The in early Ireland

Finbar McCORMICK School of Geography Archaeology and Palaeoecology Queen’s University of Belfast BT7 1NN, Belfast, Northern Ireland (United Kingdom) [email protected]

McCormick F. 2007. – The horse in early Ireland. Anthropozoologica 42 (1): 85-104.

ABSTRACT The main object of this paper is to review the development of horse exploita- tion in Ireland between its introduction in the Bronze Age and the medieval KEY WORDS Horse, period. The review considers the evidence of the use of horse for riding and Ireland, traction and contrasts this with the evidence from neighbouring Britain. The traction, change in horse size is traced as is the development of horse-related technol- chariots, ritual, ogy. The association of horse with ritual and the inauguration of kings horse technology. is also considered.

RÉSUMÉ Le cheval au début de l’Irlande L’objectif principal de cette contribution est d’examiner le développement de l’exploitation du cheval depuis son introduction à l’âge du Bronze jusqu’à la MOTS CLÉS Cheval, période médiévale. Cet article présente l’évidence de l’usage du cheval pour la Irlande, monte et la traction qu’il met en parallèle avec la proche Grande Bretagne. Le traction, changement de la taille des chevaux est mis en relation avec le développement chars, rite, des technologies liées aux chevaux. L’association du cheval avec les rites d’en- technologies liées au cheval. terrements et l’intronisation des rois est aussi considérée.

INTRODUCTION

About 30,000 years ago, wild were present across large parts of Eurasia and the Americas. Remains from Shandon Cave, Co. Waterford, show that was present in Ireland about 28,000 years ago (Woodman et al. 1997: 146) Subsequently, an increase of glacial cover led to their in Ireland and they did not manage to re-establish themselves when the glaciers retreated. In Britain the wild horse was still in existence in post-glacial times, the

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latest secure recording dating from between horse must have precipitated a social and econo- 9,000 and 10,000 B.P.(Yalden 1999: 65). Horse mic revolution comparable to the arrival of the have been found at late Neolithic Durrington same commodities to the Amerindians in the six- Walls and other sites but whether they are wild or teenth centuries. Anthony (1994: 191) remarks domesticated is not easy to ascertain. The pos- that in that case “trade and exchange systems sible late survival of wild horse in Britain makes extended further, became socially more complex, the identification of any early domesticated horse and carried a higher volume of goods than would problematic. have been possible with pedestrian transport”. This problem does not arise in Ireland and all Most importantly, those in possession of horses early prehistoric equid remains can reliably be had a clear military advantage over neighboring accepted as domesticated. The earliest evidence peoples and the political basis of the Amerindians for the presence of domesticated horse is from was totally changed by the advent of the horse. It Early Bronze Age contexts at Newgrange, Co. is likely that the numbers of horse present in Meath dating to about 2,400 B.C. (Van Early Bronze Age Ireland would have been low so Wijngaarden-Bakker1975: 345) (Fig. 1). In a their military potential is likely to have been limi- few instances, horse remains have been found in ted. This rarity, however, would have heightened Neolithic megalithic tombs but these are likely their prestige and emphasised the social standing either to be secondary intrusions or mis-identifi- of their owners. cations. For instance, a horse skull fragment from The horse bones from Newgrange were found the Neolithic Audleystown court-tomb on the intermixed with food refuse from other domesti- shores of Strangford Lough, Co. Down, is likely cated . It could be suggested that while to be associated with the secondary Bronze Age the horse may have been kept primarily for trans- Food Vessel that were inserted into the port, they were also eaten. Some of the horses tomb (McCormick 1986, 41). Again, a burnt were quite old, up to fifteen years (Van bone pin from the Neolithic Fourknocks passage Wijngaarden-Bakker1986: 85), suggesting that tomb, Co. Meath, was described by the excavator they were only killed and eaten after a useful life as made of a horse shin bone (Hartnett 1957: of transport or traction had finished. One of the 245) but examination of the pin by the present horse foot bones from Newgrange displayed evi- writer has indicated that it was not possible to dence of an arthritic problem that could have identify the bone at species level. There is there- been the result of either old age or physical stress fore no evidence for the presence of the horse in due to overwork (Van Wijngaarden-Bakker Ireland before the Bronze Age. 1986: 84). This, coupled with the presence of old animals that had long before reached optimal size for meat production, must imply that they were BRONZE AGE ( C . 2300-500 B.C.) used for transport. Some of the horses, however, were young, still at their milk teeth stage, and The Early Bronze Age settlement at Newgrange suggests natural mortality or that young animals was characterised by a type of pottery known as may have been occasionally culled for their meat. Beaker pottery. The arrival of this pottery coin- In Ireland, and elsewhere in western Europe, cides with the arrival of metal. Van Wijngaarden- horse would appear to have provided little advan- Bakker (1975a) has noted that in parts of north tage over other domesticates for anything other western Europe Beaker pottery, metal and the than for riding. They were of little use for heavy horse appear at the same time. There seems also traction (see below), and were inferior to cattle, to be a general acceptance that the earliest une- sheep or goat as far as milk production was quivocal evidence for domesticated horse in concerned. They did not produce wool and were Great Britain also dates to the Early Bronze Age not as fecund as the pig. In the eastern European (Yalden 1999: 98). The arrival of metal and the steppes they had a clear advantage over other

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F IG.1. – Map showing location of sites mentioned in the text. domesticates because of their ability to survive kept in larger numbers in these areas compared steppe winters when other domesticates did not. with the temperate west. Horses use their hooves to scrape deep snow away The Newgrange horses were rather small and in order to access the vegetation beneath. In a slender (Table 1). Two complete bones allowed similar depth of snow cattle and sheep would shoulder heights of 111 cm and 120 cm to be have perished as they use only their noses to push estimated (Van Wijngaarden-Bakker1986: 84). aside snow (Anthony1994: 185-186). It is Figure2 shows the range of shoulder heights unsurprising, therefore, that horses tended to be from Irish sites of different periods using May’s

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T ABLE 1. –Horsemeasurements aftervon den Drieschand Boessneck(1974) from Newgrange (VanWijngaarden-Bakker1975:248; 1986:85),Tara(McCormick2002:112)and DúnAilinne (Crabtree,forthcoming).

SiteBone GL GLlBpBdSD Newgrange Metacarpal19740.341.1 Metacarpal18217822.9 TaraTibia328298.261.4 42.2 Radius 323 307.4 69.9 37.9 DúnAilinne Metatarsal238.0232.042.8 42.9 33.5

T ABLE 2.–Horseepiphysealfusion datafrom Moynagh crannog,Co. MeathafterSilver(1969:285-286). (P.=proximal;D.=distal).

Fused Unfused Approx.age age atfusion (afterSilver1968) Humerus P.203-3.5 yrs Humerus D.1015-18 months Radius P.8015-18 months Radius D.813.5 yrs UlnaP.213.5 yrs MetacarpalD.3015-18 months Pelvis7018-24months Femur P.513-3.5 yrs Femur D.103-3.5 yrs TibiaP.423-3.5 yrs MetatarsalD.3016-20 months

Bronzeand Iron Ages Waterford12th-13thcentury 10 10 Bronze Age Iron Age 5 5 N u m b e r N u m b e r

0 0

0 4 8 2 6 0 4 8 2 6 0 4 cm 0 4 8 2 6 0 4 2 6 cm 1 1 1 2 2 3 3 3 4 4 5 5 1 1 1 2 2 3 3 38 4 4 50 54 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

EarlyChristianrural Dublin 14th-15thcentury 25 10 20

15 5 10 N u m b e r N u m b e r 5

0 0

0 4 8 2 6 0 4 8 2 6 0 4 cm 0 4 8 2 6 0 4 8 2 6 0 4 cm 1 1 1 2 2 3 3 3 4 4 5 5 1 1 1 2 2 3 3 3 4 4 5 5 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

Dublin 10th-12thcentury Dublin 16thcentury 10 10

5 5 N u m b e r N u m b e r

0 0 0 4 8 2 6 0 4 8 2 6 0 4 cm 1 1 1 2 2 3 3 3 4 4 5 5 0 4 8 2 6 0 4 8 2 6 0 4 cm 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 3 3 3 4 4 5 5 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

F IG.2.–Horseshoulderheights.The shoulderheights asestimated from arange of longbonesusing the multiplication factors of May(1985).

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(1985) multiplication factors for the greatest human burials, primarily of Viking period date length (GL) of the long- bones. It can clearly be (below). The Bronze Age horse remains are gene- seen that the Newgrange material lies at the lower rally broken, implying marrow removal, and cut end of the size range encountered in Ireland. marks have been noted where the bone preserva- Horse remains are extremely scarce throughout tion is good (Murphy & McCormick1996: 30). the Bronze Age in Ireland, rarely comprising Horse meat was clearly not a preferred food and more than 1.5% of the mammal bone totals it is likely that it was only consumed during found (Table 2). The relatively high incidence of periods of food shortage. This is particularly the horse from Ballyveelish, Co. Tipperary, is a result case when the bones of adult horse are broken of bias due to small sample size coupled with the formarrow, as their marrow has a lower fat large quantity of horse teeth present. Only one valuethan the other main domesticates and is individual was represented in each of the therefore of less nutritional valuable (Nickel et twosamples from the site (McCormick 1987a). al. 1984: 19). They are absent from the Beaker/Early Bronze The situation is little better in Bronze Age Age levels at Ross Island, Co. Kerry (Van Britain. In Early Bronze Age West Row Fen, Wijngaarden-Bakker2005), as well as Late Suffolk, horse comprised less than 0.1% of the Bronze Age Chancellorsland, Co. Tipperary assemblage (Olsen 1994: 119). At Middle Bronze (McCarthy, forthcoming), and Dún Aonghasa, Age Grimes Graves they comprise about 1% of on Inis Mór, Co. Galway. In the latter case it the assemblage (Legge 1981: 109) while in Late could be argued that horses may simply not have Bronze Age Potterne, Wiltshire, horse comprise been deemed suitable for the uneven, deeply fis- between 0.1% and 0.3% of the faunal assem- sured karst land surface that surrounds the site blages (Locker2000: 105). Locker ( ibid.) noted but it is difficult to account for the absence of that the horse bones on that site tended to be horse at other sites. Ross Island was a copper fairly complete compared to the other food mining industrial site so perhaps the absence of refuse, suggesting that they were not generally horse is not unexpected. Chancellorland, how- eaten. Neither did any of the horse bones on the ever is a settlement consisting of a succession of site display butchery marks. At Late Bonze Age rather large houses surrounded by a substantial Runnymede Bridge, however, horse comprise ditch (Doodey1999: 98-100). This, coupled some 3.6% of the fragments total in a moderately with the presence of imported amber ( ibid.:100) sized assemblage of circa 2200 identifiable bones. implies high status. There is, however, no evi- The site also included a semi-articulated, but dis- dence for high-status at Lough Gur, Co. turbed, skeleton of an adult horse of about Limerick (Cleary 1995) as this house site lacks 10years (Done 1991: 334). The animal had both an enclosure or imported materials. It did, been disarticulated prior to burial. While Done however, produce horse. The evidence, therefore, ( ibid.) suggests that it may constitute a ritual shows no direct relationship between status and burial she also suggests that the disarticulation the presence of horse. The substantial enclosures may have occurred simply to facilitate inserting a of hillforts imply a defensive, and perhaps, a mili- large horse into a comparatively small hole. Done tary, function. There is nothing exceptional, does not mention any evidence for the eating of however, about the incidence of horse remains at horse at the site but the higher percentage of either Mooghaun, Co. Clare or Haughey’s Fort, horse bone could indicate that horse were now Co. Armagh (Table 3, in appendix). being consumed more extensively than before. All the horse remains from Bronze Age Irish sites Despite the fact that horses were present in are found intermixed with food remains of other Ireland since the earliest Bronze Age there is no species. This, indeed, is the case in the sites of all direct evidence as to how they were used prior to periods discussed in this report with the excep- the Iron Age. Wear on the front premolars, indi- tion of a very small number associated with cative of abrasion from a , has not yet been

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IRON AGE ( C . 500 B.C. – AD500)

Much of the evidence for the use of horse in Ireland during the Iron Age is again of an indirect nature. The earliest evidence for wheeled vehicles in Ireland, is from a bog in Doogarymore, Co. Roscommon. This comprises a pair of large com- posite wheels made of three planks of wood each with a length of about 1m. It has been radiocarbon dated to the middle centuries of the first millen- nium B.C. and could date to either the end of the Bronze Age or the beginning of the Iron Age (Waddell 1998: 275). The wheels are rather heavy and it is likely that they would have been unsui- table for horse before the introduction of the neck harness (see below). Spoked wheels, which are more suitable for horse traction, originate in the Near East at about 1900 B.C. (Clutton- Brock1992: 70) and for most of the second mil- lennium B.C. are confined to Eastern Europe (Piggott 1983). The evidence for the presence of

F IG.3. – Y-shaped bronze pendent (Waddell 1998, 300). spoked wheels in Western Europe during the later Bronze Age is based on bronze or pottery models ( ibid.: 109) and in the case of Britain the earliest identified but this may to some extent be a result evidence derives from the chariot burials of the of the small quantities of horse bones found to Iron Age Arras culture of Yorkshire (Stead1979). date on Irish archaeological sites of the period. Ireland has yet to produce any physical evidence Furthermore, no Bronze Age horse bits or harness for spoke-wheeled chariots. Circumstantial evi- trappings are known from Ireland though such dence would suggest that they were in use at this material is known from Britain, albeit on a limi- time, but again the evidence is equivocal. ted scale. Identifying horse bits can be problema- Horse bits are the most common metal find in tic but the earliest possible examples are those early Iron Age Ireland (Raftery 1994: 107) and from middle Bronze Age Grimes Graves the use of wheeled transport is implied by the fact (Legge 1992: 48, 66). Later Bronze Age examples that bits are sometimes found in pairs. The deve- have been found at Potterne (Seager Smith2000, lopment of the shaft-cart, which allowed a vehicle 229, 236) and Runnymede Bridge (Needam & to be pulled by a single horse, is a medieval Serjeantson 1996: 189, 193). occurrence in north-western Europe (see below). As the evidence stands, we have virtually no direct The horse-bits are sometimes found along with knowledge that the horse was used for anything Y-shaped bronze pendants which are assumed to but food during the Bronze Age although the pre- be some form of horse trapping. This assumption sence of old animals at Newgrange implies their is reinforced by the fact that they also are some- use for transport or traction. The single exception times found in pairs (Raftery 1994: 109-110). is evidence for the use of horse hair in textile pro- Their exact function, however, is unknown and duction. A hoard of Late Bronze Age metal objects they do not occur outside Ireland (Fig. 3). The from a bog at Cromaghs, Co. Antrim, was found great majority of horse bits, however, were found wrapped in textiles including a belt with an elabo- singly which is more likely to infer horse-riding rate tassel made of (Coffey1906). rather than the use of wheeled vehicles.

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It is unlikely that the great wooden plank road at The ditch at Tara where these particular bones Corlea, Co. Longford, was built for anything were found was located near a Neolithic passage- other than wheeled transport (Raftery 1994: 99). tomb known as the “Mound of the Hostages”, a Constructed around 148 B.C., this huge site likely to have been a place of royal inaugura- construction runs some two miles across a bog. It tion (Warner1988: 57). It is tempting to equate is estimated that 200-300 large oak trees needed the horse bones with the inauguration rite which to be felled for its construction. The road was 3- included the killing, butchery and consumption 4mwide, and at its widest could have easily allo- of horseflesh described by Geraldus Cambrensis wed two oncoming vehicles to pass each other. A at the end of the twelfth century AD. The des- track-way of this width would have been un- cription is curious, to say the least, and worth necessary for pedestrian or horse-riding use and quoting in full (O’Meara1982: 110): can only imply the use of wheeled vehicles. There is in the northern and farther part of Ulster, Unfortunately, we cannot be sure if this is indica- namely the Kenelcunill, a certain people which is tive of the use of horse or oxen. accustomed to appoint its king with a rite altogether The large number of horse bits suggests an outlandish and abominable. When the people in expansion in horse keeping in Iron Age Ireland that land had been gathered together in one place, a and the faunal evidence supports this with horse white is brought forward into the middle of bones occurring more frequently on archaeologi- the assembly. He who is to be inaugurated, not as a cal sites. At Dún Ailinne, Co. Kildare and Tara, chief, but as a beast, not as a king, but as an outlaw, Co. Meath, horse remains comprise 2.4% and has bestial intercourse with her before all, professing 6.2% of the fragment totals respectively. In himself to be a beast also. The mare is then killed Britain too, horse bones are more common, with immediately, cut up in pieces, and boiled in water. Grant (1984: 113) noting that they accounted A bath is prepared for the man afterwards by all his for between 3% and 15% of the fragments people, and all, he and they, eat of the meat of the encountered on Iron Age sites in the south of mare which is brought to them. He quaffs and England. Two features characterise the horse drinks of the broth in which he is bathed, not in any bone assemblages found on English Iron Age cup, or using his , but just dipping his mouth sites; the great majority of the horse are adult and into it around him. When this unrighteous rite has the incidence of butchery and breakage on horse been carried out, his kingship and dominion have bones is much lower than noted on the other been conferred. large domesticates species (Maltby1996: 23). Cambrensis’ account of Ireland contains much The highest incidence of horse bones from the material that is untrue as one of the aims of the Irish Iron Age was at Tara, the legendary capital book was to cast a poor light on the morals of the of Ireland (McCormick2002: 106). This mate- Irish in order to legitimise their reformation by rial dates roughly to the first century B.C. No the Anglo-Normans. Yet, there may still be truth articulated skeletons were present so once again it in this description of the inauguration rite as the is probable that the bones, like the other faunal slaughter of horse forms part of the ritual of king- material, represented discarded food debris. ship in early Indo-European societies (Puhvel Many of the bones are broken, deliberately shat- 1970). On occasion, such a ritual included a tered for the extraction of marrow. The conclu- sexual element although in the Indian a ś vamedha sion that the horse was eaten would seem to be the encounter is between the queen and a confirmed by the presence of knife cuts and roas- – “the stallion was smothered to , where- ting marks on a radius. Most of the horse bones upon the mahiș í or chief queen symbolically at Tara were from mature animals and tooth wear cohabited with it under covers, while the entou- on one of the second premolars indicates that it rage engaged in obscene banter” ( ibid.: 161). The had been used for riding/traction (McCormick animal’s suffocation would, no doubt, have faci- 2002: 107). litated this encounter as it would have occasioned

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“reflex-conditioned tumescence and emission” discarded food refuse of other domesticates. ( ibid.: 162). This element of the rite can be seen Where adequate samples occur horse remains in as a ritualistic method of ensuring fertility in a most cases do not exceed 2% of the fragments kingdom. The sacrificial horse of the a ś vamedha totals (Table 3, in appendix). The three sites pro- was subsequently cut up and dispersed presuma- ducing the highest incidences of horse remains bly to allow participants or spectators of the ritual are all secular habitation sites. Knowth was cer- to partake in horses beneficial consumption. tainly a high status and probably a royal site. Dun Horse burials are a feature of the Iron Age in Eoganachta is too likely to have been of high sta- many parts of Europe ( e.g. Jerem 1998) and are tus. The crannog at Sroove, in contrast to most generally regarded as ritual deposits. Wagons fre- crannogs, was small in size, produced a limited quently accompany high status burials in central range of finds and is therefore likely to have been Europe (Pare 1992) while chariots are present in of low status. The fact that the highest incidences elite burials of the Arras culture of north-east of horse were found at Sroove would suggest that England (Stead1979). Occasionally horses were the poor suffered more from food shortages that included with the Arras burial ( ibid.: 8, 22) but the richer classes. such burials were also noted elsewhere in The bone assemblage from 8thcentury Moynagh England during the Iron Age (Cunliffe 1974: crannog, Co. Meath can serve as a typical assem- 314). An unusual burial from Farta, near blage encountered on rural sites of the period. Loughrea, Co. Galway, may be part of the same Horse comprised 1% of the fragments total and tradition (Coffey1905). The base of a barrow nearly all parts of the skeleton were represented. contained an urn and human of Early Most of the horse long-bones were broken for Bronze Age date but the mound was deliberately marrow extraction and chop and cut marks heightened to accept a second burial consisting of occurred occasionally. Most of the animals were an adult human female accompanied by a seven mature or old as can be seen in the fusion data in year old stallion along with some bones of a red Table 2. One premolar showed clear evidence of deer. Unfortunately, there were no artifacts pre- tooth wear caused by a cheek-bit. Moynagh cran- sent that would help date the burial and unfortu- nog comprised an artificial island settlement site. nately the skeletal material cannot presently be There was no reason for the presence of horse located. The metrical data available for the Iron bones unless horse was being deliberately brought Age is extremely limited but there is a pronoun- onto the site for consumption. The bones cannot ced increase in size compared with the Bronze represent accidental “contamination” of the food Age material (Fig. 2). refuse assemblage. One can only conclude that horse were occasionally eaten but again they were not bred specifically for their meat. Indeed, their EARLY MEDIEVAL PERIOD presence probably reflects periods of acute food ( C . AD 500-1170) shortage. Christian penetentials, those monastic rules that With the emergence of the early medieval period assign penances for various sins, made it clear from AD 500 onwards our knowledge about the that the church disapproved of the consumption early horse, previously derived of archaeology of horse flesh, at least among clerics. The Irish alone, is augmented greatly by the documentary Canons state that “the penance for eating horse- record. Much of the documentary evidence flesh, four years on bread and water” concerning the horse has been made available in (Bieler1975: 161). Despite this, horse bones the recent works of Fergus Kelly (1997; 2005). have been found amongst the food refuse on The zooarchaeological evidence is again almost most sites of the period including ecclesiastical exclusively derived from archaeological sites sites such as Moyne, Co. Mayo (McCormick where horse are found in association with the 1987: 67), Church Island and Illaunloughan,

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Co. Kerry (Roche 1958: 13-14; Murray & the breast-strap harness appeared in Europe in McCormick 2005: 68) as well as from the Early about 600 AD (Langdon 1986: 9). The collar- Christian Irish foundation at Iona, off the west harness was invented in China in the coast of Scotland (McCormick1981: 15). The 5 th century AD and reached western Europe rule, however, does not seem to have been uni- circa. 800 AD (Piggott 1992: 137). The tale versal. In a secular 7 th or 8 th century law tract known as the “Wooing of Étaín”, written in dealing with the maintenance of the sick, the about 1000 AD, indicates that the collar-harness practice of eating horse flesh is not wholly forbid- was known in Ireland at that time and was appre- den but noted as being unsuitable for invalids as ciated as being superior to the yoke (Bergin & it tended to “stir up sickness in the stomach” Best 1928: 179). The story seems to imply, (Binchy1938: 21). If the Irish situation was simi- however, that the harness was used only for oxen lar to continental Europe it is likely that hippo- and the earliest evidence for the use of the horse phagy was acceptable until the eighth century for ploughing is in post-Norman times. when the prohibition was introduced by the One singular reference in early Irish law suggests church. In circa 732 Pope Gregory wrote to that the horse was used for the lighter task of pul- StBoniface, apostle to the Germans, stating that ling the harrow. Kelly (1997: 479), however, the eating of flesh of both wild and domesticated believes that this may be a mistranslation of the horse was “a filthy and abominable practice” and term used in the law tract. Welsh law also implies should be prohibited (Emerton 1940: 58). that horses were used for harrowing (Jenkins Perhaps the law on sick maintenance noted above 1997: 64-65, 68), but there is a possibility that reflects the continuation of a previous toleration the specific legal reference may be of post- of the practice from pre-Christian times. Norman date. The evidence for the use of the Horses in early medieval Ireland were used for horse in harrow work prior to the arrival of the riding and light traction. Despite the extensive Anglo-Normans is therefore inconclusive. documentary evidence for this, there is little evi- The early Irish sources make a clear distinction dence for horse hardware in the archaeological between horses used for riding and those used for record. The distinctive bronze bit pieces of the working. Kelly (1997: 96) indicates that the Iron Age seem to fall out of use at the beginning of riding of horses was the prerogative of the nobi- the second millennium AD to be replaced by iron lity and well-off free farmer class. The higher types which are only very occasionally encounte- one’s status the more horses one was expected to red on archaeological sites (Hencken 1950: 108- own. Thus, a typical lord would be expected to 109). If one was dependent on archaeological own one riding horse and four others for lesser evidence alone one would greatly underestimate tasks (Kelly2005: 31). The law tracts indicate the role of horse in early medieval Ireland. that horses were regarded as being of much grea- For the first time we have definite evidence for ter value than milk cows (Kelly2005: 32) despite the horse being used for traction. The light, two the fact that this was a society where the posses- wheeled chariot was drawn by horses sion of cows comprised the basis of one’s wealth. (Greene 1972) but heavier traction, especially Women rarely rode a horse but were instead ploughing, was undertaken by oxen. There is a transported in chariots. The law tracts make it rare reference to a horse making up the fourth clear that roads were maintained with chariots in member of a ploughing team in an early life of mind. A route way which could boast the title Saint Ciaran but in that instance it is clearly “highway” was wide enough to allow two chariots regarded as a miracle (Macalister1921: 20). to pass each other while a “road” could accom- Horses could only have been used for heavier modate one chariot and two horsemen passing traction after the introduction of the breast-strap (Kelly1997: 538). The upkeep of the roads, harness which was rapidly replaced by the collar- which entailed digging ditches on either side, the harness. It is argued on philological grounds that filling of pot-holes and the removal of bushes,

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was the obligation of local farmers (Kelly2005: cloth which was positioned under the rider (Kelly 34). Horse were also used for sport, with both 1997: 98). seem to have been a Norse horse and chariot racing being mentioned to in introduction as the Irish for “sandal” is the early texts (Kelly1997: 99). derived from old Norse ( ibid.). Some wooden The work horse in the early sources is often refer- objects convincingly identified as saddle arches red to a gerrán, a term that gave rise to “garran” were found in Viking contexts in Dublin in later sources. Generally, horses carried loads on (Kavanagh 1988: 106-109). It seems that the their back either in the form of bags that hung on Irish regarded saddles as “alien” objects. A native both sides or were balanced on some form text describing the sack by the Irish of the Viking of pack-saddle (srathar) (Kelly1997: 94). town of Limerick in AD 968 lists amongst the References to the actual work undertaken by booty taken “their saddles beautiful and foreign” these work horses are infrequent, but they seem (Todd 1867: 79). The Vikings seem also to have to have been mostly tasks related to agricultural been responsible for other horse-related innova- work. There are references, for instance, to pack- tions. The earliest Irish stirrup is from tenth cen- horses carrying corn and flour from the mill and tury levels in Viking Dublin (Kavanagh 1988: also to their carrying loads of wheat, presumably 112-3). The prick-spur and the horse-shoe also to a mill ( ibid.: 91). While elsewhere in Europe make their first Irish appearance on early ele- donkeys and may have been used for this venth century levels in Viking Dublin ( ibid.: purpose, this was not the case in Ireland. With 110). The horse-shoe appears simultaneously in the exception of a single twelfth century reference Frankish and Byzantine documentary sources in to the mules and donkeys of a papal legate being the late ninth and early tenth century (Clarke stolen during a visit to Ireland (Kelly2005: 31), 1995: 79). The horse-shoe also seems to make its there is no evidence for the use of either in first archaeological appearance in Britain coinci- Ireland before early modern times (Mahaffey ding with Viking settlement in England ( ibid.: 1917). A cart (carr) , as distinguished from a cha- 94). Raepsaet (1997: 57) makes the observation riot (carpat) , was also used at this time. that the introduction of the horse shoe may have References show that the cart was used for the been made necessary by the increased use of the transportation of rods, rushes, manure and corn. horse for transport on hard road surfaces. It may These were usually drawn by oxen, but one legal well be that the development of towns as centres text refers to a cart horse while another reference of trade by the Vikings may have led to improved refers to a light carrus used to transport milk and road building in Ireland but this is a subject area butter to and from a monastery drawn by a single about which very little is known. It seems likely horse ( ibid.: 498). This reference is curious as it that the Vikings were responsible for the intro- implies the use of a shaft cart rather than a pole- duction of this suite of technological advances in cart which necessitates two horses. Piggott (1992: horsemanship. The use of the saddle and stirrup 137) indicates that while the Romans experi- allowed mounted warriors to be used much more mented with shafts “their medieval adaptation effectively in battle, allowing the rider to stand from the tenth, and more certainly the twelfth, and turn in combat. The Irish, however, seem century is an example of re-invention”. The Irish not to have adopted these innovations despite reference to the cart pulled by a single horse is their obvious advantages (see below). contained in Latin lives of the Saints. Fergus The early laws describe at length the desirable Kelly ( pers. comm.) is of the opinion that such features of horses. The ideal horse for buying sources are definitely later than the 10 th and may should be “large, healthy, young and docile” and be as late as the 12 th century. be “neither too tall or too small, and should be The documentary and iconographic evidence broad chested and narrow legged” (Kelly2005: indicates that the early medieval Irish did not use 32). This comment on size is especially interes- a stirrup or saddle. The texts refer only to a horse ting because it indicates that there was no desire

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to breed larger horses at this time. The relatively was, however, practiced in Ireland moderate size of the horse (see below) was judged by the Vikings. This was a feature of Viking adequate for the roles desired of it. The early burials in Norway, Iceland and Scotland and sources refer to a variety of colours of horse. Kelly Sikora (2004: 87-88) suggests that this is either finds references to white, black, grey, dark grey, because of its association with the god Freyr or dun and orange ( ibid.: 90). Combinations of with , ruler of the , and his horse colours were also known. Sleipnir. The evidence for horse burial is rather It is clear that horses were being imported into restricted and most are from poorly recorded old Ireland during the early medieval period. The excavations. In one instance, Athlumney, Co. laws mention the presence of British horses Meath, the burial was accompanied by a horse ( ibid.: 90), the annals of Ulster in 1029 mention skull and a cache of horse trappings ( ibid.: 103), Welsh horses, while the Book of Rights mentions in another example from Co. Kildare a complete Scottish horses (Dillon 1962: 97). At the same horse skeleton was present but the grave goods time, Anglo-Saxon records indicate that horses were not definitely Viking in character although were being imported from France into England of an early medieval date. At the other end of the (Hyland 1999: 4). The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle spectrum the only equine presence in a definite also indicates that Viking forces were “horsed” Viking burial at Islandbridge, Co. Dublin com- when they arrived in England. The fact that the prised a single tooth. There are, however, Vikings made deep incursions into Ireland away Norwegian burials that contain only horse teeth from navigable rivers suggests strongly that they ( ibid.: 100). The presence of horse remains in the brought their horses with them. recently excavated burial site at Cloghmore, Co. A large quantity of metrical data is available from Kerry is problematic (Connolly & Coyne 2005). the Early Medieval period (Fig. 2). The range of This cave contained a large quantity of the disar- size is much greater than the Iron Age with peak ticulated and scattered human remains of twenty occurring in horse of 130-134cm. It is interes- five individuals, mostly of a Viking period date. ting to note that all the horses of above 137 cm Also found in the cave was a Viking silver hoard are from the known royal sites of Lagore and and several objects that have Viking parallels. A Knowth, both in County Meath. While the large quantity of animal bone, both domesticated Vikings appear to be responsible for the advances and wild, was also found intermixed with the in horse technology, there is no evidence that human material which the excavators interpreted they increased the size of horses present. Indeed, for the most part as representing ritualistic acti- Figure2 shows that the horses from Viking vity associated with burial. Small quantities of Dublin did not attain the large size of horses horse were present. It is unclear, however, if these noted on many rural sites. The average horse form part of the burial ritual. shoulder height in Viking Dublin is 129.6cm compared with 130.7cm in rural Ireland. While one would have expected ritual associa- LATER MEDIEVAL PERIOD tions with horse to have disappeared with the (POST. CIRCA 1170) coming of Christianity, the rituals associated with royal inauguration discussed above clearly In contrast to the Early Medieval period most of shows that this was not the case. There is no evi- the zooarchaeological data is now derived from dence, however, for the presence of horse burials urban settlements and small quantities of horse in association with high status graves as has been bones are encountered on most urban sites. In demonstrated at Mound 17, in sou- most instances, horse comprise less than 1% of thern England (Carver1998: 89-90). In that ins- the mammal fragments total and are generally tance the horse was a stallion as opposed to the less frequent than are noted on Early Medieval mare that featured in the Irish inauguration rite. sites (Table 3, in appendix). In the large assemblage

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from Waterford, for instance, horse comprised fine riding horses, has generally disappeared in up to 8% of the fragments total. There was clear Anglo-Norman times as horses became more evidence for both skinning and butchery and all common with the development of extensive net- the horse being either mature or old animals works of trade along and with the widespread use (McCormick 1987: 832.). In Dublin evidence of horse in ploughing. It has already been noted for fusion of vertebrae and osteoarthritis in the that there is no evidence for the use of horse for lower hind limb implied the carrying of heavy ploughing in Ireland during the early medieval loads or heavy traction (Baker & Brothwell 1980: period. In England, plough teams comprised 131). The occasional presence of horse shoes and only of horse were in us by the middle of the other horse trappings from medieval urban sites twelfth century alongside with teams of oxen, provide evidence for the keeping of horses within as well as mixed teams of horses and oxen towns ( e.g. Johnston 1995: 78-79; Scully 1997: (Langdon 1986: 51). However, teams comprised 175-178). The presence of a foetal/neo-natal horse exclusively of oxen remained popular well into femur in Galway suggests that horses were actually the fifteenth century ( ibid.: 111). The earliest evi- being bred within towns (Murray2004: 385). dence for the use of horse for ploughing in Horses became a basic necessity in urban centres Ireland is in the late thirteenth century as they were indispensable for transport and (Lucas1973: 68). Mixed teams of oxen and horse trade. As a result of this, horses became increasin- seem to have been the norm during the four- gly owned and maintained by persons who were teenth century and oxen seem only to have been not actively engaged in agriculture. Accounts for completely superseded by horse for ploughing in the Priory of Holy Trinity, Dublin for the years Ireland in the fifteenth century ( ibid.). The 1337-1347 record the different types of horses change from mixed to exclusively horse plough kept along with the expenses of maintaining teams, however, should not be regarded as a mat- horses (Mills1891). They refer to “cart”, “farm” ter of strict linear evolution. In Ireland, cows and “plough” horses which can be regarded as were occasionally used as part of a plough team work horses. Additionally they refer to “hackney” when horses were in short supply as late as the which can be regarded as general-use horses but twentieth century (Bell 2005: 42). primarily used for pulling light carriages. Also The technological advances of the saddle and stir- referred to are “palfrey” horses, i.e. saddle horses rup introduced into Ireland during the Viking often associated with women. The more milita- period, were regarded as the norm by the Anglo- ristic Pipe Roll of King John, 1212-1213, there Normans, but do not seem to have been taken up are references to “hobbies” (Davis & Quinn to any great extent by the native Irish. Their use by 1941: 13), fighting horses for light troops as the Anglo-Normans is attested in the Accounts of well as “war horses” for “men-at arms” ( ibid.: 27) the priory of Holy Trinity ( e.g. Mills1891: 23, which must refer to horses for more heavily 97). Geraldus Cambrensis makes it clear however armoured troops. that not only had the Irish eschewed saddles, stir- It was noted earlier that horses were more rups and spurs but they also seem to have abando- valuable than cattle in the early law tracts of the ned the use of rigid bit pieces. Geraldus 7 th and 8 th centuries. Kelly (1995: 32) notes of Cambrensis notes of the Irish in about 1185 that instances where horse were regarded as being “When they are riding, they do not use saddles or valued from two milk cows to as high as fifteen leggings [stirrups?] or spurs. They drive on, and milk cows, although the latter can be regarded as guide their horses by means of a stick with a crook an exception, if not an exaggeration. Prices of at its upper end, which they hold in their hand. horse and cattle provided in the 13 th century They use reins to serve the purpose of both of a accounts of the priory of Holy Trinity, Dublin and a bit” (O’Meara 1982: 101). (Mills1891) suggest that the price differential Cambrensis’ assertion that the Irish did not use between horses and cattle, except in the case of saddles is not universally true. The early twelfth

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century Book of Rights notes that saddles accom- lation to prohibit the activity. The Statutes of panied horses granted as stipends from an over- Killenny, enacted in 1366, noted that “no king to an under-king (Flanagan1996: 72). It Englishman who has to the value of one hundred may well be that saddles were only utilized as dis- shillings of land or tenements, or of rent by the plays of status and their military potential, in year, ride otherwise than on a saddle in the association with the stirrup, was not realized; per- English fashion” (Berry 1907: 435). As late as haps such military “improvements” were not dee- 1399, Irish kings chose not to use the saddle med necessary. Flanagan ( ibid.: 69) has been despite the inferences of the earlier Book of shown that the use of heavily armed knightly Rights (Fig. 4). When Art MacMurrough met cavalry by the Anglo-Normans in Ireland has the Duke of Gloucester in that year he was des- been over-estimated ( ibid.: 69). Cavalry charges cribed in an account by French historian Jean of this type were extremely rare and “forays, Creton as follows: “he had a horse without raids, skirmishes and burnings, and the capture housing or saddle which was so fine and good, of fortified positions were far more common than that it had cost him, they said, four hundred pitched battles” ( ibid.). Perhaps the particular cows […] in coming down he galloped so hard nature of war in Ireland did not warrant the uni- that in my opinion I never saw hare, deer, sheep versal adoption of the stirrup and saddle. Indeed, or any other animal, I declare to you with cer- riding without a saddle must have had its advan- tainty, with such speed, asit did” (Webb 1824: tages because the Anglo-Norman aristocracy in 40). A contemporary illustration of this encoun- Ireland soon began to adopt the practice to ter shows that MacMurrough was also without suchan extent that EdwardIII introduced legis- stirrup or spur (Fig. 4).

F IG.4. – Encounter between Art MacMurrough, King of Leinster, and the Duke of Glocester in 1399 (British Library).

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It seems likely that MacMurrough and accompa- latter half of the fifteenth century Irish horses nying soldiers were mounted infantry. Irish were ending up in the studs of the Gonzagas of mounted infantry on fast, light horses were Mantua in Italy (Hyland 1998: 54). highly effective in medieval warfare and it may The accepted belief is that the Anglo-Normans well be that the Irish never utilised cavalry to any bred larger horses because of the use of heavily great extent. Irish infantry mounted on small armored mounted troops. The zooarcheaological horses, “hobbies”, were known to be extremely evidence is equivocal. The largest sample of horse effective at harassing heavily armored knights to material from the early centuries of the Anglo- such an extent that these horses were being hired Norman period is from urban Waterford (Fig. 2). by the English King EdwardI for his campaigns A slight increase is recorded in the largest horses (Davis1989: 26). The first reference to the use of with horses of up to 147.2cm being recorded these “hobbler” infantry was in 1296 when compared with a maximum of 144.8 cm in Early Edward imported 150 of them to help in his war Medieval Ireland. The average size of 12- against the Scots with larger numbers of them 13 th century horses are also larger with a mean being imported into Britain for different campai- height of 134.8 cm compared with 130.7cm in gns during the succeeding decades (Lydon 1956). Early Medieval rural Ireland. A more pronounced While the absence of saddles, stirrups and spurs increase in horse size, however, can be seen in might imply military disadvantage, the Irish evi- horses of the 14th /15th centuries (Fig. 2). Horses dence clearly shows that this was not the case. of less than 122 cm have disappeared and horses Indeed the light Irish mounted infantry on their as large as 153.6cm are present while the average relatively small hobbies played an important role size is 137.4 cm. This increase in size can proba- in the demise of the use of heavily armored bly be attributed to the demand for large horses cavalry in medieval warfare ( ibid.). By the end of needed for ploughing. Horse slightly increased in the medieval period the Irish had adopted some, the 16 th century with horses of up to 156.7cm but not all, of the innovations that they had being noted. The smallest was 133.2cm and the eschewed for so long. A contemporary illustra- average was 11.1 cm (Fig. 2). tion of a battle between the English and Irish in 1581 indicates that while the Irish by then had adopted the saddle and spur, they had yet to CONCLUSION adopt the stirrup (McGrath2005: 61-62). The arrival of the Anglo-Normans must have This survey of the horse in Ireland shows that in greatly increased the numbers and range of horses many ways the development of the horse and its being imported into Ireland. They were obsessive exploitation paralleled what was occurring in horse-breeders especially of war horses. The Britain and western Europe. The domesticated horses brought into Ireland were probably of horse appeared at the beginning of the Bronze mixed bloodstock and it may have been the Age in Europe and major technological changes Normans who introduced Arab strains into at the end of the first millennium AD provided a Ireland for the first time. The French and English potential for the expansion in use of the horse, aristocracy imported large quantities of horses especially for traction. There are however, major from Spain many of which would have been sei- gaps in our knowledge. We have little knowledge zed in wars against the Moors (Hyland 1999: of the use of horse during the Bronze Age in 14). Irish horses too were also in great demand. Ireland but the same can be said of Britain. The In the year 1171, it is recorded that 100 horses Irish evidence for the Iron Age is limited and the were sent in a single shipment from Ireland to development in the use of wheeled vehicles at this England (Sweetman1875: 5). Some horses went time is particularly unclear compared with else- further afield. In 1330, Irish horses were being where. In more recent times it is difficult to sent to royal studs in France, and during the understand why the Irish refused to adopt the

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Submitted on 2 November 2006; accepted on 23 February 2007.

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APPENDIX

T ABLE 3. – Frequency of horse bones from Irish archaeological sites where samples size is greater than 300 fragments.

Sample Site Size Horse % Context

Bronze Age (McCormick, in press) Newgange 12 102 1,2 Beaker site: habitation layers, pits and gullies Haughey’s Fort 2 990 1,5 Hillfort: ditch fills Mooghaun 4 183 0,3 Hillfort: ditch fills and habitation layers Lough Gur 1 168 0,5 House site: pits and habitation layers Ballyveelish 830 6,8 Enclosure - interior truncated: ditch fills Iron Age (McCormick, in press) Navan Fort 2 642 0,8 Ceremonial centre/regional capital: habitation layers, gullies Dun Ailinne 4 434 2,4 Ceremonial centre/regional capital: habitation layers, gullies Tara 395 5,6 Ceremonial centre/regional capital: ditch fills

Early Medieval (McCormick & Murray, in press) Armagh: Cathedral Hill 343 0,6 Ecclesiastical site: ditch fills Clonmacnoise 26 379 0.7-0.8 Ecclesiastical site: habitation layers, gullies Clogher 3 878 0.1-1.6 Royal centre: Ringfort - enclosed settlement: ditch fills Deerpark Farms 1 922 1,0 Ringfort - enclosed settlement: habitation layers Dun Eoghanachta 1 172 3,2 Stone fort: habitation layers Dublin Fishamble St. House plots 39 426 0,1 Urban - Viking settlement: habitation layers Dublin Fishamble St.Banks/Wall 1 926 0,2 Urban - Viking settlement: habitation layers Knowth 7 593 3.0 - 3.7 Royal centre? Ringfort and unenclosed settlement: ditch fills and habitation layers. Illaunloughan 3 646 0.1 - 1.4 Ecclesiastical: coastal island site: habitation layers Johnstown 2 956 0.7-1.1 Enclosures: ditch fills Larrybane 471 1,5 Promontory fort: habitation layers Lough Faughan 399 1,0 Crannog - artificial island: Habitation and dump layers in former lake Marshes Upper 1 202 1,3 Ringfort - enclosed settlement: ditch fill Moynagh 21 635 1,0 Crannog - artificial island: Habitation and dump layers in former lake Moyne 340 0,3 Ecclesiastical site: ditch fills Rathgureen 2 066 2,4 Ringfort: habitation layers Sroove 2 219 5.8-13.3 Crannog - artificial island: Habitation and dump layers in former lake

Medieval Cork: Barrack St: 12th/14thcentury (McCarthy 1993) 1 723 0,9 Urban habitation and dump layers Cork: Barrack St: 11th/12th (McCarthy 2003) 922 0,3 Urban habitation and dump layers Cork: Christ Church: Mid 13thcentury (McCarthy 1997a) 1 730 0,0 Urban habitation layers, backyard dumps, pits and drains Cork: French’s Quay: 12th/14thcentury (McCarthy 1993) 1 496 0,6 Urban habitation and dump layers Cork: Gratten St: 13th/14thcentury (McCarthy 2003) 1 881 0,1 Urban habitation and dump layers Cork: Hanover St,: Late 12th/13thcentury (McCarty 2003) 462 0,2 Urban habitation and dump layers Cork: North Gate: Late 13th/14thcentury (McCarty 1997b) 1 580 0,1 Urban habitation layers, backyard dumps, pits and drains Cork: South Main St: 13th/Early 14thcentury 367 1,4 Urban habitation and dump layers (McCarthy 2003) Cork: Philip’s Lane: 13th/14thcentury (McCarthy 2003) 670 0,6 Urban habitation and dump layers Cork: St Peters Ave: 13th/14thcentury (McCarthy 2003) 1 023 0,1 Urban habitation layers and pits Cork: Tobin St: 13th Century (McCarthy 2003) 2 369 <0.1 Urban habitation and dump layers Cork: Tuckey St.: Late 12th/13thcentury (McCarthy 2003) 1 558 0,1 Urban habitation layers and gullies Cork: Washington St: 13thcentury (McCarthy 2003) 1 636 0,0 Urban habitation layers and ditch fills

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T ABLE 3. – Frequency of horse bones from Irish archaeological sites where samples size is greater than 300 fragments (suite).

Sample Site Size Horse % Context

Clough: 13thcentury (Jope 1954) 745 0,0 Rural motte and bailey, habitation layers Dublin: Arran Quay: 14thcentury (McCormick 2004) 587 0,5 Urban dump deposits in river Dublin: Patrick St, Site G: 12-14thcentury 597 0,3 Urban dump deposits in town ditch (McCormick & Murphy 1997) Dublin: Patrick St, Site B: 13thcentury 533 0,6 Urban riverbank dump deposits (McCormick & Murphy 1997) Dublin: Patrick St, Site C: 13thcentury 925 0,6 Urban dump deposits in river (McCormick & Murphy 1997) Dublin: Patrick St. Site G: 14th/16thcentury 848 1,0 Urban dump deposits in town moate (McCormick & Murphy 1997) Drogheda: Shop Street732 0,4 Urban habitation layers (McCormick 1984a) Galway: Courthouse Lane: Area 2 - High Medieval 2 086 1,5 Urban habitation layers (Murray 2004) Galway: Courthouse Lane: Area 1 - Late Medieval 1 150 0,4 Urban habitation layers (Murray 2004) Limerick, Charlotte’s Quay (McCormick 1984b) 414 0,2 Urban riverbank and redeposited habitation material Waterford: High St: Late 13th/Early 14thcentury 1 941 0,1 Urban pit fill (McCormick 1997) Waterfod: Bakehouse Lane: Mid 12thcentury 5 275 0,8 Urban dump deposits in town ditch (McCormick 1997) Waterford: Peters St. Plots 1-4: Early 12thcentury 9 928 0,7 Urban habitation layers (McCormick 1997)

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