Efforts to Introduce Inclusive Planning in Egypt
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Deeper-Look Kharas V1
A Deeper Look: How the pandemic is upending development finance May 2020 Patrick Fine, Homi Kharas Page 1 of 16 [Music] Voiceover: A Deeper Look. Exploring what works and what doesn't in development and the changes we can make together to turn ideas into action. Patrick Fine: Hello, listeners. Jobs, livelihoods and economic recovery are front and center on my mind as we hunker down at home in the midst of a worldwide pandemic unlike anything any of us has ever experienced before. Beyond the public health threat that has resulted in currently over 2.5 million people becoming sick and over 185,000 people dying, the COVID-19 pandemic confronts us with the specter of the greatest economic downturn since the Great Depression of the 1930s. The social and political aftershocks are sure to be profound and long lasting. I'm Patrick Fine, CEO of FHI 360, and this is A Deeper Look podcast. This season, we've been exploring the trends and ideas that are shaping the future of development. And, today I have the privilege of speaking with Dr. Homi Kharas, Interim Vice President and Director of the Global Economy and Development Program at the Brookings Institute [Institution], one of the world's leading think tanks dealing with public policy and human development. Homi, thanks very much for joining me on A Deeper Look. Homi Kharas: My pleasure, Patrick. Patrick Fine: Homi, when I first asked you to come onto A Deeper Look, I thought we'd be discussing mega trends that will shape human development over the next ten years. -
Class Politics and Ideology in Revolutionary Egypt
Class Politics and Ideology in Revolutionary Egypt Matthew Wainscott, BA (Hons.) Macquarie University Department of Modern History, Politics, and International Relations Submitted: 11/02/2018 Table of Contents Table of Contents 1 INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter Outline 11 Chapter One: 17 A THEORETICAL FOUNDATION 17 Existing Approaches 19 Antonio Gramsci: A Brief Introduction 24 Gramsci in this Thesis 27 Reading Gramsci 28 Gramsci and the State 31 Historical Bloc 36 War of Manoeuvre/War of Position 41 Passive Revolution 43 Counter-Reformation 51 Hegemony 53 Conclusion 58 Chapter Two: 61 STATE DEVELOPMENT, CLASS, AND IDEOLOGY IN EARLY CAPITALIST EGYPT 61 The Origins of Egyptian Capitalism 63 British Rule, Social Class, and the Rise of the Wafd 66 Egyptian Nationalism 71 Corporatism and the Moral Economy 76 Class Structure in Pre-Nasser Egypt 81 Nasser’s Egypt 85 Nasser’s Decline 91 Conclusion 94 Chapter Three 98 SADAT AND THE ORIGINS OF EGYPTIAN NEOLIBERALISM 98 Sadat: Uncertain Beginnings 101 Political Consolidation 103 Economic Reconfiguration 107 The Impact of Camp David 110 The Foundations of Neoliberalism 113 Class Divisions in A Neoliberal World 117 The Reconstitution, Or Restoration, Of Class Power 120 Neoliberalism and the International Institutions 124 Neoliberalism, Class, and Ideology in Sadat’s Egypt 127 Sadat’s Demise 131 A Door Left Ajar 132 Chapter Four 136 MUBARAK 1981-2004: THE NEOLIBERAL STATE TAKES SHAPE 136 Political Torpidity and Attempted Reform: 1981-1987 139 IFI Agreements 146 Mubarak and Subaltern Struggles 159 Class in -
Rethinking U.S. Economic Aid to Egypt
Rethinking U.S. Economic Aid to Egypt Amy Hawthorne OCTOBER 2016 RETHINKING U.S. ECONOMIC AID TO EGYPT Amy Hawthorne OCTOBER 2016 © 2016 Project on Middle East Democracy. All rights reserved. The Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED) is a nonpartisan, nonprofit, Washington, D.C. based 501(c)(3) organization. The views represented here do not necessarily reflect the views of POMED, its staff, or its Board members. Limited print copies are also available. Project on Middle East Democracy 1730 Rhode Island Avenue NW, Suite 617 Washington DC 20036 www.pomed.org CONTENTS I. Introduction. 2 II. Background . .4 III. The Bilateral Economic Aid Program: Understanding the Basics. 16 IV. Why Has U.S. Economic Aid Not Had A Greater Positive Impact? . 18 V. The Way Forward . 29 VI. Conclusion . 34 PROJECT ON MIDDLE EAST DEMOCRACY 1 RETHINKING U.S. ECONOMIC AID TO EGYPT I. INTRODUCTION Among the many challenges facing the next U.S. administration in the Middle East will be to forge an effective approach toward Egypt. The years following the 2011 popular uprising that overthrew longtime U.S. ally President Hosni Mubarak have witnessed significant friction with Egypt over issues ranging from democracy and human rights, to how each country defines terrorism (Egypt’s definition encompasses peaceful political activity as well as violent actions), to post-Qaddafi Libya, widening a rift between the two countries that began at least a decade ago. Unless the policies of the current Egyptian government shift, the United States can only seek to manage, not repair, this rift. The next U.S. -
Industrial Policy in Egypt 2004–2011
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Loewe, Markus Working Paper Industrial policy in Egypt 2004–2011 Discussion Paper, No. 13/2013 Provided in Cooperation with: German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE), Bonn Suggested Citation: Loewe, Markus (2013) : Industrial policy in Egypt 2004–2011, Discussion Paper, No. 13/2013, ISBN 978-3-88985-616-6, Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE), Bonn This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/199399 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Discussion Paper 13/2013 Industrial Policy in Egypt 2004–2011 Markus Loewe Industrial Policy in Egypt 2004–2011 Markus Loewe Bonn 2013 Discussion Paper / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik ISSN 1860-0441 The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. -
2011 Overview Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized
world development report2011 Overview Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Conflict, Security, and Development world development report2011 Confl ict, Security, and Development world development report2011 Confl ict, Security, and Development Overview © 2011 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street NW Washington DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000 Internet: www.worldbank.org All rights reserved 1 2 3 4 14 13 12 11 This document summarizes the World Development Report 2011. It is a product of the staff of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank. The fi ndings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this volume do not necessarily refl ect the views of the Executive Directors of The World Bank or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgement on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Rights and Permissions The material in this publication is copyrighted. Copying and/or transmitting portions or all of this work without permission may be a violation of applicable law. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank encourages dissemination of its work and will normally grant permission to reproduce portions of the work promptly. For permission to photocopy or reprint any part of this work, please send a request with complete information to the Copyright Clearance Center Inc., 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, USA; telephone: 978-750-8400; fax: 978-750-4470; Internet: www.copyright.com. -
Playing with Fire. the Muslim Brotherhood and the Egyptian
Playing with Fire.The Muslim Brotherhood and the Egyptian Leviathan Daniela Pioppi After the fall of Mubarak, the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) decided to act as a stabilising force, to abandon the street and to lend democratic legiti- macy to the political process designed by the army. The outcome of this strategy was that the MB was first ‘burned’ politically and then harshly repressed after having exhausted its stabilising role. The main mistakes the Brothers made were, first, to turn their back on several opportunities to spearhead the revolt by leading popular forces and, second, to keep their strategy for change gradualist and conservative, seeking compromises with parts of the former regime even though the turmoil and expectations in the country required a much bolder strategy. Keywords: Egypt, Muslim Brotherhood, Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, Arab Spring This article aims to analyse and evaluate the post-Mubarak politics of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) in an attempt to explain its swift political parable from the heights of power to one of the worst waves of repression in the movement’s history. In order to do so, the analysis will start with the period before the ‘25th of January Revolution’. This is because current events cannot be correctly under- stood without moving beyond formal politics to the structural evolution of the Egyptian system of power before and after the 2011 uprising. In the second and third parts of this article, Egypt’s still unfinished ‘post-revolutionary’ political tran- sition is then examined. It is divided into two parts: 1) the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF)-led phase from February 2011 up to the presidential elections in summer 2012; and 2) the MB-led phase that ended with the military takeover in July 2013 and the ensuing violent crackdown on the Brotherhood. -
“Jesters Do Oft Prove Prophets” William Shakespeare King Lear (Act 5, Scene 3)
CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION “Jesters do oft prove prophets” William Shakespeare King Lear (Act 5, Scene 3) During Medieval times, kings kept jesters for amusement and telling jokes. Jesters played the role of both entertainers and advisers, sarcastically mocking reality to entertain and amuse. The jester’s unique position in the court allowed him to tell the king the truth upfront that no one else dared to speak, under the cover of telling it as a jest (Glenn, 2011). In this sense, contemporary political satire has given birth to many modern-day jesters, one of the most famous worldwide being Jon Stewart, and on a more local scale but also gaining widespread popularity, Bassem Youssef. Political satire is a global genre. It dates back to the 1960s, originating in Britain, and has now become transnational, with cross-cultural flows of the format popular and flourishing across various countries (Baym & Jones, 2012). The Daily Show with Jon Stewart and The Colbert Report are examples of popular political satire shows in the United States. Both shows have won Emmy awards and Jon Stewart was named one of Time magazine’s 100 most influential people in the world. Research on political satire shows that it does not have unified effects on its audiences. Different types of satire lead to distinct influences on viewers (Baumgartner & Morris, 2006; Baumgartner & Morris, 2008; Holbert et al, 2013; Lee, 2013). Moreover, viewers of different comedy shows are not homogeneous in nature. The Daily Show's audience was found to be more politically interested and knowledgeable than Leno and Letterman viewers (Young & Tisinger, 2006). -
'Bread, Dignity and Social Justice': the Political
briefing paper page 1 ‘Bread, Dignity and Social Justice’: The Political Economy of Egypt’s Transition Jane Kinninmont Middle East and North Africa Programme | April 2012 | MENAP BP 2012/01 Summary points zz In Egypt’s 2011 uprising, political and economic grievances were closely linked in attempts to address complex problems of corruption and injustice. But the cross- class, cross-ideology coalition that united behind the uprising has predictably fragmented, and different groups now have divergent views on the applicability of liberal economic policies to Egypt. zz The Islamist parties which between them won a majority in the 2011–12 parliamentary election appear to favour the continuation of a broadly pro-market policy, although, like all parties, they have emphasized the need for greater ‘social justice’ and less corruption. Leftist groups and trade unions remain largely unrepresented in parliament and tensions may be brewing between labour and Islamist forces over economic policy. zz Uncertainty over future economic policy is currently deterring investment. Although economic policy was not the main focus in the parliamentary election campaign, there is a pressing need for all parties to develop their economic blueprints further. zz Debates over the role of the state, the free market and the nature of globalization are part of democratic self-determination. Rather than repeating old mantras about the intrinsic desirability of a smaller public sector, external actors need to remember that economic policy advice on the role of the state is not purely technical but value-laden. www.chathamhouse.org ‘Bread, Dignity and Social Justice’: The Political Economy of Egypt’s Transition page 2 Introduction and revealed the transformative potential of street protest, When a popular uprising overthrew President Hosni bottom-up coalition-building and mass campaigning. -
THE UN HAS LOST the AID-EFFECTIVENESS RACE: WHAT IS to BE DONE? Robert Picciotto
Briefing 14 February 2014 THE UN HAS LOST THE AID-EFFECTIVENESS RACE: WHAT IS TO BE DONE? Robert Picciotto Recent events have confirmed that the United Nations has a deep reservoir of goodwill worldwide. But its reputation is undermined by the ineffectiveness of its development assistance. UN agencies could improve their performance by implementing effective evaluations. However, the UN cannot be judged solely on the basis of its development assistance because the organization plays a key role in ensuring security, operating humanitarian missions, and setting global norms. The current focus on aid results came to the center stage of A new post-2015 development agenda is currently in the works. The development cooperation when the first High Level Forum on Aid landmark report by the High Level Panel of Eminent Persons was Effectiveness was held in Rome in 2003. By then the optimism of delivered to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon in May 2013, the “can do” post-war era had evaporated, and the international which again calls on donors to increase official development community of states was searching for a new consensus to sustain assistance to 0.7% of their gross national products (GNP).2 This public support for development assistance. The Millennium increase will force donor countries to demonstrate to their hard- Development Goals (MDGs) were unveiled in Monterrey in 2002. pressed taxpayers that aid produces results. In particular, the bar They provided a fresh vision for global poverty reduction. set for the replenishment of aid resources channeled through multilateral development assistance organizations will be raised In parallel throughout the past decade, effectiveness in aid delivery and the competition for core contributions to UN organizations remained a dominant policy concern. -
Industrial Policy in Egypt 2004–2011
Discussion Paper 13/2013 Industrial Policy in Egypt 2004–2011 Markus Loewe Industrial Policy in Egypt 2004–2011 Markus Loewe Bonn 2013 Discussion Paper / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik ISSN 1860-0441 The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. ISBN 978-3-88985-616-6 Markus Loewe, Department "Competitiveness and Social Development", German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE), Bonn E-Mail: [email protected] © Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik gGmbH Tulpenfeld 6, 53113 Bonn +49 (0)228 94927-0 +49 (0)228 94927-130 E-Mail: [email protected] www.die-gdi.de Contents Abbreviations Summary 1 1 Introduction 3 2 Industrial policies in developing countries – a conceptual framework 5 3 The context of industrial policy-making in Egypt from 2004 to 2011 9 3.1 Framework conditions for economic development 9 3.2 Main challenges for industrial transformation 13 3.3 The history of industrial policy from 1952 to 2004 17 3.4 The political constellation between 2004 and 2011 26 4 Strategies and instruments of industrial policies in Egypt from 2004 to 2011 30 4.1 General economic policy reforms 30 4.2 The ‘Egypt Industrial Development Strategy’ of the Ministry for Trade and Industry 31 4.3 Micro- and small enterprise promotion by the Social Fund for Development 39 4.4 The Ministry of Investment and the General Authority for Investment and Free Zones 40 4.5 Strengths and -
International Economic Cooperation
Chapter 4: International Economic Cooperation “Capitalism” is a dirty word for many intellectuals, but there are a number of studies showing that open economies and free trade are negatively cor- related with genocide and war. —Steven Pinker Chapters 2 and 3 dealt with geopolitical risks that could lead to signifi- cant setbacks in the world economy and financial markets. From wars to ter- ror attacks to commodity price shocks, we have looked at the three horsemen of the geopolitical apocalypse. To lift our readers up from the depths of their depression, I focus in this chapter on the geopolitical events and develop- ments that lead to increased growth and are beneficial for the global economy and financial markets. I will examine the international institutions, often criticized, that promote economic cooperation and liberalization. Then, I will consider the benefits and drawbacks of globalization and free trade and dis- cuss economic diplomacy as a means to attract foreign investment. Building a New World Order In order to follow the coming discussions, you need to understand the ori- gin of today’s economic world order and why it was set up the way it was. This journey takes us to a warship in the Atlantic Ocean, a small town in New Hampshire in the United States, and the capital of Uruguay. Atlantic Charter. In August 1941, World War II was in full swing. Nazi Germany occupied most of Europe and had recently launched its surprise attack on the Soviet Union. In a month’s time, Adolph Hitler, Chancellor of the German Reich, would set in motion his march on Moscow. -
JICA USA Newsletter September/October 2012
JICA USA Newsletter September/October 2012 The JICA USA Newsletter is a bi-monthly publication which seeks to provide information on JICA’s activities in Washington, DC and around the world. If you are interested in receiving this electronic newsletter, please contact [email protected] to be added to our mailing list. In this issue: • JICA brings perspectives from the field to the IMF-World Bank Annual Meetings in Tokyo • Brookings, AFD, and JICA discuss inclusive growth after the Arab Spring • Japan pitches its ideas for the Post-2015 Development Agenda • JICA promotes strategic partnerships to address global hunger and malnutrition • Latest JICA’s World focuses on assistance to India and Myanmar • Message from Chief Representative Nakazawa: The U.S. presidential election and development aid JICA brings perspectives from the field to the IMF-World Bank Annual Meetings in Tokyo By Mariko Schmitz, Program Officer When the IMF-World Bank Annual Meetings opened on October 9 in Tokyo, the main objective was to advise global leaders on financial vulnerability. The top concern was the ability of the European Union to address its sovereign debt crisis, which remains a large threat to global economic stability. As anticipated, the outcome documents revisited the major international development events of the last 18 months, namely democracy and employment in the Middle East, infrastructure development and food security in Africa, and disaster risk management. Rather than developing new solutions, these meetings provided a platform for world financial leaders to show progress on decreasing sovereign risk, encouraging equitable growth, creating jobs, and improving global health.