule, would have been mutually exclu- a number of his fragments strongly suggest his participation.43 sive for Archilochos. For Archilochos to chide Lycambes with full Bowie claims that some of the major functions of poetry during force, he must debase Lycambes’s children, which he accomplishes Gender is a substantial field of study within the social sciences ness) connote “boy.” This notion that one can act out a specific symposia are: reflections of good and bad conduct, praise directed through the description of Neoboule. However, this affects his op- 1 at those not present, declaration of one’s own likes and dislikes tions both sympotically and abusively: he cannot, if Neoboule is (frequently, gender and womyn’s studies even have their own de- gender relies upon an understanding of gender as socially con- pronunciations of erotic attraction, descriptions of erotic experi- base, profess sexual attraction or activity since it would drag him partments), and the field owes much of its prowess to the theories structed rather than innate or biologically determined. In Butler’s ence, criticism of those present, and vilification of enemies.44 Each down and destroy the potency of his diatribe. Furthermore, it of social construction and performativity. Central to theories of words, “gender is performative[,] a certain kind of enactment,” but of these rhetorical goals is met singly by the “Cologne Epode”—the eliminates the invective possibility of the implication of abscond- social construction is that norms of what is masculine or femi- “the ‘appearance’ of gender is often mistaken as a sign of its inter- starkest example of character variation for the sake of increased ing with the pure. Archilochos resolves this problem in Soror, nine are determined socially rather than biologically. Further, nal or inherent truth” (2009, p. i). Sociologist Michael Messner verbal assault in the Archilochean corpus. Soror’s comparison who creates the possibility of sexual attraction, completing his following Judith Butler (2009), performativity involves the idea (2000) explains how structural segregation of sexes, social pres- with Neoboule is a prime example of the first function, moral obligation to sympotic function, and enhances his derisive abili- that gender is a performance (a set of actions and choices people sure to conform from peers and superiors, cultural messages in reflection, and the third, expression of one’s likes and dislikes. ties against both Neoboule by means of comparison, and against make) that either conforms with or breaks those social norms. A the media, and one’s sense of self-identity interact to provide the However, this is impossible without manipulating the characters Lycambes by means of straightforward insult. central feature of gender performances involves a person’s choice conditions in which people make gendered choices throughout of apparel; for example, dressing according to the masculine norm their lives. is a way to perform masculinity. The social norms of gender gov- As numerous authors note,2 clothing is a major locus for gender Notes ern not only what appears as which gender, but also who should performance. Infant garments are gender segregated into pink and 1 M.L. West, Studies in Greek Elegy and Iambus (New York: Walter de 16 Ibid., 53. 36 Eustathius on Homer, Iliad. 25.775 (iv.836.1 V.d. Valk). appear each way, and people whose gender performances do not Gruyter & Co., 1974), 22. blue from birth. Even fantasy and role-playing costumes such as 17 37 conform are said to transgress gender boundaries. Ibid 53ff. Archilochus, frag. 207 West, Iambi et Elegi. those worn on Halloween are gendered not only by character, but 2 Ibid. 18 Neoboule’s sister refers to only one other in her house prepared to 38 Ibid., frag. 208. Many studies of gender issues have focused on students and by wearer (Nelson, 2000). Moreover, clothing can be an important 3 Aristotle. Aristotle in 23 Volumes. vol. 23, trans. by W.H. Fyfe (Cam- be married (“Cologne Epode,” 196aW). 39 bridge, MA: Harvard University Press) 1448b. Ibid., frag. 209. schools, and it has been widely recognized that some disciplines and conscious part of identity construction, as Mary Bucholtz’ 19 Ibid. 40 are gendered feminine (e.g. language and humanities) and oth- (1999) work on high school nerd girl culture demonstrates. Raine 4 Theodore Waitz, Aristotelis Organon Graece, vol. 2. (1846, repr., Hesychius, Lexicon. 20 Lipsiae) 407. Ibid., 36-38. ers masculine (e.g. mathematics and sciences). There has been Dozier (2005) provides a broader overview of the trends that these 41 Archilochus, frag. 23 and 126 West, Iambi et Elegi: both fragments 23 21 5 Ralph M. Rosen, “Hipponax, Boupalos, and the Conventions of the Ibid., 10-11. and 126 make it very clear that Archilochos wielded his bitter words considerable work on the way a discipline’s gender affects student case studies examine. For her, bodies are treated and interpreted Psogos,” Transactions of the American Philological Association 118 proudly. 22 Archilochus, frag. 38 West, Iambi et Elegi. participation and scores (Steele, 1999), however, there has been as ongoing projects of gender performance; people are constantly (1988): 29-41. 42 M.L. West, “Some Oriental Motifs in Archilochus,” Zeitschrift für surprisingly little work on the way the gender of a discipline af- “doing gender” by making choices about how to appear and what 23 West, Studies in Greek, 123. 6 Ibid., 30. Papyrologie und Epigraphik 102 (1994): 1–5. fects students’ gender performance. This study leverages quanti- to wear, whether and how much to conform with or transgress 24 Ibid. 43 7 West, Studies in Greek, 22. Archilochus, frag. 196 , 168, et. cetera West, Iambi et Elegi. tative observations of clothing and accessories to examine how against gender norms, and what such conformity or transgression 25 Archilochus, frag. 193 West, Iambi et Elegi. 44 8 Ibid., 23. Ewen L. Bowie “Greek Table-Talk before Plato,” Rhetorica 11 (no. university students perform gender in the classrooms of gendered could gain or cost them—in some cases gender transgression can 4): 355–371; Rhétoriques de la conversation, de l’Antiquité à l’époque 26 Ibid., frag. 118. 9 Chris Camery, “Iambos,” in The Cambridge Companion to Greek Lyric, moderne, Actes de la table ronde de Paris, 4 juin 1993 (Autumn, 1993): disciplines. The results reveal a depth and complexity to the sys- be extremely costly to family, social, and professional goals (Mir, ed. Felix Budelmann, (Cambridge University Press: 2009) 150. 27 Ibid., frag. 48. 355-373. tem of gender influence and performance which challenges sim- 2009). This concept of “doing gender” was first introduced in West

10 Archilochus, frag. 207 West, Iambi et Elegi Graeci ante Alexandrum 28 Ibid., frag. 60. plistic narratives about pressure to conform to disciplinary gender and Zimmerman’s paper by that title in 1987, where they argued Cantati (Oxford University Press, 1971). norms. that we cannot not do gender, because all things we do risk being 29 West, Studies in Greek, 123. 11 Marius Victorinus, Grammar. perceived in a gendered way. 30 Archilochus, frag. 189 West, Iambi et Elegi. Doing Gender, Constructing Social Norms 12 Mnesiepes Inscription, B(E2) col. I 31 Ibid., frag. 35. Performing Gender on a College Campus 13 Archilochus, frag. 215 West, Iambi et Elegi: “I have no interest in As elementary teacher Gair Boldt (1996) points out, the theory of iambi or amusements.” This statement seems to equivocate Iambus with 32 Ibid., frag. 188. performativity sheds a great deal of light on the means by which The university is a major social institution for U.S. students dur- amusement. 33 Ibid., frag. 205. gender is produced and reproduced. Even her eight-year-old pu- ing their formative young adult years. Even during class, students 14 Homeric Hymn to Demeter, ll: 190-205 34 Ibid., frag. 206. pils recognize that some behaviors (e.g. playing with girls, writing rank social goals such as friendships and romantic relationships 15 Ralph Rosen, Making Mockery: The Poetics of Ancient Satire, (Oxford poetry) connote “girl” while others (e.g. sports, rough play, dirti- highest among their top concerns, and to that end they may put 35 University Press: 2007) 52. Herennius Philo, On the Different Meanings of Words (p. 194 Palmieri, 83 Nickau Ammonius). Thanks to Dr. Orit Avishai, my faculty mentor, for guiding the work, and reviewing the results and drafts. This work was approved by Fordham’s Institutional Review Board. 31 Published by DigitalResearch@Fordham, 2012 321 FURJ | Volume 2 | Spring 2012The Fordham Undergraduate Research Journal, Vol. 2 [2012], Iss. 1, Art. 4 www.furj.org FURJ | Volume 2 | Spring 2012

Research a great deal of thought into their appearances and gender perfor- Methodology In total, we observed 405 articles of clothing from 180 outfits in 9 mance (Holland, 1988; Mir, 2009). While academics have taken classes. Because some students attended multiple classes or days, To explore the influence of disciplinary gender norms in uni- a backseat to social interests and “extracurricular” development, the 180 outfits are drawn from fewer than 180 students. versity classrooms, I observed the apparel choices of students in students, faculty, and parents still agree that without the class- three types of classes. Masculine, feminine, and neutral classes are Results3 room, there is no university (Moffatt, 1991). Students, then, must

expected to represent the range of possible scenarios in which a Research balance social pressures with goals of academic achievement. This Gender neutral space. discipline’s gender norm might impact the gender performance of tension can become acutely evident in the classroom when there students. Because the masculine and feminine spaces are chosen The data from the gender neutral space can be seen in Table 1. is competition between the gender norm of one’s discipline and from upper level courses, self-selection is assumed to be at play. Womyn’s tops are substantially tighter than men’s tops, and tight- the broader norms for one’s gender. Borrowing West’s terminol- That is, students taking upper level womyn’s studies courses are er in general than either the masculine or feminine spaces. Men’s ogy, Dorte Marie Søndergaard (2005) coined the term “doing assumed to take part in to that feminine discipline either by major clothing tends to medium tightness. Womyn’s bottoms (skirts, academic” to describe how academic disciplines produce norms or elective choice. The effects of the discipline’s gender are expect- dresses, pants, shorts, etc.) were tight 80% of the time, with less for their members’ professional and gender performances. Profes- ed to be strong here because the students and those around them than 7% of instances classified as baggy. Both men’s and womyn’s sional credibility often hinges on one’s ability to conform to disci- are actively engaged in it. For this reason, classes which focused Table 1 (above) (below) bottoms were both overwhelmingly dark/drab, but 10% of plinary standards of speech and appearance. People whose social Womyn Men on multiple issues (e.g. gender and race) or which were required womyn’s bottoms were bright/feminine. Womyn’s tops were split gender role does not correspond to the gender of their discipline, The percent of garments worn by (a) womyn and (b) men in the gender-neutral space which fall into each for another program (e.g. a diversity requirement) were excluded. category. between dark and bright. Two thirds of men’s tops were classified such as womyn in the sciences, will find these forces at odds. Additionally, only coed classes were considered so that the impact as dark, however, and most of the remaining third fell into the To explore these competing pressures, this work compares pat- of and on gender minorities could be evaluated. silly/organization category. Regarding female accessories, 71% of terns of gendered dress across different disciplines in Fordham them were either bright or had bright accents, while 75% of male The following spaces were chosen for evaluation: University classrooms. Classroom spaces are intimately linked to accessories were dark. Generally, we see students of both genders academic disciplines not only by the subjects discussed in class, • Masculine spaces: upper-level classes in the Computer and Infor- in every category of color and fit for every garment, and the most but also by those who occupy the spaces (i.e. people participating mation Science department. Nationally, computer science is over- popular styles are the “gender appropriate” styles (e.g. tight for whelmingly populated by male students (England and Li, 2006), and in the discipline). Students’ choice of apparel during attendance is only 12.7% of students observed here were female. One-third of the womyn, dark for men). a visible aspect of their gender performance at a time when they department’s full time professors are female, but all classes in this Masculine space. are directly engaged with both the topics and community of the group had male instructors. Additionally, the discipline’s culture is discipline. As such, student apparel in classrooms is a prime posi- very masculine, even compared with other sciences. (Mukhopad- The masculine spaces exhibited interesting apparel patterns as tion from which to study the effects of gender norms on students hyay, 2004). well. For the male students, who make up the majority and de- within gendered disciplines. • Feminine spaces: upper-level classes in the department of Women’s fine the norm, the trend toward clothing of medium tightness Studies. These classes contain an overwhelmingly majority of female Table 2 (above) (below) held. However, it should be noted that when clothing was tight, Many studies have examined the case of womyn in the tradition- students, though the ratio of female to male students is less extreme Womyn Men it was often not fitted (as the category “tight/fitted” did encom- ally masculine disciplines of mathematics and sciences. National than in the masculine spaces. All observed professors were female. The percent of garments worn by (a) womyn and (b) men in the masculine space which fall into each pass), but rather it was simply small for the wearer. Like in the statistics by the National Science Foundation (England and Li, These classes focus on the traditionally feminine disciplines of gen- category. neutral space, dark/drab colors and patterns dominated, but male 2006) indicate that the sciences and engineering are overwhelm- der and womyn, and are within the generally feminine disciplines of humanities and social sciences (English & Li, 2006). students found more room to wear bright/feminine clothing and ingly dominated by men. Being taken seriously as a student, ex- clothing with bright accents here than anywhere else in the study. pert, or researcher in departments with only a handful of same- • Gender neutral spaces: low-level core courses which are required There were even a few instances of male students wearing bottoms gender peers is a difficult task because there are few same-gender of all Rose Hill undergraduate students. These classes have a nearly even sex distribution (54% female). No major student self-selection classified as bright/feminine, breaking the hegemonic social trend peers to make one’s gender expression seem normal. Further re- is assumed to be at play, because these courses are required of all of only dark bottoms. search on womyn in mathematics and physics shows that womyn students. Further, because they are considered general knowledge believe that, though gender is a critical component of their iden- for all students by the university, there is no assumed institutional Womyn in masculine spaces tend to conform to masculine ap- tity, they have a difficult time balancing the demands of feminin- or structural bias. pearance in several ways. They show no unnecessary skin and ity with disciplinary expectations of masculinity (Mukhopadhyay, wear even more baggy tops than the men. Their bottoms are al- Data was collected by observing the apparel of students who at- 2004; Ong, 2005). Members of these male-dominated communi- ways dark. And while men exhibit slightly lower rates of “dressy” tended classes in each of these groups. Each student’s clothing was ties expect other members to conform to their primarily mascu- clothing here than in neutral space, womyn are invariably casual evaluated using several categories and then tallied into that class’s line norms of thinking, speaking, and dressing but can be put off in the masculine spaces. With a cursory glance, they seem to be totals. Tops, bottoms, and accessories were all classified separate- by womyn who break broader cultural gender norms in order to meeting the space’s norm of masculinity better than some of the ly. Each article was classified first by its fit (tight/fitted, medium, Table 3 (above) (below) conform. In short, if womyn are too feminine, they do not meet male students. A closer examination tells a different story, howev- loose/baggy, torn, dressy), then by its color/pattern (bright/femi- Womyn Men the standards of scientist, but if they are too masculine, they do The percent of garments worn by (a) womyn and (b) men in the feminine space which fall into each er. Womyn’s bottoms are invariably tight/fitted, and they all have nine, accented bright/feminine, bright/silly/organizational, dark/ category. not meet the standards of womyn. In either case, they risk being decidedly feminine accents and top colors. For instance, although drab/masculine, skin showing). Articles were tallied for each cri- outcast. a female student may walk into one of these classes with a loose terion that they met. Students were not aware of this study while it black sweatshirt, she will invariably wear tight jeans and will likely This investigation explores whether similar processes might be was being conducted. In the end, we are left with the total number be wearing an accessory like a fuchsia scarf. at work in traditionally feminine disciplines (here, womyn’s & of garments matching each description (e.g. 8 baggy bottoms on gender studies), and how these tensions play out in more neutral males, 11 bright tops on females) for each class. Feminine space. environments. Although considerable work has been done with The coding scheme was based on the following assumptions: The feminine space demonstrates several interesting differences gender and college students, gender in graduate departments, and • Dark and drab colors and patterns are coded masculine, while bright from the other spaces. First, not only were womyn’s tops looser gender in K-12 classrooms, the gender performances of under- • Tight and fitted clothing is coded feminine, while loose and baggy and light colors and patterns are coded feminine (Nelson, 2000; than in any other space, they were also dramatically looser on graduates in classrooms and in feminine college disciplines are clothing is coded masculine (Dozier, 2005; Nelson, 2000; Mir, 2009). Messner, 2000). average than the attending men’s tops. Additionally, the portion under-studied. Furthermore, no prior work has been done com- • Showing skin (low cut or sleeveless tops, or tops which expose the • Primary colors and patterns or colors which represent an organiza- of drab/masculine accessories on female students is substantially paring the performances of undergraduates across masculine, midriff, as well as low rise bottoms or shorts and skirts which end tion (such as a university shirt) are gender neutral, because they are higher here than elsewhere (double the neutral space). In this way, feminine and neutral classroom spaces. well above the knee) is coded feminine (Dozier, 2005; Mir, 2009). marketed that way (Nelson, 2000). womyn seem to be rejecting their traditional gendered clothing 33https://fordham.bepress.com/furj/vol2/iss1/4 2 34 FURJ | Volume 2 | Spring 2012 www.furj.org Lockhart: Gendered Classrooms and Gendered Attire FURJ | Volume 2 | Spring 2012

expected to represent the range of possible scenarios in which a Research balance social pressures with goals of academic achievement. This Gender neutral space. discipline’s gender norm might impact the gender performance of tension can become acutely evident in the classroom when there students. Because the masculine and feminine spaces are chosen The data from the gender neutral space can be seen in Table 1. is competition between the gender norm of one’s discipline and from upper level courses, self-selection is assumed to be at play. Womyn’s tops are substantially tighter than men’s tops, and tight- the broader norms for one’s gender. Borrowing West’s terminol- That is, students taking upper level womyn’s studies courses are er in general than either the masculine or feminine spaces. Men’s ogy, Dorte Marie Søndergaard (2005) coined the term “doing assumed to take part in to that feminine discipline either by major clothing tends to medium tightness. Womyn’s bottoms (skirts, academic” to describe how academic disciplines produce norms or elective choice. The effects of the discipline’s gender are expect- dresses, pants, shorts, etc.) were tight 80% of the time, with less for their members’ professional and gender performances. Profes- ed to be strong here because the students and those around them than 7% of instances classified as baggy. Both men’s and womyn’s sional credibility often hinges on one’s ability to conform to disci- are actively engaged in it. For this reason, classes which focused Table 1 (above) (below) bottoms were both overwhelmingly dark/drab, but 10% of plinary standards of speech and appearance. People whose social Womyn Men on multiple issues (e.g. gender and race) or which were required womyn’s bottoms were bright/feminine. Womyn’s tops were split gender role does not correspond to the gender of their discipline, The percent of garments worn by (a) womyn and (b) men in the gender-neutral space which fall into each for another program (e.g. a diversity requirement) were excluded. category. between dark and bright. Two thirds of men’s tops were classified such as womyn in the sciences, will find these forces at odds. Additionally, only coed classes were considered so that the impact as dark, however, and most of the remaining third fell into the To explore these competing pressures, this work compares pat- of and on gender minorities could be evaluated. silly/organization category. Regarding female accessories, 71% of terns of gendered dress across different disciplines in Fordham them were either bright or had bright accents, while 75% of male The following spaces were chosen for evaluation: University classrooms. Classroom spaces are intimately linked to accessories were dark. Generally, we see students of both genders academic disciplines not only by the subjects discussed in class, • Masculine spaces: upper-level classes in the Computer and Infor- in every category of color and fit for every garment, and the most but also by those who occupy the spaces (i.e. people participating mation Science department. Nationally, computer science is over- popular styles are the “gender appropriate” styles (e.g. tight for whelmingly populated by male students (England and Li, 2006), and in the discipline). Students’ choice of apparel during attendance is only 12.7% of students observed here were female. One-third of the womyn, dark for men). a visible aspect of their gender performance at a time when they department’s full time professors are female, but all classes in this Masculine space. are directly engaged with both the topics and community of the group had male instructors. Additionally, the discipline’s culture is discipline. As such, student apparel in classrooms is a prime posi- very masculine, even compared with other sciences. (Mukhopad- The masculine spaces exhibited interesting apparel patterns as tion from which to study the effects of gender norms on students hyay, 2004). well. For the male students, who make up the majority and de- within gendered disciplines. • Feminine spaces: upper-level classes in the department of Women’s fine the norm, the trend toward clothing of medium tightness Studies. These classes contain an overwhelmingly majority of female Table 2 (above) (below) held. However, it should be noted that when clothing was tight, Many studies have examined the case of womyn in the tradition- students, though the ratio of female to male students is less extreme Womyn Men it was often not fitted (as the category “tight/fitted” did encom- ally masculine disciplines of mathematics and sciences. National than in the masculine spaces. All observed professors were female. The percent of garments worn by (a) womyn and (b) men in the masculine space which fall into each pass), but rather it was simply small for the wearer. Like in the statistics by the National Science Foundation (England and Li, These classes focus on the traditionally feminine disciplines of gen- category. neutral space, dark/drab colors and patterns dominated, but male 2006) indicate that the sciences and engineering are overwhelm- der and womyn, and are within the generally feminine disciplines of humanities and social sciences (English & Li, 2006). students found more room to wear bright/feminine clothing and ingly dominated by men. Being taken seriously as a student, ex- clothing with bright accents here than anywhere else in the study. pert, or researcher in departments with only a handful of same- • Gender neutral spaces: low-level core courses which are required There were even a few instances of male students wearing bottoms gender peers is a difficult task because there are few same-gender of all Rose Hill undergraduate students. These classes have a nearly even sex distribution (54% female). No major student self-selection classified as bright/feminine, breaking the hegemonic social trend peers to make one’s gender expression seem normal. Further re- is assumed to be at play, because these courses are required of all of only dark bottoms. search on womyn in mathematics and physics shows that womyn students. Further, because they are considered general knowledge believe that, though gender is a critical component of their iden- for all students by the university, there is no assumed institutional Womyn in masculine spaces tend to conform to masculine ap- tity, they have a difficult time balancing the demands of feminin- or structural bias. pearance in several ways. They show no unnecessary skin and ity with disciplinary expectations of masculinity (Mukhopadhyay, wear even more baggy tops than the men. Their bottoms are al- Data was collected by observing the apparel of students who at- 2004; Ong, 2005). Members of these male-dominated communi- ways dark. And while men exhibit slightly lower rates of “dressy” tended classes in each of these groups. Each student’s clothing was ties expect other members to conform to their primarily mascu- clothing here than in neutral space, womyn are invariably casual evaluated using several categories and then tallied into that class’s line norms of thinking, speaking, and dressing but can be put off in the masculine spaces. With a cursory glance, they seem to be totals. Tops, bottoms, and accessories were all classified separate- by womyn who break broader cultural gender norms in order to meeting the space’s norm of masculinity better than some of the ly. Each article was classified first by its fit (tight/fitted, medium, Table 3 (above) (below) conform. In short, if womyn are too feminine, they do not meet male students. A closer examination tells a different story, howev- loose/baggy, torn, dressy), then by its color/pattern (bright/femi- Womyn Men the standards of scientist, but if they are too masculine, they do The percent of garments worn by (a) womyn and (b) men in the feminine space which fall into each er. Womyn’s bottoms are invariably tight/fitted, and they all have nine, accented bright/feminine, bright/silly/organizational, dark/ category. not meet the standards of womyn. In either case, they risk being decidedly feminine accents and top colors. For instance, although drab/masculine, skin showing). Articles were tallied for each cri- outcast. a female student may walk into one of these classes with a loose terion that they met. Students were not aware of this study while it black sweatshirt, she will invariably wear tight jeans and will likely This investigation explores whether similar processes might be was being conducted. In the end, we are left with the total number be wearing an accessory like a fuchsia scarf. at work in traditionally feminine disciplines (here, womyn’s & of garments matching each description (e.g. 8 baggy bottoms on gender studies), and how these tensions play out in more neutral males, 11 bright tops on females) for each class. Feminine space. environments. Although considerable work has been done with The coding scheme was based on the following assumptions: The feminine space demonstrates several interesting differences gender and college students, gender in graduate departments, and • Dark and drab colors and patterns are coded masculine, while bright from the other spaces. First, not only were womyn’s tops looser gender in K-12 classrooms, the gender performances of under- • Tight and fitted clothing is coded feminine, while loose and baggy and light colors and patterns are coded feminine (Nelson, 2000; than in any other space, they were also dramatically looser on graduates in classrooms and in feminine college disciplines are clothing is coded masculine (Dozier, 2005; Nelson, 2000; Mir, 2009). Messner, 2000). average than the attending men’s tops. Additionally, the portion under-studied. Furthermore, no prior work has been done com- • Showing skin (low cut or sleeveless tops, or tops which expose the • Primary colors and patterns or colors which represent an organiza- of drab/masculine accessories on female students is substantially paring the performances of undergraduates across masculine, midriff, as well as low rise bottoms or shorts and skirts which end tion (such as a university shirt) are gender neutral, because they are higher here than elsewhere (double the neutral space). In this way, feminine and neutral classroom spaces. well above the knee) is coded feminine (Dozier, 2005; Mir, 2009). marketed that way (Nelson, 2000). womyn seem to be rejecting their traditional gendered clothing 33 Published by DigitalResearch@Fordham, 2012 343 FURJ | Volume 2 | Spring 2012The Fordham Undergraduate Research Journal, Vol. 2 [2012], Iss. 1, Art. 4 www.furj.org FURJ | Volume 2 | Spring 2012

Research norms. This trend does not extend to the male students, however, serts its claim to these masculine traits in feminine spaces more compelled to defend their standing; female students instead try to Notes

who seem to represent an elevated masculinity. Indeed, they don than in neutral spaces. Still, womyn participate in other feminine pass male norms to boost their status. However, the consequences 1 Womyn was added to the Oxford English Dictionary in September 2006 in response to its sustained use by the highest portion of baggy bottoms (double the other spaces) student norms by showing the average amount of skin and keep- of this defensiveness should not be overlooked simply because feminist authors as an alternative spelling for woman and women. and have no bright/feminine colors or patterns on any article of ing normal distributions of bottom colors and fits. Men, how- they come from privilege. If male students are uncomfortable and 2 For more case studies on gendered clothing and apparel, see: Bucholtz, 1999; Dozier, 2005; Holland, 1988; clothing. They also represent the only consistent showing of silly/ ever, appear to take a reactionary stance, exhibiting a defensive defensive about their gender status, it can impede their work just Mir, 2009; Moffatt 1991; Mukhopadhyay, 2004; Nelson, 2000; Ong, 2005; Reay 2001 organizational bottoms for men (specifically, university sweat hyper-masculinity. While the patterns and fits of men’s tops tend as female students’ work can be impeded by concerns about their 3 N.B. All observations and statistics are done on aggregate, and exceptions within the data to these trends Research do exist. pants and camouflage print pants). That said, womyn’s bodies are to remain normal relative to the gender-neutral spaces, no bright/ gender’s status. 4 not exclusively centers of rejection. In fact, they have the average feminine tops were observed and men tend to wear extremely “Transgender: An umbrella term (adj.) for people whose gender identity and/or gender expression differs Limitations and Future Work from the sex they were assigned at birth.… Transgender people may or may not decide to alter their bodies” quantity of exposed skin and the normal distribution of mainly loose and masculine bottoms. Rather than being torn between, (GLAAD, 2010). dark/drab bottoms. While neither womyn nor men display any or trying to conform to, the feminine norm, men uphold more There are some significant limitations to this work. The study only dressy clothing in the feminine space, womyn’s trend toward loos- masculine dress styles. contains nine classes representing a few days at a single univer- er clothing that shows more skin is indicative of a fashion that sity. Without further study, we cannot make generalizations to the Interestingly, womyn’s adoption of some masculine and some is absent from womyn observed in masculine spaces; womyn in university or to the higher education system about the findings. feminine traits could indicate that womyn are still in tension be- the latter tend toward medium-fit, fully covered, boyish clothes, The results of broader analysis, particularly one that included a tween conflicting feminine and masculine influences. It is pos- which differ from the fashion of the more traditional femininity more representative sample of science and non-science courses, sible that this conflict is a product of the discipline, which forces of tight fitting articles and feminine patterns. would be very interesting in order to assess whether there might students to consciously engage with these very norms. Womyn, be variation within those disciplines. Discussion then, may be conflicted by social pressures toward femininity and disciplinary pressures critical of those social pressures. If this ef- Additionally, students were grouped into two sexes for the pur- Gender Neutral Spaces. fect of self-consciousness is happening for womyn, it does not pose of observation. Not only is the two-sex system inadequate The gender neutral spaces are not free from tacit gender pressures. seem to be happening for men, who may instead feel challenged to describe the diversity of student bodies, but also how to clas- It can be said that the broader variation of personal style in these by a discipline which rejects patriarchy. In fact, it is precisely this sify which students belonged to which sex is also an uncertain spaces, especially the freedom for male students to wear compara- critical examination which makes womyn’s studies different from practice. Students were assigned to a sex based upon their appar- tively more fitted/feminine articles of clothing (which results in a computer science. In the former, gendered norms are openly dis- ent sex traits and gender performance, but it is entirely possible very narrow gap between the two identified genders), is a product cussed and evaluated; pressures are direct and overt. In the latter, that transgender students have passed for the other sex. Anec- of the reduced gender pressure in these spaces. Similarly, though pressure to conform is unacknowledged by the technical subject, dotal evidence and personal experience indicates that the Ford- References womyn exhibit more traditional displays of femininity, they also as if the discipline were somehow genderless. This line of thought, ham community has active transgender members, but for privacy Boldt, GM. (1996). Sexist and heterosexist responses to gender bending in an elementary classroom. Cur- have a broader range of styles open to them. When no one style that masculine disciplines are without gender, has also been found reasons data on their prevalence have not been gathered for this riculum Inquiry, 26(2), pp. 113–131. prevails, the strength of gender norms is weaker, and transgres- in other studies and interviews (Ong, 2005). study. While the experience of trans individuals is important to Bucholtz, M (1999). “Why be normal”’: Language and identity practices in a community of nerd girls.” Language in Society, 28(2): pp. 203–223. sions are easier. understand and study, it is different from the experience of cis- Implications Butler, J (2009). Performativity, precarity and sexual politics. Revista de Antropología Iberoamericana, 4(3): gendered students, and may not be adequately described by my Masculine Spaces. i-xiii. With this study, we have provided corroboration of previous analysis here. Dozier, R (2005). Beards, breasts, and bodies: Doing sex in a gendered world.” Gender and Society, 19(3): pp. Evaluation of the masculine spaces seems to confirm the findings work’s conclusions that masculine disciplines place conflicting 297–316. This study only examines the impact of gender and gender identi- of other studies. In these spaces, womyn’s apparel seems almost pressures on their female members. Womyn here are left trying ties, and does not examine other important factors like race and England, P & S Li (2006). Desegregation stalled: The changing gender composition of college majors, 1971- schizophrenic. Maria Ong’s (2005) work with physics students to fit in with the discipline’s norm of masculinity in order to be 2002. Gender and Society, 20(5): pp. 657–677. social class. Social scientists are becoming increasingly aware of explains that womyn working to be accepted there as legitimate accepted as credible members, but they must at the same time try Gay and Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation (2010). GLAAD media reference guide. GLAAD, 8th ed.: pp. the different ways in which gender, race, and class intersect, and academics must contend with the conflicting pulls of broad so- to conform to broader social expectations of femininity. Womyn’s 8. further students on identities and attire should take such relation- cial femininity and local community masculinity. This tension is apparel choices in masculine classrooms demonstrate a dominant Holland, DC & Eisenhart, MA (1988). Moments of discontent: University women and the gender status quo. ships into account. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 19(2): pp. 115–138. evident in our study as well: womyn work to blend in by gener- trend toward generally fitting the masculine norm and a simulta- ally meeting masculine norms such as baggy, casual, and drab neous compulsion to assert their femininity in ways that leave no Further study should also take into account students’ individual Khakpour, P (2009, March 9). Islamic revolution barbie. Editorial, The New York Times (New York), New York edition. clothing, while also attempting also to assert their femininity with doubt, but are not so overt as to break from a generally masculine concerns and thoughts. Due to both time and privacy concerns, Messner, MA (2000). Barbie girls versus sea monsters: Children constructing gender. Gender and Society, subtle but firm signifiers like fuchsia scarves and tight jeans. Fe- appearance. individual students were not interviewed about their clothing 14(6): pp. 765–784. male students in masculine classroom spaces seem to partake in choices or followed between different classes and days. Follow- The other important findings involve the feminine spaces. Mir, S (2009). Not too “college-like,: not too normal: American Muslim undergraduate women’s gendered both gender extremes. Male students here do not have tension up study could examine how different course loads and daily ac- discourses.” Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 40(3): pp. 237–256. Womyn’s fashion here trends strongly toward claiming some mas- between social and disciplinary gender influences and can com- tivities impact the apparel students choose to wear (i.e, whether a culine traits but just as strongly partakes in other feminine traits. Moffatt, M (1991). College life: Undergraduate culture and higher education.” The Journal of Higher Educa- fortably partake in masculine apparel norms. This comfort also student might change their attire depending on the courses they tion, 62(1): pp. 44–61. This could be a result of a sense of security in the femininity of the affords them the space to break those norms and wear overtly attend during a particular day). Mukhopadhyay, CC (2004). A feminist cognitive anthropology: the case of women and mathematics.” Ethos, discipline and is likely related to the discipline’s open challenging bright/feminine articles which the womyn are not generally ob- 32(4), Theme issue: Contributions to a feminist psychological anthropology: pp. 458–492. of gender norms. The fact that strong masculine and feminine in- Finally, the analysis in this work is largely quantitative. Because served wearing. That is, while womyn’s femininity seeks an asser- Nelson, A (2000). The pink dragon is female. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 24(2): pp. 137–144. fluences both persist in womyn’s apparel in these feminine spaces of the inherent disjoint between qualitative and quantitative evi- tive but subtle balance, men’s masculinity is unchallenged and free Ong, M (2005). Body projects of young women of color in physics: Intersections of gender, race, and science. suggests that the gender pressures at work are more complex than dence, the statistics generated about relative distributions of cat- to openly transgress boundaries. Social Problems, 52(4): pp. 593-617. those for men in masculine spaces. Even where womyn have the egories and attitudes should be understood only as a guide to Reay, D (2001). Spice girls, “nice girls,” girlies’ and tomboys: Gender discourses, girls’ cultures and feminini- Feminine Spaces. most disciplinary support, they are not fully liberated to take on further qualitative and theoretical work. Precise measurements ties in the primary classroom.” Gender and Education, 13(2): pp. 153–166. a broad spectrum of apparel and thus carry over some of the cul- of clothing dimensions and hue are not used, nor could the data The feminine space, however, does not demonstrate the reverse. Søndergaard, DM (2005). Making sense of gender, age, power and disciplinary position: Intersecting dis- tural influence of femininity. Men in feminine spaces, however, begin to fully encompass the personal and social meanings of stu- courses in the academy. Feminism Psychology, 15(2): pp. 189-208. Female students appear to break some norms of femininity in fa- react in the opposite way as womyn in masculine spaces do. Male dents’ clothing. Instead, it is hoped that this coarse observation Steele, CM (1994). Thin ice: “Stereotype threat” and black college students. The Atlantic Monthly, 284: pp. vor of masculine garments such as loose tops and drab accesso- students are observed with hyper-masculine attire, as if the disci- methodology provides a statistical basis for insight that might 44–54. ries. Unlike in the masculine spaces where men seem comfortable pline’s feminine subjects or reputation were a challenge or threat otherwise have been overlooked. West, C & Zimmerman, DH (1987). Doing gender. Gender and Society, 1(2) (Jun., 1987): pp. 125–151. with, but not inclined toward, breaking norms, womyn’s gender- to their masculinity. This is indicative of male privilege in general: bending in feminine spaces is widespread. Womyn’s fashion as- when students’ genders are challenged, only male students seem 35https://fordham.bepress.com/furj/vol2/iss1/4 4 36 FURJ | Volume 2 | Spring 2012 www.furj.org Lockhart: Gendered Classrooms and Gendered Attire FURJ | Volume 2 | Spring 2012